Search results for: geo-political

Authors: Wahid Sharif

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Germany is a country that is traditionally highly regarded in the countries of South Asia. The German people and German products are valued and generate a positive response in South Asia. The main objective of this research is to evaluate and analyze various dimensions of a Such Comparative Study of Geography (German & Pakistan). Basically, Germany is located in Central Europe; it has common borders with Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, France, Switzerland, Austria, the Czech Republic and Poland, Its total area is around 356,854 sq km. Pakistan has a strategic geo-political location at the corridor of the world's major maritime oil supply lines and has close proximity to the resource and oil-rich Central Asian countries. Germany and Pakistan enjoy intimately cordial relations. Germany has taken large measures to aid the south Asian countries in its economic and governmental hardship. Commercial trade between Berlin and Islamabad has also been essential as Germany is Pakistan’s fourth largest trade partner, also Germany is home to 35,081 Pakistani immigrants overall, and the two nations have almost always had a friendly bond. The aim of this research is to initiate fruitful discussions about appropriate strategies and actions in the face of the economic and geopolitical challenges faced by Pakistan and the role that societies of each country can play in assisting the region in overcoming its problems. The research would aim to serve as a facilitator for developing collaborative research projects between different institutions and disciplines in the Germany and Pakistan institutions. This is important, as the issues of poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and social inequities need to be understood properly. Though geographically far apart from each other and not having gone through the experience that the Asian states had undergone in their relations with the Portuguese, Dutch, French and English. Pakistan and Germany did not have to forget any unpleasant memories of a colonial past. On the contrary, the freedom fighters of the Indo-Pak subcontinent did not make secret of their sympathy-nay-admiration for Germany, which, though defeated in World War I and World War II by Anglo-French and Anglo-American blocs respectively, had shaken the British and French empires to their foundation in the protracted wars.

Keywords: relations, cultural, socio economic, bilateral agreement

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Authors: Moksha Singh

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The proponents of deinstitutionalization, including Goffman and others, in their works, have regarded institutions (orphanages to be specific) as regulated social arrangements that negatively impinge upon a resident’s development. They, therefore, propose alternative forms of care. However, even after five decades of this critique institutionalization remains the only hope for children with social, physical and mental disabilities in larger parts of the developing world such as the conflict affected state of Jammu and Kashmir in India. This paper is based on the experiences of children who lost their parents to insurgency and counter-insurgency operations and the rehabilitation process. This study is qualitative in nature and adopts descriptive-cum-exploratory research design. Using theoretical sampling, six orphanages and thirty one child residents who lost their parent(s) in the course of the armed conflict in the state of Jammu and Kashmir in India were studied in the year 2009-2010. It included interviews, observation, life histories and introspective accounts of the orphans and the management. The results were drawn through the qualitative examination, understanding, and interpretation of the primary and secondary data. The findings suggested that rehabilitation of these conflict-affected children is taking place mainly through residential child care facilities run by non-governmental bodies. Alternative forms of rehabilitation are not functional in the state because of various geopolitical and socio-cultural complexities. Even after five years of arriving at these conclusions and more, the state of Jammu and Kashmir still lacks a comprehensive rehabilitation plan for these children. This has further encouraged a mushroomed growth of legal and illegal institutions. Some of these institutions compromise the standard norms of functioning and yet remain the only hope for thousands rendered orphan. These institutions, therefore, are there to stay as other alternative forms of care are not available in the state. A comprehensive intervention policy is needed based on the cultural specifics of the state and incorporation of views of institutions offering aid, the state and the children. The paper introduces Small Group Residential Care Model through which it is expected that the restoration process can be made smooth and effective.

Keywords: armed conflict, children's rights, institutionalization, orphanages, rehabilitation

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Authors: John Ibanga

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Since May 1999, when Nigeria returned to uninterrupted democratic rule, there have been various attempts by successive governments at committing themselves to democratic ideals. Such efforts include a revision of communication policies after repeated calls by civil society organisations, development partners, researchers, and academics to allow not only the commencement of campus radio broadcasting but also the takeoff of community radio broadcasting. Thus, in 2015, operating licenses were granted to several communities spread across the six geopolitical zones in the country for the establishment of community radio stations culminating in the establishment of the first community radio in Nigeria on July 17, 2015. And, since citizens’ involvement in policy matters and governance is one of the tenets of participatory democracy, it becomes imperative to investigate how the emerging community radio sector in Nigeria is facilitating participatory democracy among Nigerians, even in the face of attempts by the present government to silence all dissenting voices. This study, therefore, examines how residents in Ondo State, Southwest Nigeria, are utilising programmes on Ejule Nen and Kakaaki community radio stations in Ondo State, Nigeria, to deepen participatory democracy. Much of the existing studies on the role of community radio in participatory democracy and citizens' engagement efforts miss out on Nigeria because of the delayed implementation of community radio policy in Nigeria being Africa’s most populous nation as well as a major player in the affairs of the African continent. While the participatory communication and communication infrastructure theories were used as framework, data were collected from in-depth interviews with staff of the community radio station and community leaders, focus group discussions with the community residents, and qualitative content analysis of programmes on the station. The residents used the community radio stations as platforms for demanding accountability from government, mobilising resources for the execution of a number of community projects, promoting credible electoral practices, and influencing the implementation of free education policy in their communities. Hence the community radio stations became the reliable and authoritative voices of residents for participating in the public sphere and, generally, the democratic process.

Keywords: community, community radio, democracy, participatory democracy

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Authors: Enayatollah Yazdani

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In the post-Cold War era, the world is facing a new emerging global order with the rise of multiple actors in the international arena. China, as a rising global power, has great leverage in internal relations. In particular, during the last two decades, China has rapidly transformed its economy into a global leader in advanced technologies. As a rising power and as one of the two major founding members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), China has tried to use this regional organization, which has the potential to become an important political and security organization of the major states located in the vast Eurasian landmass, for its “go global” strategy. In fact, for Beijing, the SCO represents a new and unique cooperation model, reflecting its vision of a multipolar world order. China has used the SCO umbrella as a multilateral platform to address external threats posed by non-state actors on its vulnerable western border; to gain a strong economic and political foothold in Central Asia without putting the Sino-Russian strategic partnership at risk; and to enhance its energy security through large-scale infrastructure investment in, and trade with, the Central Asian member states. In other words, the SCO is one of the successful outcomes of Chines foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. The expansion of multilateral ties all over the world by dint of pursuing institutional strategies as SCO identifies China as a more constructive power. SCO became a new model of cooperation that was formed on the remains of collapsed Soviet system and predetermined China's geopolitical role in the region. As the fast developing effective regional mechanism, SCO now has more of an external impact on the international system and forms a new type of interaction for promoting China's grand strategy of 'peaceful rise.' This paper aims to answer this major question: How the Chinese government has manipulated the SCO for its foreign policy and global and regional influence? To answer this question, the main discussion is that with regard to the SCO capabilities and politico-economic potential, this organization has been used by China as a platform to expand influence beyond its borders.

