Search results for: democratic constitutionalism

Authors: Sabrina Howard

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'Window Seat' uses public transportation as an entry point for understanding the relationship between public space, politics, and social identity construction. This project argues that by bringing people of different races, classes, and genders in 'contact' with one another, public transit operates as a site of exposure, as people consciously and unconsciously perform social identity within these spaces. These performances offer a form of freedom that we associate with being in urban spaces while simultaneously rendering certain racialized, gendered, and classed bodies vulnerable to violence. Furthermore, due to its exposing function, public transit operates as a site through which we, as urbanites and scholars, can read social injustice and reflect on the work that is necessary to become a truly democratic society. The major questions guiding this research are: How does using public transit as the entry point provide unique insights into the relationship between social identity, politics, and public space? What ideas do Americans hold about public space and how might these ideas reflect a liberal yearning for a more democratic society? To address these research questions, 'Window Seat' critically examines ethnographic data collected on public buses and trains in Los Angeles, California, and online news media. It analyzes these sources through literature in socio-cultural psychology, sociology, and political science. It investigates the 'everyday urban hero' narrative or popular news stories that feature an individual or group of people acting against discriminatory or 'Anti-American' behavior on public buses and trains. 'Window Seat' studies these narratives to assert that by circulating stories of civility in news media, United Statsians construct and maintain ideas of the 'liberal city,' which is characterized by ideals of freedom and democracy. Furthermore, for those involved, these moments create an opportunity to perform the role of the Good Samaritan, an identity that is wrapped up in liberal beliefs in diversity and inclusion. This research expands conversations in urban studies by making a case for the political significance of urban public space. It demonstrates how these sites serve as spaces through which liberal beliefs are circulated and upheld through identity performance.

Keywords: social identity, public space, public transportation, liberalism

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Authors: Vaclav Sadilek, Miroslav Vorechovsky

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The paper deals with the classical fiber bundle model of equal load sharing, sometimes referred to as the Daniels' bundle or the democratic bundle. Daniels formulated a multidimensional integral and also a recursive formula for evaluation of the strength cumulative distribution function. This paper describes three algorithms for evaluation of the recursive formula and also their implementations with source codes in high-level programming language Python. A comparison of the algorithms are provided with respect to execution time. Analysis of orders of magnitudes of addends in the recursion is also provided.

Keywords: equal load sharing, mpmath, python, strength of Daniels' bundle

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Authors: Sylvie Ekanga Lumumba

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Background and Significance of the Study: Over the past three decades, the perception of sexual violence has changed significantly, it is now recognized that men and boys are victims of sexual violence. However, the body of research on male victims and particularly on their attackers is much more limited. Research on the above is thus more than required. To contribute to the above quest for further studies, the researcher conducted this study on sexual violence perpetrated against men and boys by women, in the Municipality of Ibanda, Town of Bukavu, Province of South Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo. The main study objectives were the following: to investigate on the statement of sexual violence perpetrated against men and boys in the Municipality of Ibanda, to investigate into its consequences and the statement of medical and psycho-social care given to victims. Methodology: Data were collected using valid and reliable Survey Questionnaire and Interview Schedule. Study population: the 85,882 men and boys from the Municipality of Ibanda. Sampling: led to 150 men and boys, received discreetly by the researcher during November-December 2015. Major findings: First, findings related to sexual abuse and its procedure: 74.2% of men and boys were victims of sexual violence perpetrated by a woman, more than a year ago. 13.3% however, were victims for less than a year now. 79.7% of victims have experienced sexual violence by a sexual act; 3.9% through the intention of the woman to cause the death of the victim, by serious injury to the genitals. The Second group of findings related to the consequences of sexual violence revealed that HIV/AIDS is the most important physical consequence experienced by 77.3 % of victims. Physical psychological consequences are: urinary or defecation problems (72.7%); while key psycho-emotional and behavioral consequence is: living a state of deep shame and humiliation: 68.8%. As for sexual consequences: 71.1% indicated a chronic avoidance of sexual activity and 57% reported sexual dysfunctions. The third group of findings is related to medical and psycho-social care: repetitively, more than 80% of male victims affirmed that with the help of friends and traditional healers, they took care of themselves for all the eight WHO phases of clinical care of rape victims, this was hence not effectively done. Concluding Statement: for this study, the statement of sexual violence of men and boys by women in the Eastern Congo and its consequences are not researched upon and are underestimated; the study also revealed that the care of male victims is grossly ill-conducted, as opposed to female victims care. It therefore calls for further research and further vulgarization of the research results, to convince other stakeholders (politicians for example) to immediately take action.