Keywords: China, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Central Asia, global policy, foreign policy

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Authors: Qiuyu Chen, Bin Long, Junxi Yang

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Located in the southwest of the "roof of the world", Tibet is the origin center of Tibetan Culture.Lhasa, Shigatse and Gyantse are three famous historical and cultural cities in Tibet. They have always been prominent political, economic and cultural cities, and have accumulated the unique aesthetic orientation and value consciousness of Tibet's urban construction. "Archetype" usually refers to the theoretical origin of things, which is the collective unconscious precipitation. The archetype theory fundamentally explores the dialectical relationship between image expression, original form and behavior mode. By abstracting and describing typical phenomena or imagery of the archetype object can observe the essence of objects, explore ways in which object phenomena arise. Applying archetype theory to the field of urban planning helps to gain insight, evaluation, and restructuring of the complex and ever-changing internal structural units of cities. According to existing field investigations, it has been found that Dzong, Temple, Linka and traditional residential systems are important structural units that constitute the urban space of Lhasa, Shigatse and Gyantse. This article applies the thinking method of archetype theory, starting from the imagery expression of urban spatial pattern, using technologies such as ArcGIS, Depthmap, and Computer Vision to descriptively identify the spatial representation and plane relationship of three cities through remote sensing images and historical maps. Based on historical records, the spatial characteristics of cities in different historical periods are interpreted in a hierarchical manner, attempting to clarify the origin of the formation and evolution of urban pattern imagery from the perspectives of geopolitical environment, social structure, religious theory, etc, and expose the growth laws and key driving forces of cities. The research results can provide technical and material support for important behaviors such as urban restoration, spatial intervention, and promoting transformation in the region.

Keywords: archetype theory, urban spatial imagery, original form and pattern, behavioral driving force, Tibet

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Authors: Yali Liu

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The ethnographic research involved a multi-sited field trip study in China to compile in-depth data from Chinese multilingual academics of Korean, Japanese, and Russian. It aimed to create a culturally-informed portrait of their values and perceptions regarding their choice of language for academic publishing. Extended and lengthy fieldwork, or known as ‘deep hanging out’, enabled the author to gain a comprehensive understanding of the research context at the macro-level and the participants’ experiences at the micro-level. This research involved multiple fieldwork sites, which the author selected in acknowledgment of the diversity in China’s regions with respect to their geopolitical context, socio-economic development, cultural traditions, and administrative status. The 14 weeks of data collection took the author over-land to five regions in northern China: Hebei province, Tianjin, Jilin province, Gansu province, and Xinjiang. Responding to the fieldwork dynamics, the author positioned herself at different degrees of insiderness and outsiderness. This occurred at three levels: the regional level, the individual level, and the within-individual level. To enhance the ability to reflect on the authors’ researcher subjectivity, the author explored her understanding of the five ‘I’s, derived from the authors’ natural attributes. This helped the author to monitor her subjectivity, particularly during critical decision-making. The methodological challenges the author navigated were related to interviewing elites; this involved the initial approach, establishing a relationship, and negotiating the unequal power relationship during our contact. The author developed a number of strategies to strengthen her authority, and to gain the confidence of her envisaged participants and secure their collaboration, and the author negotiated a form of reciprocity that reflected their needs and expectations. The current ethnographic research has both theoretical and practical significance. It contributes to the methodological development regarding multi-sited ethnographic research. The messiness and strategies about positioning and interviewing elites will provide practical lessons for researchers who conduct ethnographic research, especially from power-‘less’ positions.

Keywords: multi-sited ethnographic research, elite interview, multilingual China, subjectivity, reciprocity

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Authors: Shailendra Kumar Singh

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In the 21st century, we are living through extraordinary times as we are linguistically blessed to live through an era in which the each sociolinguistic example of living appears to be refreshingly new without any precedence of the past. The word `New Linguistic World Order’ is no longer just the intangible fascination but an indication of the emerging reality that we are living through a time in which the word ‘linguistic purism’ no longer invokes the sense of self categorization and self identification. The contemporary world of today is linguistically rewarding. This is a time in which the very existence of global, powerful and local needs to be revisited in the context of power shift, demographic shift, social psychological shift and technological shift. Hence, the old linguistic world view has to be challenged in the midst of 21st century. The first years of the 21st century have thus far been marked by the rise global economy, technological revolution and demographic shift, now we are witnessing linguistic shift which is leading towards forming a new linguistic world order. On the other hand, with rising powers of China and India in Asia in tandem the notion of alternative west is set to become a lot more interesting linguistically. It comes at a point when the world is moving towards inclusive globalization due to vanishing power corridor of the west and ascending geopolitical impact of emerging superpower and superpower in waiting. Now it is a reality that the western world no longer continues to rise – in fact, it will have more pressure to act in situation when the alternative west is looking for balanced globalization. It is more than likely that demographically strong languages of alternative west will be in advantageous position. The paper challenges our preconceptions about the nature of sociolinguistic nature of world in the 21st century. It investigates what a linguistic world is likely to be in the future in contrast to what was a linguistic world before 21st century. In particular, the paper tries to answer the following questions: (a) What will be the common linguistic thread across world? (b) How unprecedented transformations can be mapped linguistically? (c) Do we need alternative linguistics to define inclusive globalization as the linguistic reality of the contemporary world has already been reshaped by increasingly integrated world economy, linguistic revolution and alternative west? (d) In which ways these issues can be addressed holistically? (e) Why linguistic world order is changing dramatically? (f) Is it true that the linguistic world around is changing faster than we can even really cope? (g) Is it true that what is coming next is linguistically greater than ever? (h) Do we need to prepare ourselves with new theoretical strategies to address emerging sociolinguistic reality?

Keywords: alternative linguistics, new linguistic world order, power shift, demographic shift, social psychological shift, technological shift

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Authors: Nikkey Keshri

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Arctic is a polar region located at the north of the earth. This consists of the Arctic Ocean and other parts of Canada, Russia, the United States, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Iceland. Arctic has vast natural resources which are exploited with modern technology, and the economic opening up of Russia has given new opportunities. All these states have connected with the Arctic region for economic activities and this effect the region ecology. The pollution problem is a serious threat to the people health living around pollution sources. Due to the prevailing worldwide sea and air currents, the Arctic area is the fallout region for long-range transport pollutants, and in some places the concentrations exceed the levels of densely populated urban areas. The Arctic is especially vulnerable to the effects of global warming, as has become apparent in the melting sea ice in recent years. Climate models predict much greater warming in the Arctic than the global average, resulting in significant international attention to the region. The global warming has an adverse impact on the climate, indigenous people, wildlife, and infrastructure. However, there are several opportunities that have emerged in the form of shipping routes, resources, and new territories. The shipping route through the Arctic is a reality and is currently navigable for a few weeks during summers. There are large deposits of oil and gas, minerals and fish and the surrounding countries with Arctic coastlines are becoming quite assertive about exercising their sovereignty over the newfound wealth. The main part of the research is that how the opening of Northern Sea Route is providing opportunities or problem in the Arctic and it is becoming geopolitically important. It focuses on the interest Arctic and non Arctic states, their present and anticipated global geopolitical aims. The Northern Sea Route might open up due to climate changes and that Iceland might benefit or has an impact from the situation. Efforts will be made to answer the research question: ‘Whether Opening of North Sea Route is providing opportunities or becoming a risk for Arctic region?’ Every research has a structure which usually called design. In this research, both Qualitative and Quantitative method is used in terms of various literature, maps, pie- charts, etc to find out the answer for the research question. The aim of this research is to find out the impact of Opening of North Sea Route over Arctic region and how this make arctic geopolitically important. The aim behind this research is to find out the impact of climate change and how the particular geographical area is being affected.