Keywords: sexual violence, men and boys, medical care, psycho-social care

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Authors: Nur Sofi Hidayah, Ratih Tri Purwatiningsih

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Learning is a process attempts person to obtain a new behavior changes as a whole, as a result of his own experience in the interaction with the environment. Learning involves our brain to think, while the ability of the brain to each student's performance is different. To obtain optimal learning results then need time to learn the exact hour that the brain's performance is not too heavy. Referring to the learning system in Finland which apply 45 minutes to learn and a 15-minute break is expected to be the brain work better, with the rest of the brain, the brain will be more focused and lessons can be absorbed well. It can be concluded that learning in this way students learn with brain always fresh and the best possible use of the time, but it can make students not saturated in a lesson.

Keywords: learning, working hours brain, time efficient learning, working hours in the brain receive stimulus.

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Authors: Sani Shehu, Mohd Afandi Salleh

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Parliament is a law making body which provided at national, state, province and territorial level playing a parliamentary role of representing people, law making, peace, and conflict resolution, ratifying and incorporating international convention into municipal law. Parliaments are created globally to give solid legitimacy to good governance under democratic system of government, and the representatives must be elected by the people, so the ECOWAS parliament is entitled to have this legitimacy, where members must be elected by adult people among the citizens of ECOWAS member states. This paper will discuss on the roles that ECOWAS parliament plays for the achievement of regional integration and economic goals of development and cooperation in the sub-region.

Keywords: ECOWAS parliament, composition, competence, power

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Authors: Francesco Pisano

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Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

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Authors: Marina Diković

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By giving personal opinions, suggestions and criticism through e-democracy, young people can reinforce the adoption of decisions which they have an impact on. The purpose of this research was to examine the opinion of university students about the possibility of their decision-making by using information and communication technology (ICT). The questionnaire examined young people's values and behaviour associated with e-democracy and the related decision-making. Students are most active online when it comes to finding information connected with their academic responsibilities, but less frequently take part in democratic processes in society, both at the national and local level. E-democracy as a tool can be learned in programmes of Human Rights Education and Citizenship Education. 

Keywords: active citizens, e-democracy, information and communication technology (ICT), university students

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Authors: Jane Ebele Iloanya

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The introduction of the learning outcome approach in contemporary curriculum design and instruction, has brought student–centered education to the fore. In teacher –centered teaching and learning, the teacher transfers knowledge to the students, who are always at the receiving end. The teacher is assumed to know it all and hardly trusts the knowledge of the students. Teacher-centered education places emphasis on the supremacy of the teacher over the students who should ideally, be able to dialogue with the teacher. The paper seeks to examine the issue of democratisation of the teaching and learning process in Institutions of Higher Learning in Botswana. Botswana is a landlocked country in Southern Africa, with a total population of about two million people. In 1977, Botswana’s First National Policy on Education was unveiled. This came eleven years after the country gained independence from Great Britain. The philosophy which informed the 1977 Education Policy was “Social Harmony”. The philosophy of social harmony has four main principles: Unity, Development, Democracy and Self- Reliance. These principles were meant to permeate all aspects of lives of the people of Botswana, including, the issue of how teaching and learning is conducted in Botswana’s institutions of higher learning. This paper will examine the practicalisation of the principle of democracy in teaching and learning at higher education level in Botswana. It will in particular, discuss the issue of students’ participation and engagement in the teaching and learning process. The following questions will be addressed: 1.Are students involved in planning the curriculum? 2.How engaged are the students in the teaching and learning process? 3.How democratic are the teachers in terms of students’ rights and privileges? A mixed–method approach will be adopted in this study. Questionnaires will be distributed to the students to elicit their views on the practicalisation of the principle of democracy at the higher education level. Semi-structured interview questions will be administered in order to collect information from the lecturers on the issue of democratisation of teaching and learning at the higher education level in Botswana. In addition, relevant and related literature will be reviewed to augment collected data. The study will focus on three tertiary institutions in Gaborone, the capital city of Botswana. Currently, there are ten tertiary institutions in Gaborone; both privately and government owned. The outcome of this study will add to the existing body of knowledge on the issue of the practicalisation of democracy at the higher education level in Botswana. This research is therefore relevant in helping to find out if democratisation of teaching and learning has been realised in Botswana’s Institutions of higher learning. It is important to examine Botswana’s national policy on education in this way to ascertain if it has been effective in giving the country’s education system that democratic element, which is essential for a student-centered approach to the teaching and learning process.