Keywords: climate change, geopolitics, international relation, Northern Sea Route

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Authors: Andrew Wee

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As a result of the Italian Independence Wars starting in 1848, Italy began to change through unification. People gradually moved away from some of their traditional practices and values, such as the long-held belief that women were inferior to men, as part of the Risorgimento. Italians began to take interest in opera as a form of emotional release. As opera became more popular and prominent in their culture, it aided in the dissemination of ideas, especially stimulating the spread of imperialism, in the late 19th century, as Italy began extending its presence to other countries. In order to collect the information needed to analyze Italy’s foreign presence, it was necessary to consult texts concerning the culture of the Risorgimento. These texts included primary sources from operatic composers and contemporary recorded accounts. Letters from Giuseppe Verdi, a leader in opera during the Risorgimento, have been scrutinized for indications of popular attitudes of the time. The cultural context of the Risorgimento is essential to understanding the Italian motives and attitudes towards the outside world. On the more political side, research has also entailed the study of historical data of general laws, policies, and their purposes concerning geopolitical boundaries and foreign affairs, such as Edward Said’s thesis on Orientalism. By establishing these two characteristics of Italy, the paper will thoroughly illustrate Italy’s presence in foreign affairs. Texts have been searched with the intent of using information that reveals Italian attitudes toward exotic countries to determine whether their demeanor was positive or condescending. Motives behind sources have been interpreted in context in order to form a complete picture of the Italian sentiment towards foreigners. Additionally, research pertaining to Italian nationalism and imperialism such as song and literature has been used. The primary form of research has been the division of sources that are culturally based and those that are political in nature. Opera had always been developing since its creation in the 17th century, and in the 19th century, the bel canto movement revolutionized opera and its role in Italian society. This paper uses evidence that popular sentiment was influenced by opera to support the belief that the evolution of opera was as a result of the nationalist sentiment, and in turn fueled the cultural movement known as the Risorgimento. In this way, opera proceeded to affect Italian culture by spreading the idea of imperialism.

Keywords: opera, Italian unification, music history, imperialism

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Authors: Petra Suchovska

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The spirit of post-modernity remains chaotic and obscure. Geopolitical rivalries raging at the more extreme levels and the ability of intellectual community to explain the entropy of global affairs has been diminishing. The Western-led idea of globalisation imposed upon the world does not seem to bring the bright future for human progress anymore, and its architects lose much of global control, as the strong non-western cultural entities develop new forms of post-modern establishments. The overall growing cultural misunderstanding and mistrust are expressions of political impotence to deal with the inner contradictions within the contemporary phenomenon (capitalism, economic globalisation) that embrace global society. The drivers and effects of global restructuring must be understood in the context of systems and principles reflecting on true complexity of society. The purpose of this paper is to set out some ideas about how cybernetics can contribute to understanding international system structure and analyse possible world futures. “IS Cybernetics” would apply to system thinking and cybernetic principles in IR in order to analyse and handle the complexity of social phenomena from global perspective. “IS cybernetics” would be, for now, the subfield of IR, concerned with applying theories and methodologies from cybernetics and system sciences by offering concepts and tools for addressing problems holistically. It would bring order to the complex relations between disciplines that IR touches upon. One of its tasks would be to map, measure, tackle and find the principles of dynamics and structure of social forces that influence human behaviour and consequently cause political, technological and economic structural reordering, forming and reforming the international system. “IS cyberneticists” task would be to understand the control mechanisms that govern the operation of international society (and the sub-systems in their interconnection) and only then suggest better ways operate these mechanisms on sublevels as cultural, political, technological, religious and other. “IS cybernetics” would also strive to capture the mechanism of social-structural changes in time, which would open space for syntheses between IR and historical sociology. With the cybernetic distinction between first order studies of observed systems and the second order study of observing systems, IS cybernetics would also provide a unifying epistemological and methodological, conceptual framework for multilateralism and multiple modernities theory.

Keywords: cybernetics, historical sociology, international system, systems theory

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Authors: Giorgi Sulashvili, Vladimer Kekenadze, Olga Khutsishvili, Bela Khotenashvili, Tsiuri Phkhakadze, Besarion Tsikhelashvili

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The article dealt with the South Caucasus is a complex economic policy, which consists of strands: The process of deepening economic integration in the South Caucasus region; deepening economic integration with the EU in the framework of "Neighbourhood policy with Europe" and in line with the Maastricht criteria; the development of bilateral trade and economic relations with many countries of the world community; the development of sufficient conditions for the integration of the South Caucasus region in the world to enter the market. According to the author, to determine the place of Georgia in the regional policy of the South Caucasus, it is necessary to consider two views about Georgia: The first is the view of Georgia, as a part of global economic and political processes and the second look at Georgia, as a country located in the geo-economic and geopolitical space of the South Caucasus. Such approaches reveal the place of Georgia in two dimensions; in the global and regional economies. In the countries of South Caucasus, the tourism has been developing fast and has a great social and economic importance. Tourism influences deeply on the social and economic growth of the regions of the country. Tourism development formulates thousand new jobs, fixes the positions of small and middle businesses, ensures the development of the education and culture of the population. In the countries of South Caucasus, the Tourist Industry can be specified as the intersectoral complex, which consists of travel transport and it’s technical service network, tourist enterprises which are specialized in various types, wide network services. Tourists have a chance to enjoy all of these services. At the transitional stage of shifting to the market economy, tourism is among the priorities in the development of the national economy of our country. It is true that the Georgian tourism faces a range of problems at present, but its recognition and the necessity for its development may be considered as a fact. Besides, we would underline that the revitalization of the Georgian tourism is not only the question of time. This area can bring a lot of benefits as to private firms, as to specific countries. It also has many negative effects were conducted fundamental research and studies to consider both, positive and negative impacts of tourism. In the future such decisions will be taken that will bring, the maximum benefit at minimum cost, in order for tourism to take its place in Georgia it is necessary to understand the role of the tourism sector in the economic structure.

Keywords: transitional stage, national economy, Georgian tourism, positive and negative impacts

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Authors: Diego Caballero Vélez

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In 1997 the Schengen Convention was incorporated in the mainstream of EU law by the Amsterdam Treaty. It came into effect in 1999 with the abolition of internal border controls in the EU, a milestone in the European integration project. In the meantime, due to the Yugoslav wars, nearly 700,000 asylum applications were filed in the European countries provoking a major refugee crisis. During this period, the opening of Eastern Europe fostered more cooperation and policy-making at the EU level in migration issues. Currently, a similar migratory crisis is taking place in Europe. The Syrian war has caused the most massive influx of immigrants in Europe since World War II. Nevertheless, the EU is adopting different migration policies from those implemented during the Yugoslav migration crisis. The current crisis has not led to a common European position but national responses have been offered on migration policies and responsibility for border security and asylum-seekers. A lot of factors can explain this change from a cooperation scenario to a no cooperation one, such as the economic crisis, but this research is focused on the premise that 'threat perception' lies at the core of some states grand strategies towards migration and it also influences in multilateral or unilateral responses. Migration rests at the nexus of three dimensions of security, including geopolitical interests, material production, and internal security. According to some scholars, migration policy is an 'integral instrument' of state grand strategy in that context. Political integration at the EU might be altered with the emergence of existential threats. In other words, some areas of the European cooperation can be transformed when a 'critical juncture' occurs, for instance a migration crisis. In that instance, Member states could see migration as a matter of threat that modifies their national interests and willingness to embrace international cooperation. This research will focus on EU Member states´ perceptions of the 90´s migration crisis and the current one. The goal is to evaluate to what extent the perceptions of threat are one of the main factors for explaining the transition from a cooperation scenario to a no-cooperation one in European asylum and security policies. To analyze threat perception in both migration crisis, some relevant Member states are treated as cases of study and a comparative analysis is carried out based on public opinion polls, public and policy discourse in migration, voting practices and deconstruction of the migration policies themselves both at EU level and a national one.