Keywords: democratisation, higher education, learning, teaching

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Authors: Kayode Julius Oni

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Without mincing words, democracy is by far the most popular form of government in the world today. No matter how we look at it, and regardless of the variant, most leaders in the world today wish to be seen or labeled as Democrats. Perhaps, its attractions in terms of freedom of allocation, accountability, smooth successions of leadership and a lot more, account for its appeal to the ordinary people. The governance style in Nigeria since 1999 cannot be said to be different from the military. Elections are manipulated, judicial processes abused, and the ordinary people do not have access to the dividends of democracy. The paper seeks to address the existing failures experienced under democratic rule in Nigeria which have to transcend into violation of human rights in the conduct of government business. The paper employs the primary and secondary sources of data collection, and it is highly descriptive and critical.

Keywords: democracy, human rights, Nigeria, politics, republic

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Authors: Sondos Shaheen

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This paper employs a newly constructed composite indicator of social uprisings (SUCI) to analyze the causes of their occurrence. This empirical study is based on an unbalanced panel of 45 countries over the period of 1982–2007. The paper’s contribution to the literature is distinguishing between the causes of violent and nonviolent uprisings. The analysis shows that that certain variables have a significant impact on both violent and nonviolent uprisings in terms of relative SUCI values, for example, ethnic fractionalization and mountainous terrain. Nevertheless, differences between the causes of violent and nonviolent uprisings can be found. For example, life dissatisfaction is related to nonviolent social uprisings, but when life dissatisfaction is accompanied by democratic dissatisfaction, violent social uprisings are more likely.

Keywords: social uprisings, relative deprivation, dissatisfaction, mobilization, anti-government movements, causes

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Authors: Noxolo Mafu

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This study presents an overview of strategic planning in South African higher education institutions by tracing its trends and mystique in order to identify its impact. Over the democratic decades, strategic planning has become integral to institutional survival. It has been used as a potent tool by several institutions to catch up and surpass counterparts. While planning has always been part of higher education, strategic planning should be considered different. Strategic planning is primarily about development and maintenance of a strategic fitting between an institution and its dynamic opportunities. This presupposes existence of sets of stages that institutions pursue of which, can be regarded for assessment of the impact of strategic planning in an institution. The network theory serves guides the study in demystifying apparent organisational networks in strategic planning processes.

Keywords: network theory, strategy, planning, strategic planning, assessment, impact

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Authors: Jyoti Sharma

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India and Pakistan are two strategically important neighboring countries in Asia-Pacific region. Since independence of more than six decades, both, India and Pakistan have transverse different paths, India as a Sovereign, Democratic, Republic Country and Pakistan as Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The advent of democracy in India and Islamic republic in Pakistan resulted in new hopes, aspirations and demands on education. During the six decades after Independence, teacher education in both countries has come a long way from its initial bleak stature to gain an identity as a complex network of institutions and programs. The present paper takes a close look into the paradigm shift in teacher education programs in India and Pakistan and how much the shift is influenced by constitutional frameworks of each country.

Keywords: pre-service teachers, teacher education reforms, India, Pakistan

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Authors: Estela Macedo Alves

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This paper is an overview on public policy analysis focused on the study of Brazilian public policy making process. The methodology is based on the review of some theories on the subject, linking them to Brazilian reality. The study presents basic policy analysis concepts, such as policy, polity and politics. It is emphasized John Kingdon's Multiple Stream Model, because of its clarifying aspects concerning public policies formulation process in democratic countries. In this path it was possible to establish interpretations on environmental public policies in Brazil and understand its methods, instead of presenting only a case study. At the end, it is possible to connect theory with Brazilian reality, identifying negative and positive points of its political processes and structure.

Keywords: Brazilian policies, environmental public policy, multiple stream model, public policy analysis

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Marie-Laure Mimoun-Sorel

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Scholars concerned with the destiny of human species point out that our future will not only depend on progress made in technology and sciences but above all it will depend on human progress understood as quality of being. Teachers are significant force in developing a knowledgeable, creative, productive and democratic society. The values that underpin their profession are integrity, respect and responsibility. Therefore, being a teacher in the context of the 21st century requires embracing a Transdisciplinary Attitude which is about venturing within, between, across and beyond disciplines in order to bring forth quality of being in every learning process. In this article, the Transdisciplinary Attitude is defined and its benefits are shown through examples of Transdisciplinary inquiries in an Australian school. Finally, the conclusion invites to reflect on quality of teaching in regard to the development of individual autonomy, community participation and awareness of belonging to the human species.

Keywords: human progress, quality of being, quality of teaching, transdisciplinary attitude in education

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Authors: Igone Guerra, Xabier Barandiaran

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The deep crisis (economic, social and cultural) in which Europe and Gipuzkoa, in the Basque Country (Spain), have been immersed in since 2008 forces governments to face a necessary transformation. These challenges demand different solutions and answers to meet the needs of the citizens. Adapting to continuous and sometimes abrupt changes in the social and political landscape requires an undeniable will to reinvent the way in which governments practice politics. This reinvention of government should help us build different organizations that, first, develop challenging public services, second, respond effectively to the needs of the citizens, and third, manage scarce resources, ultimately offering a contemporary concept of public value. In this context, the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative was designed to face the future challenges of the territory in a collaborative way. The aim of the initiative is to promote an alternative form of governance to generate common good and greater public value. In Etorkizuna Eraikiz democratic values, such as collaboration, participation, and accountability are prominent. This government approach is based on several features such as the creation of relational spaces to design and deliberate about the public politics or the promotion of a team-working approach, breaking down the silos between and within organizations, as an exercise in defining a shared vision regarding the Future of the Territory. A future in which the citizens are becoming actors in the problem-solving process and in the construction of a culture of participation and collective learning. In this paper, the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative will be presented (vision and methodology) as a model of a local approach to public policy innovation resulting in a way of governance that is more open and collaborative. Based on this case study, this paper explores the way in which collaborative governance leads to better decisions, better leadership, and better citizenry. Finally, the paper also describes some preliminary findings of this local approach, such as the level of knowledge of the citizenry about the projects promoted within Etorkizuna Eraikiz as well as the link between the challenges of the territory, as identified by the citizenry, and the political agenda promoted by the provincial government. Regarding the former, the Survey on the socio-political situation of Gipuzkoa showed that 27.9% of the respondents confirmed that they knew about the projects promoted within the initiative and gave it a mark of 5.71. In connection with the latter, over the last three years, 65 millions of euros have been allocated for a total of 73 projects that have covered socio-economic and political challenges such as aging, climate change, mobility, participation in democratic life, and so on. This governance approach of Etorkizuna Eraikiz has allowed the local government to match the needs of citizens to the political agenda fostering in this way a shared vision about the public value.