Keywords: cooperation, migration crisis, national responses, threat perception

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Authors: Sicheng Liu

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Zhang Ming is a never-A-listed writer-director in China who is famous for his poetic art-house filmmaking in mainland China, and his complex to spectacles of tiny places in south China. Entirely, Zhang’s works concentrate on the interconnection amongst settlement images, desirable fictional storytelling, and the dilemma of alienated interpersonal relationships. Zhang uses his pendulous camerawork to reconstruct the spectacles of his hometown and detached places in northern China, such as hometown Wushan county, lower-tier cities or remote areas that close to nature, where the old spectacles are experiencing great transformation and vanishment. Under his camera, the cities' geo-cultural and geopolitical implications which are not only a symbolic meaning that these places are not only settlements for residents to live but also representations to the abstraction of time-lapse, dimensional disorientation and revealment to people’s innerness. Zhang Ming is good at creating the essay-like expression, poetic atmosphere and vague metaphors in films, so as to show the sensitivity, aimlessness and slight anxiety of Chinese wenren (intellectuals), whose unique and objective experiences to a few aspects inside or outside their the living circumstance, typically for example, transformation of the environment, obscure expression to inner desire and aspirations, personal loneliness because of being isolated, slight anxiety to the uncertainty of life, and other mental dilemma brought by maladjustment. Also, Zhang’s works impressed the audience as slow cinemas, via creating stillness, complicity and fluidity of images and sound, by decompressing liner time passing and wandering within the enclosed loopback-space with his camera, so as to produce poeticized depiction and mysterious dimensions in films. This paper aims to summarize these mentioned features of Zhang’s films, by analyzing filmic texts and film-making styles, in order to prove an outcome that as a wenren-turned-filmmaker, Zhang Ming is good at use metaphor to create an artistic situation to depict the poetry in films and portray characteristics. In addition to this, Zhang Ming’s style relatively reflects some aesthetic features of Chinese wenren cinema.

Keywords: Chinese wenren cinema, intellectuals’ awareness, slow cinema,  slowness and dampness, people and environment

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Authors: N. Gelovani, D. Ismailov, S. Bochorishvili

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Religious minorities of Georgia include Muslims. Their composition is sufficiently miscellaneous, enclosing both ethnical viewpoint and belonging to the inner Islamic denomination. A majority of Muslims represent Azerbaijanis, who chiefly live in Kvemo Kartli (Bolnisi, Gardabani, Dmanisi, Tetri Tskaro, Marneuli and Tsalka). The catalyst for researchers of Islamic History is the geopolitical interests of Georgia, centuries-old contacts with the Islamic world, the not entirely trivial portion of Islam confessor population, the increasing influence of the Islamic factor in current religious-political processes in the world, the elevating procedure of Muslim religious self-consciousness in the Post-Soviet states, significant challenges of international terrorism, and perspectives of rapid globalization. The rise in the level of religious identity of Muslim citizens of Georgia (first of all of those who are not ethnic Georgians) is noticeable. New mosques have been constructed and, sometimes, even young people are being sent to the religious educational institutions of Muslim countries to gain a higher Islamic education. At a time when gender studies are substantive, the goal of which is to eliminate gender-based discrimination and violence in societies, it is essential in Georgia to conduct researches around the concrete problem – Islamic tradition, woman and education in Georgia. A woman’s right to education is an important indicator of women’s general status in a society. The appropriate resources, innovative analysis of Georgian ethnological materials, and surveying of the population (quantitative and qualitative research reports, working papers), condition the success of these researches. In the presented work, interrelation matters of Islam, gender and education in contemporary Georgia by the example of the Azerbaijani population in Kvemo Kartli during period 1992-2016 are studied. We researched the history of Muslim religious education centers in Tbilisi and Kvemo Kartli (Bolnisi, Gardabani, Dmanisi, Tetri Tskaro, Marneuli and Tsalka) in 1992-2016, on the one hand, and the results of sociological interrogation, on the other. As a result of our investigation, we found that Azeri women in the Kvemo Kartli (Georgia) region mostly receive their education in Georgia and Azerbaijan. Educational and Cultural Institutions are inaccessible for most Azeri women. The main reasons are the absence of educational and religious institutions at their places of residence and state policies towards Georgia’s Muslims. 

Keywords: Islam, gender, Georgia, education

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Authors: Radwa Saad

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The Sahara is normatively treated as a barrier separating “two Africas"; one to the North with closer affinity to the Arab world, and one to the South that encompasses a diverse range of racial, ethnic and religious groups, commonly referred to as "Sub-Saharan Africa". This dichotomy however was challenged by many anticolonial leaders and intellectuals seeking to advance counter-hegemonic narratives that treat the Sahara as a bridge facilitating a long history of exchange, collaboration, and fusion between different civilizations on the continent. This paper reexamines the discourses governing the geographic distinction between North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that demarcating the African continent along the lines of the Sahara is part-and-parcel of a Euro-centric spatial imaginary that has served to enshrine a racialized global hierarchy of power. By drawing on Edward Said’s concept of ‘imagined geography’ and Charles Mill’s notion of “the racial contract”, it demonstrates how spatial boundaries often coincide with racial epistemologies to reinforce certain geopolitical imaginaries, whilst silencing others. It further draws on the works of two notable post-colonial figures - Gamal Abdel Nasser and Leopold Senghor - to explore alternative spatial imaginaries while highlighting some of the tensions embedded in advancing a trans-Saharan political project. Firstly, it deconstructs some of the normative claims used to justify the distinction between North and “sub-Saharan” Africa across political, literary and disciplinary boundaries. Secondly, it draws parallels between Said’s and Mills’ work to demonstrate how geographical boundaries and demarcations have been constructed to create racialized subjects and reinforce a hierarchy of color that favors European standpoints and epistemologies. Third, it draw on Leopard Senghor’s The Foundations of Africanité and Gamal Abdel Nasser’s The Philosophy of the Egyptian Revolution to examine some of the competing strands of unity that emerged out of the Saharan discourse. In these texts, one can identify a number of convergences and divergences in how post-colonial African elites attempts to reclaim and rearticulate the function of the Sahara along different epistemic, political and cultural premises. It concludes with reflections on some of the policy challenges that emerge from reinforcing the Saharan divide, particularly in the realm of peace and security.

Keywords: regional integration, politics of knowledge production, arab-african relations, african solutions to african problems

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Authors: Mariana Calderón, Paola Montenegro, Diana Moreno

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Through this study, it was possible to identify the different levels and types of violence, both individual and collective, experienced by women, girls, and the sexually diverse population of Buenaventura translated from the different tensions and threats against ancestrality and accounting for a social and political context of violence related to race and geopolitical location. These threats are related to: the stigma and oblivion imposed on practices and knowledge; the imposition of the hegemonic culture; the imposition of external customs as a way of erasing ancestrality; the singling out and persecution of those who practice it; the violence that the health system has exercised against ancestral knowledge and practices, especially in the case of midwives; the persecution of the Catholic religion against this knowledge and practices; the difficulties in maintaining the practices in the displacement from rural to urban areas; the use and control of ancestral knowledge and practices by the armed actors; the rejection and stigma exercised by the public forces; and finally, the murder of the wise women at the hands of the armed actors. This research made it possible to understand the importance of using tools such as the violence meter to support processes of resistance to violence against women, girls, and sexually diverse people; however, it is essential that these tools be adapted to the specific contexts of the people. In the analysis of violence, it was possible to identify that these not only affect women, girls, and sexually diverse people individually but also have collective effects that threaten the territory and the ancestral culture to which they belong. Ancestrality has been the object of violence, but at the same time, it has been the place from which resistance has been organized. The identification of the violence suffered by women, girls, and sexually diverse people is also an opportunity to make visible the forms of resistance of women and communities in the face of this violence. This study examines how women, girls, and sexually diverse people in Buenaventura have been exposed to sexism and racism, which historically have been translated into specific forms of violence, in addition to the other forms of violence already identified by the traditional models of the violentometer. A qualitative approach was used in the study. The study included the participation of more than 40 people and two women's organizations from Buenaventura. The participants came from both urban and rural areas of the municipality of Buenaventura and were over 15 years of age. The participation of such a diverse group allowed for the exchange of knowledge and experiences, particularly between younger and older people. The instrument used for the exercise was previously defined with the leaders of the organizations and consisted of four moments that referred to i) ancestry, ii) threats to ancestry, iii) identification of resistance and iv) construction of the ancestral violentometer.