Keywords: collaborative governance, citizen participation, public good, social listening, public innovation

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Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

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The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

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Authors: Tom Turner

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The recent financial crisis in 2008 and the growing inequality in developed industrial societies would appear to present significant challenges to capitalism and the free market. Yet there have been few substantial mainstream political or economic challenges to the dominant capitalist and market paradigm to-date. There is no dearth of critical and theoretical (academic) analyses regarding the prevailing systems failures. Yet despite the growing inequality in the developed industrial societies and the financial crisis in 2008 few commentators have advocated the comprehensive socialization or state ownership of the means of production to our knowledge – a core principle of radical Marxism in the 19th and early part of the 20th century. Undoubtedly the experience in the Soviet Union and satellite countries in the 20th century has cast a dark shadow over the notion of centrally controlled economies and state ownership of the means of production. In this paper, we explore the history of a doctrine advocating the socialization or state ownership of the means of production that was central to Marxism and socialism generally. Indeed this doctrine provoked an intense and often acrimonious debate especially for left-wing parties throughout the 20th century. The debate within the political economy tradition has historically tended to divide into a radical and a revisionist approach to changing or reforming capitalism. The radical perspective views the conflict of interest between capital and labor as a persistent and insoluble feature of a capitalist society and advocates the public or state ownership of the means of production. Alternatively, the revisionist perspective focuses on issues of distribution rather than production and emphasizes the possibility of compromise between capital and labor in capitalist societies. Over the 20th century, the radical perspective has faded and even the social democratic revisionist tradition has declined in recent years. We conclude with the major challenges that confront both the radical and revisionist perspectives in the development of viable policy agendas in mature developed democratic societies. Additionally, we consider whether state ownership of the means of production still has relevance in the 21st century and to what extent state ownership is off the agenda as a political issue in the political mainstream in developed industrial societies. A central argument in the paper is that state ownership of the means of production is unlikely to feature as either a practical or theoretical solution to the problems of capitalism post the financial crisis among mainstream political parties of the left. Although the focus here is solely on the shifting views of the radical and revisionist socialist perspectives in the western European tradition the analysis has relevance for the wider socialist movement.

Keywords: sate ownership, ownership means of production, radicals, revisionists

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Authors: V. Esteves

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As products of participatory culture, internet memes represent a global form of interaction with online culture. These digital objects draw upon a rich historical engagement with remix practices that dates back decades: from the copy and paste practices of Dadaism and punk to the re-appropriation techniques of the Situationist International; memes echo a long established form of cultural creativity that pivots on the art of the remix. Online culture has eagerly embraced the changes that the Web 2.0 afforded in terms of making use of remixing as an accessible form of societal expression, bridging these remix practices of the past into a more widely available and accessible platform. Memes embody the idea of 'intercreativity', allowing global creative collaboration to take place through networked digital media; they reflect the core values of participation and interaction that are present throughout much internet discourse whilst also existing in a historical remix continuum. Memes hold the power of cultural symbolism manipulated by global audiences through which societies make meaning, as these remixed digital objects have an elasticity and low literacy level that allows for a democratic form of cultural engagement and meaning-making by and for users around the world. However, because memes are so elastic, their ability to be re-appropriated by other powers for reasons beyond their original intention has become evident. Recently, corporations have made use of internet memes for advertising purposes, engaging in the circulation and re-appropriation of internet memes in commercial spaces – which has, in turn, complicated this relation between online users and memes' democratic possibilities further. By engaging in a widespread online ethnography supplemented by in-depth interviews with meme makers, this research was able to not only track different online meme use through commercial contexts, but it also allowed the possibility to engage in qualitative discussions with meme makers and users regarding their perception and experience of these varying commercial uses of memes. These can be broadly put within two categories: internet memes that are turned into physical merchandise and the use of memes in advertising to sell other (non-meme related) products. Whilst there has been considerable acceptance of the former type of commercial meme use, the use of memes in adverts in order to sell unrelated products has been met with resistance. The changes in reception regarding commercial meme use is dependent on ideas of cultural ownership and perceptions of authorship, ultimately uncovering underlying socio-cultural ideologies that come to the fore within these overlapping contexts. Additionally, this adoption of memes by corporate powers echoes the recuperation process that the Situationist International endured, creating a further link with older remix cultures and their lifecycles.