Keywords: violence against women, intersectionality, sexual and reproductive rights, black communities

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Authors: Dina Dahood Dabash

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Refugee camps are habitually defined as receptive sites, transient spaces of exile and nondescript depoliticized places of exception. However, such arguments form partial sides of reality, especially in countries that are geopolitically challenged and rely immensely on international aid. In Jordan, the dynamics brought with the floating population of refugees (Palestinian amongst others) have resulted in spatial after-effects that cannot be easily overlooked. For instance, Palestine refugee camps have turned by time into socioeconomic centers of gravity and cores of spatial evolution. Yet, such a position is not instantaneous. Amongst various reasons, it can be related, according to this paper, to a distinctive institutional climate that has been co-produced by the refugees, host community and the state. This paper aims to investigate the evolution of urban and spatial regulations in Jordan between 1948 and 1995, more specifically, state regulations, community regulations and refugee-self-regulation that all dynamically interacted that period. The paper aims to unpack the relations between refugee camps and their environs to further explore the agency of such floating populations in establishing rooted networks that extended the time and place boundaries. The paper’s argument stems from the fact that the spatial configuration of urban systems is not only an outcome of a historical evolutionary process but is also a result of interactions between the actors. The research operationalizes Marka camp in Jordan as a case study. Marka Camp is one of the six "emergency" camps erected in 1968 to shelter 15,000 Palestine refugees and displaced persons who left the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Nowadays, camp shelters more than 50,000 refugees in the same area of land. The camp is located in Russeifa, a city in Zarqa Governorate in Jordan. Together with Amman and Zarqa, Russeifa is part of a larger metropolitan area that acts as a home to more than half of Jordan’s businesses. The paper aspires to further understand the post-conflict strategies which were historically applied in Jordan and can be employed to handle more recent geopolitical challenges such as the Syrian refugee crisis. Methodological framework: The paper traces the evolution of the refugee-camp regulating norms in Jordan, parallel with the horizontal and vertical evolution of the Marka camp and its surroundings. Consequently, the main methods employed are historical and mental tracing, Interviews, in addition to using available Aerial and archival photos of the Marka camp and its surrounding.

Keywords: forced migration, Palestine refugee camps, spatial agency, urban regulations

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Authors: Arya S. S.

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India is one of the powerful country in the world .India and Maldives having common interests in regional security and economic growth, this relationship has seen substantial change in recent years. This paper examines the complex dynamics of this bilateral relationship, emphasizing the careful balancing act that both countries perform in order to advance regional prosperity. It looks at historical connections, geopolitical factors, and current issues like economic cooperation, climate change, and marine security. The study highlights how India's involvement in the Maldives contributes to both bilateral ties and regional stability by examining important initiatives including trade agreements and infrastructure projects. It also discusses the effects of outside factors and the necessity for both nations to strategically manage their interests. In order to contribute to a more affluent and stable Indian Ocean area, this study ultimately seeks to shed light on how India and the Maldives may cooperate to promote sustainable development while tackling security issues. The India Maldives relation is very crucial in the regional stability of Indian ocean region. The initiatives like building infrastructure, giving financial support, and establishing the India-Maldives Friendship Bridge demonstrate India's dedication to Maldivian prosperity. In addition to boosting the Maldives' economy, these investments strengthen India's clout in the area, which is essential for preserving its maritime security interests in the face of growing Chinese dominance. Both India and China involved in a strategic tug of war in order to enhance their dominance in Maldives. There are difficulties with this collaboration including, political unrest in the Maldives has occasionally resulted in changes to foreign policy, particularly under regimes that support stronger ties with China. India has expressed concern about losing strategic footholds in the Indian Ocean as a result of China's extension of influence through debt diplomacy and infrastructure projects. India must therefore strike a balance between advancing its objectives and upholding Maldivian sovereignty as well as the goals of its people and government. In summary, the partnership between India and the Maldives is a complex balancing act that is marked by cultural links, security cooperation, and economic dependency. Both countries must negotiate the complexity of international relations as they work for regional prosperity, especially in light of both internal and external factors. India and the Maldives can strengthen their positions as key actors in the changing dynamics of the Indian Ocean by promoting cooperation and communication. This would not only protect their particular interests but also help create a stable and prosperous South Asian region.

Keywords: regional security, balancing act, debt trap diplomacy, strategic tug of war

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Authors: Akinola Helen Olufunke, Soetan Olatunbosun Jonathan, Adeleye Oludamola

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Introduction: Antibiotic resistance has grown significantly, which is a major cause for concern. There have not been many significant developments in antibiotics over the past few decades, and practically all of the ones that are currently in use are losing effectiveness against pathogenic germs. Researchers are starting to focus more on the physiologically active compounds found in plants, particularly phytobiotics in poultry production. Consumption of chicken products is among the greatest in the country, but numerous nations, including Nigeria, use excessive amounts of necessary antibiotics in poultry farming, endangering the safety of such goods (through antimicrobial residues). Drug resistance has become a widespread issue as a result of the risky use of antibiotics in the chicken production industry. In order to replace antibiotics, biotic or natural products like phytobiotics (also known as botanicals or phytogenics) have drawn a lot of interest. Phytobiotics or their components are thought to be a relatively recent category of natural herbs that have acquired acceptance and favor among chicken farmers. The addition of several phytobiotic additions to poultry feed has demonstrated its capacity to improve both the broiler and layer populations' productivity. Design: Experimental research design and cross-sectional study was carried out at every 300 purposively selected farming household in the six-geopolitical zone in Nigeria. Data Analysis: A semi-structured questionnaire was administered to each farmer, and quantitative data were analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) while the Chi-square test was used to analyze factors mitigating the use of Phytobiotics. Result: The result shows that the benefits associated with the use of phytobiotics are contributed to growth promotion in chickens and enhancement of productive performance of broiler and layer, which could be attributed to their antioxidant activity. The result further revealed that factors mitigating the use of phytobiotics were lack of knowledge in the use of phytobiotics, overdose or underdose usage, and seasonal availability of the phytobiotics. Others are the educational level of the farmers, intrinsic motivation, income poultry farming experience, price of phytobiotics based additives feeds, and intensity of extension agents in visiting them. Conclusion: The difficulties associated with using phytobiotics in chicken farms limit their willingness to boost productivity. The study found that most farmers were ignorant, which prevented them from handling this notion and turning their poultry into a viable enterprise while also allowing them to be creative. They believed that packing phytobiotics-based additive feed was expensive, and lastly, the seasonal availability of some phytobiotics. Recommendation: Further research in phytobiotics use in Nigeria should be carried out in order to establish its efficiency, safety, and awareness.

Keywords: mitigating, antibiotics, phytobiotics, poultry farming

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Authors: Andre C Jordaan

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The end of the Cold War and rivalry between super powers has changed the nature of military build-up in many countries. A call from international institutions like the United Nations, International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to reduce the levels of military expenditure was the order of the day. However, this bid to cut military expenditure has not been forthright. Recently, active armed conflicts occurred in at least 46 states in 2021 with 8 in the Americas, 9 in Asia and Oceania, 3 in Europe, 8 in the Middle East and North Africa and 18 in sub-Saharan Africa. Global military expenditure in 2022 was estimated to be US$2,2 trillion, representing 2.2 per cent of global gross domestic product. Particularly sharp rises in military spending have followed in African countries and the Middle East. Global military expenditure currently follows two divergent trends, either a declining trend in the West caused mainly by austerity, efforts to control budget deficits and the wrapping up of prolonged wars. However, some parts of the world shows an increasing trend on the back of security concerns, geopolitical ambitions and some internal political factors. Conflict related fatalities in sub-Saharan Africa alone increased by 19 per cent between 2020 and 2021. The interaction between military expenditure (read conflict) and international trade is generally the cause of much debate. Some argue that countries’ fear of losing trade opportunities causes political decision makers to refrain from engaging in conflict when important trading partners are involved. However, three main arguments are always present when discussing the relationship between military expenditure or conflicts and international trade: Free trade could promote peaceful cooperation, it could trigger tension between trading blocs and partners, and trade could have no effect because conflict is based on issues that are more important. Military expenditure remains an important element of the overall government expenditure in many African countries. On the other hand, numerous researchers perceive increased international trade to be one of the main factors promoting economic growth in these countries. The purpose of this paper is therefore to determine what effect, if any, exist between the level of military expenditure and international trade within a selection of 19 African countries. Applying an augmented gravity model to explore the relationship between military expenditure and international trade, evidence is found to confirm the existence of an inverse relationship between these two variables. It seems that the results are in line with the Liberal school of thought where trade is seen as an instrument of conflict prevention. Trade is therefore perceived as a symptom of peace and not a cause thereof. In general, conflict or rumors of conflict tend to reduce trade. If conflict did not impede trade, economic agents would be indifferent to risk. Many claim that trade brings peace, however, it seems that it is rather peace that brings trade. From the results, it appears that trade reduces the risk of conflict and that conflict reduces trade.

Keywords: African countries, conflict, international trade, military expenditure

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Authors: Athanasia Petropoulou

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While there is a common understanding that a person’s sex, gender, gender identity, and sexual orientation shape every stage of the migration experience, theories of international migration had until recently not been focused on exploring and incorporating a gender perspective in their analysis. In a similar vein, refugee law has long been the object of criticisms for failing to recognize and respond appropriately to women’s and sexual minorities’ experiences of persecution. The present analysis attempts to depict the challenges faced by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and U.S. courts when adjudicating in cases involving asylum claims with a gendered perspective. By providing a comparison between adjudicating strategies of international and national jurisdictions, the article aims to identify common or distinctive approaches in addressing gendered based claims. The paper argues that, despite the different nature of the judicial bodies and the different legal instruments applied respectively, judges face similar challenges in this context and often fail to qualify and address the gendered dimensions of asylum claims properly. The ECtHR plays a fundamental role in safeguarding human rights protection in Europe not only for European citizens but also for people fleeing violence, war, and dire living conditions. However, this role becomes more difficult to fulfill, not only because of the obvious institutional constraints but also because cases related to claims of asylum seekers concern a domain closely linked to State sovereignty. Amid the current “refugee crisis,” risk assessment performed by national authorities, like in the process of asylum determination, is shaped by wider geopolitical and economic considerations. The failure to recognize and duly address the gendered dimension of non - refoulement claims, one of the many shortcomings of these processes, is reflected in the decisions of the ECtHR. As regards U.S. case law, the study argues that U.S. courts either fail to apply any connection between asylum claims and their gendered dimension or tend to approach gendered based claims through the lens of the “political opinion” or “membership of a particular social group” reasons of fear of persecution. This exercise becomes even more difficult, taking into account that the U.S. asylum law inappropriately qualifies gendered-based claims. The paper calls for more sociologically informed decision-making practices and for a more contextualized and relational approach in the assessment of the risk of ill-treatment and persecution. Such an approach is essential for unearthing the gendered patterns of persecution and addressing effectively related claims, thus securing the human rights of asylum seekers.

Keywords: asylum, European court of human rights, gender, human rights, U.S. courts

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Authors: Carlos Tapia Cortez, Serkan Saydam, Jeff Coulton, Claude Sammut

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Strategic mineral commodities (SMC) both energetic and metals have long been fundamental for human beings. There is a strong and long-run relation between the mineral resources industry and society's evolution, with the provision of primary raw materials, becoming one of the most significant drivers of economic growth. Due to mineral resources’ relevance for the entire economy and society, an understanding of the SMC market behaviour to simulate price fluctuations has become crucial for governments and firms. For any human activity, SMC price fluctuations are affected by economic, geopolitical, environmental, technological and psychological issues, where cognition has a major role. Cognition is defined as the capacity to store information in memory, processing and decision making for problem-solving or human adaptation. Thus, it has a significant role in those systems that exhibit dynamic equilibrium through time, such as economic growth. Cognition allows not only understanding past behaviours and trends in SCM markets but also supports future expectations of demand/supply levels and prices, although speculations are unavoidable. Technological developments may also be defined as a cognitive system. Since the Industrial Revolution, technological developments have had a significant influence on SMC production costs and prices, likewise allowing co-integration between commodities and market locations. It suggests a close relation between structural breaks, technology and prices evolution. SCM prices forecasting have been commonly addressed by econometrics and Gaussian-probabilistic models. Econometrics models may incorporate the relationship between variables; however, they are statics that leads to an incomplete approach of prices evolution through time. Gaussian-probabilistic models may evolve through time; however, price fluctuations are addressed by the assumption of random behaviour and normal distribution which seems to be far from the real behaviour of both market and prices. Random fluctuation ignores the evolution of market events and the technical and temporal relation between variables, giving the illusion of controlled future events. Normal distribution underestimates price fluctuations by using restricted ranges, curtailing decisions making into a pre-established space. A proper understanding of SMC's price dynamics taking into account the historical-cognitive relation between economic, technological and psychological factors over time is fundamental in attempting to simulate prices. The aim of this paper is to discuss the SMC market cognition hypothesis and empirically demonstrate its dynamic-cognitive capacity. Three of the largest and traded SMC's: oil, copper and gold, will be assessed to examine the economic, technological and psychological cognition respectively.