Keywords: commodification, internet culture, memes, recuperation, remix

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Authors: Maxim Kravchenko

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The paper looks into the structure and contents of the concept of empire in the social consciousness of modern Americans. To construct the model of this socially and politically relevant concept we have conducted an experiment with respondents born and living in the USA. Empire is seen as a historic notion describing such entities as the British empire, the Russian empire, the Ottoman empire and others. It seems that the democratic regime adopted by most countries worldwide is incompatible with imperial status of a country. Yet there are countries which tend to dominate in the contemporary world and though they are not routinely referred to as empires, in many respects they are reminiscent of historical empires. Thus, the central hypothesis of the study is that the concept of empire is cultivated in some states through the intermediary of the mass media though it undergoes a certain transformation to meet the expectations of a democratic society. The transformation implies that certain components which were historically embedded in its structure are drawn to the margins of the hierarchical structure of the concept whereas other components tend to become central to the concept. This process can be referred to as restructuration of the concept of empire. To verify this hypothesis we have conducted a study which falls into two stages. First we looked into the definition of empire featured in dictionaries, the dominant conceptual components of empire are: importance, territory/lands, recognition, independence, authority/power, supreme/absolute. However, the analysis of 100 articles from American newspapers chosen at random revealed that authors rarely use the word «empire» in its basic meaning (7%). More often «empire» is used when speaking about countries, which no longer exist or when speaking about some corporations (like Apple or Google). At the second stage of the study we conducted an associative experiment with the citizens of the USA aged 19 to 45. The purpose of the experiment was to find out the dominant components of the concept of empire and to construct the model of the transformed concept. The experiment stipulated that respondents should give the first association, which crosses their mind, on reading such stimulus phrases as “strong military”, “strong economy” and others. The list of stimuli features various words and phrases associated with empire including the words representing the dominant components of the concept of empire. Then the associations provided by the respondents were classified into thematic clusters. For instance, the associations to the stimulus “strong military” were compartmentalized into three groups: 1) a country with strong military forces (North Korea, the USA, Russia, China); 2) negative impression of strong military (war, anarchy, conflict); 3) positive impression of strong military (peace, safety, responsibility). The experiment findings suggest that the concept of empire is currently undergoing a transformation which brings about a number of changes. Among them predominance of positively assessed components of the concept; emergence of two poles in the structure of the concept, that is “hero” vs. “enemy”; marginalization of any negatively assessed components.

Keywords: associative experiment, conceptual components, empire, restructurasation of the concept

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Rosabelle Boswell

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South Africa, a country with experience of both colonial rule and apartheid is now more than 25 years past its first democratic elections. However, and as noted in this article, South Africa is still experiencing the legacies of racial segregation and is concerned to address inequality by attracting investment for socioeconomic development. The paper offered considers five cultural heritage impact assessments conducted in South Africa for offshore oil and gas exploration and development. The results of the research, from more than 20 towns and cities in southern Africa, indicate a rich intangible cultural heritage in South Africa and Namibia, and the potential impacts on investor engagements for more inclusive and sustainable coastal development practices. The discussion advances critical heritage studies, taking into account socioeconomic realities and aboriginal concepts of nature and nature management.

Keywords: cultural heritage impact assessments, intangible cultural heritage, South Africa, ocean philosophies

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Authors: Ryan Brading

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The results of Taiwan’s presidential election, which took place on 11 January 2020, were alarming for the Kuomintang (KMT). A party that was once the pillar of Taiwan’s institutional apparatus is now losing its direction. Since 2016, the inability of KMT to construct a winning presidential election campaign strategy has made its Chinese ancestry an obstacle in Taiwan’s vibrant and transparent democracy. The appearance of the little-known legislator Han Kuo-yu as the leadership alternative opened the possibility of reigniting the party. Han’s victory in the Kaohsiung mayoral election in November 2018 provided hope that Han could also win the presidency. Wrongly described as a populist, Han, however, was defeated in the January 2020 presidential race. This article analyses why Han is not a populist, his triumph in Kaohsiung, humiliation in running for the presidency and suffering a complete ‘loss of face’ when Kaohsiungers democratically ousted him from the mayoral post on 6 June 2020.