Keywords: commodity price simulation, commodity price uncertainties, dynamic-cognition, dynamic systems

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Authors: M. G. Shilina

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The interstate economic interaction phenomenon is complex. ‘Economic integration’, as one of its types, can be explored through the prism of international law, the theories of the world economy, politics and international relations. The most objective study of the phenomenon requires a comprehensive multifactoral approach. In new geopolitical realities, the problems of coexistence and possible interconnection of various mechanisms of interstate economic interaction are actively discussed. Currently, the Eurasian continent states support the direction to economic integration. At the same time, the existing international economic law fragmentation in Eurasia is seen as the important problem. The Eurasian space is characterized by a various types of interstate relations: international agreements (multilateral and bilateral), and a large number of cooperation formats (from discussion platforms to organizations aimed at deep integration). For their harmonization, it is necessary to have a clear vision to the phased international economic relations regulation options. In the conditions of rapid development of international economic relations, the modeling (including prognostic) can be optimally used as the main scientific method for presenting the phenomenon. On the basis of this method, it is possible to form the current situation vision and the best options for further action. In order to determine the most objective version of the integration development, the combination of several approaches were used. The normative legal approach- the descriptive method of legal modeling- was taken as the basis for the analysis. A set of legal methods was supplemented by the international relations science prognostic methods. The key elements of the model are the international economic organizations and states' associations existing in the Eurasian space (the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the European Union (EU), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Chinese project ‘One belt-one road’ (OBOR), the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), BRICS, etc.). A general term for the elements of the model is proposed - the interstate interaction mechanisms (IIM). The aim of building a model of current and future Eurasian economic integration is to show optimal options for joint economic development of the states and IIMs. The long-term goal of this development is the new economic and political space, so-called the ‘Great Eurasian Community’. The process of achievement this long-term goal consists of successive steps. Modeling the integration architecture and dividing the interaction into stages led us to the following conclusion: the SCO is able to transform Eurasia into a single economic space. Gradual implementation of the complex phased model, in which the SCO+ plays a key role, will allow building an effective economic integration for all its participants, to create an economically strong community. The model can have practical value for politicians, lawyers, economists and other participants involved in the economic integration process. A clear, systematic structure can serve as a basis for further governmental action.

Keywords: economic integration, The Eurasian Economic Union, The European Union, The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, The Silk Road Economic Belt

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Authors: S. Fantin

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This study is the result of the legal research on cybersecurity and data protection within the EUNITY (Cybersecurity and Privacy Dialogue between Europe and Japan) project, aimed at fostering the dialogue between the European Union and Japan. Based on the research undertaken therein, the author offers an outline of the main asymmetries in the laws governing such fields in the two regions. The research is a comparative analysis of the two legal frameworks, taking into account specific provisions, ratio legis and policy initiatives. Recent doctrine was taken into account, too, as well as empirical interviews with EU and Japanese stakeholders and project partners. With respect to the protection of personal data, the European Union has recently reformed its legal framework with a package which includes a regulation (General Data Protection Regulation), and a directive (Directive 680 on personal data processing in the law enforcement domain). In turn, the Japanese law under scrutiny for this study has been the Act on Protection of Personal Information. Based on a comparative analysis, some asymmetries arise. The main ones refer to the definition of personal information and the scope of the two frameworks. Furthermore, the rights of the data subjects are differently articulated in the two regions, while the nature of sanctions take two opposite approaches. Regarding the cybersecurity framework, the situation looks similarly misaligned. Japan’s main text of reference is the Basic Cybersecurity Act, while the European Union has a more fragmented legal structure (to name a few, Network and Information Security Directive, Critical Infrastructure Directive and Directive on the Attacks at Information Systems). On an relevant note, unlike a more industry-oriented European approach, the concept of cyber hygiene seems to be neatly embedded in the Japanese legal framework, with a number of provisions that alleviate operators’ liability by turning such a burden into a set of recommendations to be primarily observed by citizens. With respect to the reasons to fill such normative gaps, these are mostly grounded on three basis. Firstly, the cross-border nature of cybercrime brings to consider both magnitude of the issue and its regulatory stance globally. Secondly, empirical findings from the EUNITY project showed how recent data breaches and cyber-attacks had shared implications between Europe and Japan. Thirdly, the geopolitical context is currently going through the direction of bringing the two regions to significant agreements from a trade standpoint, but also from a data protection perspective (with an imminent signature by both parts of a so-called ‘Adequacy Decision’). The research conducted in this study reveals two asymmetric legal frameworks on cyber security and data protection. With a view to the future challenges presented by the strengthening of the collaboration between the two regions and the trans-national fashion of cybercrime, it is urged that solutions are found to fill in such gaps, in order to allow European Union and Japan to wisely increment their partnership.

Keywords: cybersecurity, data protection, European Union, Japan

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev, Durdana Jafarli

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s and the 9/11 attacks resulted in the global changes created a totally new geopolitical situation for the Muslim populated republics of the former Soviet Union. Located between great powers such as China and Russia, as well as theocratic states like Iran and Afghanistan, the newly independent Central Asian states were facing a dilemma to choose a new politico-ideological course for development. Policies dubbed Perestroyka and Glasnost leading to the collapse of the world’s once superpower brought about a considerable rise in the national and religious self-consciousness of the Muslim population of the USSR where the religion was prohibited under the strict communist rule. Moreover, the religious movements prohibited during the Soviet era acted as a part of national straggle to gain their freedom from Moscow. The policies adopted by the Central Asian countries to manage the religious revival and extremism in their countries vary dramatically from each other. As Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are located between Russia and China and hosting a considerable number of the Russian population, these countries treated Islamic revival more tolerantly trying benefit from it in the nation-building process. The importance of the topic could be explained with the fact that it investigates an alternative way of management of religious activities and movements. The recent developments in the Middle East, Syria and Iraq in particular, and the fact that hundreds of fighters from the Central Asian republics joined the ISIL terrorist organization once again highlights the implications of the proper regulation of religious activities not only for domestic, but also for regional and global politics. The paper is based on multiple research methods. The process trace method was exploited to better understand the Russification and anti-religious policies to which the Central Asian countries were subject during the Soviet era. The comparative analyse method was also used to better understand the common and distinct features of the politics of religion of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan and the rest of the Central Asian countries. Various legislation acts, as well as secondary sources were investigated to this end. Mostly constructivist approach and a theory suggesting that religion supports national identity when there is a third cohesion that threatens both and when elements of national identity are weak. Preliminary findings suggest that in line with policies aimed at gradual reduction of Russian influence, as well as in the face of ever-increasing migration from China, the mentioned countries incorporated some Islamic elements into domestic policies as a part and parcel of national culture. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan did not suppress religious activities, which was case in neighboring states, but allowed in a controlled way Islamic movements to have a relatively freedom of action which in turn led to the less violent religious extremism further boosting national identity.

Keywords: identity, Islam, nationalism, terrorism

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Authors: Debarpita Pande

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On 22nd May 2013 Chinese Premier Li Keqiang on his visit to Pakistan tabled a proposal for connecting Kashgar in China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region with the south-western Pakistani seaport of Gwadar via the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (hereinafter referred to as CPEC). The project, popularly termed as 'One Belt One Road' will encompass within it a connectivity component including a 3000-kilometre road, railways and oil pipeline from Kashgar to Gwadar port along with an international airport and a deep sea port. Superficially, this may look like a 'game changer' for Pakistan and other countries of South Asia but this article by doctrinal method of research will unearth some serious flaws in it, which may change the entire economic system of this region heavily affecting the socio-economic conditions of South Asia, further complicating the complete geopolitical situation of the region disturbing the world economic stability. The paper besets with a logical analyzation of the socio-economic issues arising out of this project with an emphasis on its impact on the Pakistani and Indian economy due to Chinese dominance, serious tension in international relations, security issues, arms race, political and provincial concerns. The research paper further aims to study the impact of huge burden of loan given by China towards this project where Pakistan already suffers from persistent debts in the face of declining foreign currency reserves along with that the sovereignty of Pakistan will also be at stake as the entire economy of the country will be held hostage by China. The author compares this situation with the fallout from projects in Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, and several countries of Africa, all of which are now facing huge debt risks brought by Chinese investments. The entire economic balance will be muddled by the increment in Pakistan’s demand of raw materials resulting to the import of the same from China, which will lead to exorbitant price-hike and limited availability. CPEC will also create Chinese dominance over the international movement of goods that will take place between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans and hence jeopardising the entire economic balance of South Asia along with Middle Eastern countries like Dubai. Moreover, the paper also analyses the impact of CPEC in the context of international unrest and arms race between Pakistan and India as well as India and China due to border disputes and Chinese surveillance. The paper also examines the global change in economic dynamics in international trade that CPEC will create in the light of U.S.-China relationship. The article thus reflects the grave consequences of CPEC on the international economy, security and bilateral relations, which surpasses the positive impacts of it. The author lastly suggests for more transparency and proper diplomatic planning in the execution of this mega project, which can be a cause of economic complexity in international trade in near future.