Keywords: populism, 1992 consensus, youth vote, Taiwan, recall

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Authors: Hawre Hasan Hama, Choman Mahmood H. Rashid

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The four-year armed conflict between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) ended in September 1998 under the terms of the Washington Agreement. Since then, there has been a quarter-century of durable peace between the two combatant parties, though they have often been at odds politically. Based on interviews with Kurdish political leaders from both parties, this paper argues that sharing or dividing power across all four dimensions of state power — political, military, territorial, and economic — has played a vital role ensuring the durability of the peace settlement. The paper traces the KDP-PUK power sharing system through three stages: the transition stage (1998-2006), the “golden” period (2006-2013), the “weakening” period (2013 to present).

Keywords: peace settlement, enduring peace, power-sharing and power dividing, Iraqi Kurdistan.

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Authors: S. Roman

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This qualitative study used semi-structured interviews with three Canadian educators to examine peace-based pedagogies used in varied teaching contexts and the degree to which the teaching strategies implemented were aligned with goals of peace-keeping, peace-making or peace-building in the classroom. In this research, the teachers’ peace-oriented pedagogy was influenced by various strands of peace education theory, and as such shaped their conceptualization of ‘peace’. The study’s result shows that when educators implemented government-mandated curriculum, they worked around it and/or added content that increased opportunities for democratic peacebuilding. In addition, all three teachers also strengthened their peace-oriented practice by incorporating conflict resolution skills in and outside the classroom to augment a common social-justice oriented goal for peace-making and peace-keeping and made various distinctions around the conditions necessary for peace-building.

Keywords: citizenship, peace-building education, peace-building curriculum, pedagogy

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Authors: Kechikeche Nabil

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The MENA region has undergone many mutations throughout history. The most significant one was, yet, to happen during the colonial era, where the Arab Muslim ‘cosmic’ clock was recalibrated to match a more or less modern perception of time. As for modern civic and political experiences of life, they were left in a state of inertia. This article considers the problematic amalgam of traditional Islam, modernity and democratization in the Arab world, as well as the effects on the configuration of recent progressive endeavours. It is argued that the assimilation of democratic ethos - as a requisite for modernity - depends on the assimilation of power, progress and time, by what is referred to as the Umma. Drawing on postmodern and political literature, it is suggested that because of a conceptualization which draws mainly on traditional Islam, the Umma and the state in the Arab world remain in conflict while, at times, they appear to act collaboratively, either to embrace modernity or to obstruct democratization.

Keywords: Islam, democracy, Arab world, modernity

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Authors: Amir Shafiq, Asif Shahzad, Shabbar Mehmood, Muhammad Saeed, Hamid Mustafa

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Administration of justice in a society is evolutionary process. In pre-modern societies vital organs that we consider separate today i.e. legislation, implementation and adjudication were controlled by a King, the sovereign authority. Whereas now it is recognized that Development of a country revolves in seven arenas i.e. Civil Society, Political Society, Economic Society, Legislature, Judiciary, Executive & Bureaucracy. Each society whether developing or developed, has need of institutions and structures that can resolve difference of opinions of private or public nature between contending parties. Administration of justice has a key-role in the development of the society. Through this paper, it is to highlight that an independent judiciary having the support of public opinion therefore is inevitable to wriggle out from such problems in order to restore and protect the fundamental rights, constitution and democratic political system in third world countries like Pakistan.

Keywords: role of judiciary, developing countries, judicial activism, present scenario

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Authors: Andrew Ka Pok Tam

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Kierkegaard has been misinterpreted as an anti-social philosopher for a long time until in recent years when there are more discussions on his concept of community in Journals and Papers inspired by Karl Bayer. Community which is based upon an individual's relations to others is different from the crowd or the public where the numerical or the majority make decisions. As a result, authenticity is only possible in the community. But Kierkegaard did not explain how we can preserve the individual's authenticity by establishing a community instead of a public in the reality. Kierkegaard was against the democratic reform in 1848 Denmark because he thought all elections mean the majority wins and the authenticity of a single individual would be suppressed. However, Kierkegaard himself does not suggest an alternative political system that may preserve the authenticity of individual. This paper aims to evaluate the possibility for us to establish a Kierkegaadian community in practice so as to preserve every individual's authenticity. This paper argues that the practicality of Kierekegaadian community is limited. In order to have effective communications and relations among individuals, a Kierkegaardian community must be small and inefficient as every individual's must remain authentic in all political decision for the whole community.

Keywords: authenticity, community, individual, kierkegaard

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Authors: J. Lück, S. Rudman

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Language has long been a site of struggle in South Africa with an educational language policy that favoured English and Afrikaans as high status languages and positioned other language users in deficit ways. Furthermore, a segregationist past led to individuals viewing each other as racial beings and racial categorisations still prevail in private and public life. It has been argued that it is important to explore how South African youth identities are being constructed, if past discourses still shape their identities or if they are negotiating new ways of being. The paper probes the role of language, discourse and embedded ideologies in the persistence or not of youth linguistic identities and discourses, the implications for their lived realities and for their construction of other language users and the possibilities of shifts occurring with an awareness of such discourses. It finds that past discourses continue to shape youth identities and are surging in the light of what is happening in the country today.

Keywords: discourse, ideologies, language, linguistic identities

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Authors: Zakhile Somlata

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In the context of international linguistic and cultural diversity, all languages can be used for all purposes. Africa in general and South Africa, in particular, is not an exception to multilingual and multicultural society. The multilingual and multicultural nature of South African society has a direct bearing to the heterogeneity of South African Universities in general. Universities as the centers of research, innovation, and transformation of the entire society should be at the forefront in leading multilingualism. The universities in South Africa had been using English and to a certain extent Afrikaans as the only academic languages during colonialism and apartheid regime. The democratic breakthrough of 1994 brought linguistic relief in South Africa. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa recognizes 11 official languages that should enjoy parity of esteem for the realization of multilingualism. The elevation of the nine previously marginalized indigenous African languages as academic languages in higher education is central to multilingualism. It is high time that Afrocentric model instead of Eurocentric model should be the one which underpins education system in South Africa at all levels. Almost all South African universities have their language policies that seek to promote access and success of students through multilingualism, but the main dilemma is the implementation of language policies. This study is significant to respond to two objectives: (i) To evaluate how selected institutions use language policies for accessibility and success of students. (ii) To study how selected universities integrate African languages for both academic and administrative purposes. This paper reflects the language policy practices in one selected University of Technology (UoT) in South Africa. The UoT has its own language policy which depicts linguistic diversity of the institution and its commitment to promote multilingualism. Translanguaging pedagogy which accommodates minority languages' usage in the teaching and learning process plays a pivotal role in promoting multilingualism. This research paper employs mixed methods (quantitative and qualitative research) approach. Qualitative data has been collected from the key informants (insiders and experts), while quantitative data has been collected from a cohort of third-year students. A mixed methods approach with its convergent parallel design allows the data to be collected separately, analysed separately but with the comparison of the results. Language development initiatives have been discussed within the framework of language policy and policy implementation strategies. Theoretically, this paper is rooted in language as a problem, language as a right and language as a resource. The findings demonstrate that despite being a multilingual institution, there is a perpetuation of marginalization of African languages to be used as academic languages. Findings further display the hegemony of English. The promotion of status quo compromises the promotion of multilingualism, Africanization of Higher Education and intellectualization of indigenous African languages in South Africa under a democratic dispensation.

Keywords: afro-centric model, hegemony of English, language as a resource, translanguaging pedagogy

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