Keywords: China, CPEC, international trade, Pakistan

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Authors: H. M. Ross-McAlpine

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Much of what is written on diplomacy, globalization and the global economy addresses the changing nature of relationships between major powers. While the most dramatic and influential changes have resulted from these developing relationships the world is not, on deeper inspection, governed neatly by major powers. Due to advances in technology, the shifting balance of power and a changing geopolitical order, small states have the ability to exercise a greater influence than ever before. Increasingly interdependent and ever complex, our world is too delicate to be handled by a mighty few. The pressure of global change requires small states to adapt their diplomatic practices and diversify their strategic alliances and relationships. The nature and practice of diplomacy must be re-evaluated in light of the pressures resulting from globalization. This research examines: how small states can best secure their foreign policy objectives? Small state theory is used as a foundation for exploring the case study of New Zealand. The research draws on secondary sources to evaluate the existing theory in relation to modern practices of diplomacy. As New Zealand lacks the required economic and military power to play an active, influential role in international affairs what strategies are used to exert influence? Furthermore, New Zealand lies in a remote corner of the Pacific and is geographically isolated from its nearest neighbors how does this affect security and trade priorities? The findings note a significant shift since the 1970’s in New Zealand’s diplomatic relations. This shift is arguably a direct result of globalization, regionalism and a growing independence from the traditional bi-lateral relationships. The need to source predictable trade, investment and technology are an essential driving force for New Zealand’s diplomatic relations. A lack of hard power aligns New Zealand’s prosperity with a secure, rules-based international system that increases the likelihood of a stable and secure global order. New Zealand’s diplomacy and prosperity has been intrinsically reliant on its reputation. A vital component of New Zealand’s diplomacy is preserving a reputation for integrity and global responsibility. It is the use of this soft power that facilitates the influence that New Zealand enjoys on the world stage. To weave a comprehensive network of successful diplomatic relationships, New Zealand must maintain a reputation of international credibility. Globalization has substantially influenced the practice of diplomacy for New Zealand. The current world order places economic and military might in the hands of a few, subsequently requiring smaller states to use other means for securing their interests. There are clear strategies evident in New Zealand’s diplomacy practice that draw attention to how other smaller states might best secure their foreign policy objectives. While these findings are limited, as with all case study research, there is value in applying the findings to other small states struggling to secure their interests in the wake of rapid globalization.

Keywords: diplomacy, foreign policy, globalisation, small state

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Authors: Ani Kojoyan

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The Syrian refugee crisis has been a matter of worldwide concern during the recent years. And though refugees’ problems are contextualized in terms of time and space, the refugee crisis still remains a global issue to discuss. Since the start of the conflict, Armenia has welcomed thousands of Syrian refugees too. Taking into consideration Armenia’s current socio-economic and geopolitical situation, the flow of refugees is a challenge both for the country and for refugees themselves. However, these people are not simply refugees from Syria, they are Syrian-Armenian refugees; people whose ancestors were survivals of the Armenian Genocide, perpetrated by the Ottoman Turks in 1915, people whose ancestors became refugees a century ago in Syria and now, ironically, a century later they follow their ancestors’ paths, turning into refugees themselves in their historical homeland, facing various difficulties, among them socio-economic, socio-ideological, and identity and gender issues, the latter being the main topic of discussion in the present paper. The situation presented above makes us discuss certain questions within this study: how do Syrian-Armenian refugees define themselves and their status? Which are their gender roles in the socio-economic context? How do social and economic challenges re-shape Syrian-Armenian women refugees’ identities? The study applies qualitative research methods of analysis, which includes semi-structured and in-depth interviews with 15 participants (18-25, 26-40 age groups), and two focus group works, involving 8 participants (18-35 age group) for each focus group activity. The activities were carried out in October 2016, Yerevan, Armenia. The study also includes Secondary Data Analysis. In addition, in order to centralize refugee women’s experiences and identity issues, the study adopts a qualitative lens from a feminist standpoint position. It is based on the assumption that human activity structures and limits understanding, and that the distorted comprehension of events or activities has emerged from the male-oriented dominant judgement which can be discovered through uncovering the understanding of the situation from women’s activity perspectives. The findings suggest that identity is dynamic, complex, over-changing and sensitive to time and space, gender and class. The process of re-shaping identity is even more complicated and multi-layered and is based on internal and external factors, conditioned by individual and collective needs and interests. Refugees are mostly considered as people who lost their identity in the past since they have no longer connection anywhere and try to find it in the present. In turn, female refugees, being a more vulnerable class, go through more complicated identity re-formulating discourse negotiations. They stand between the borders of the old and new, borders of lost and re-found selves, borders of creating and self-fashioning, between illusions and the challenging reality. Particularly, refugee women become more sensitive within the discourses of the private and the public domains: some of them try to create a ‘new-self’, creating their space in a new society, whereas others try to negotiate their affective/emotional labour within their own family domains.

Keywords: feminist standpoint position, gender, identity, refugee studies, Syrian-Armenian women refugees

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Authors: Catherine Alex Agbor

Abstract:

The modern Nigerian society is dynamic, divided in zones based on economic, political and educational resources often shared across the zones. The Six Geopolitical Zones in Nigeria is a major division in modern Nigeria, created during the regime of president Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. They are North Central, North East, North West, South East, South South and South West. However, the zone used in this study is known as former South-Eastern State of Akwa-Ibom State and Cross-River State; former Rivers State of Bayelsa State and Rivers State; and former Mid-Western Region, Nigeria of Delta State and Edo State. Many reforms have taken place overtime, particularly in the education sector. Education is constantly presenting new ideas and innovative approaches which act to facilitate the rapid exchange of knowledge and provide quality basic education for learners. The Federal Government of Nigeria in accordance with its National Council on Education directed the Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council to restructure its basic education curriculum with the hope to enable the nation meet national and global developmental goals. One of the goals of the 9-year Basic Education Programme is developing in the entire citizenry a strong consciousness for education and a strong commitment to its vigorous promotion. Another is ensuring the acquisition of appropriate levels of literacy, numeracy, manipulative, communicative and life-skills as well as the ethical, moral and civic values for laying a solid foundation for lifelong learning. Therefore, this article at the introductory stage is aimed to describe some key issues in Nigeria’s experience in the basic education curriculum. In this study, particular attention is paid to this very recent educational policy of the Nigerian government known as Universal Basic Education, its challenges and what can be done to make the policy achieve its desired objectives. It progresses to analyze modern requirements for second language teaching; and presents the challenges of second language teaching in Nigeria. Finally, it reports a study which investigated special efforts for appropriate achievement of quality education in language classroom in the south-south zone of Nigeria. One fundamental research question was posed on what educational practices can contribute to current understanding of the structure of language curriculum. More explicitly, the study was designed to analyze the extent to which quality content contributes to current understanding of the structure of school curriculum in the zone. Otherwise stated, it investigated how student-centred educational practices impact on their learning of French language. One hundred and eighty (180) participants (teachers) were purposefully sampled for the study. Qualitative technique was used to elicit information from participants. The qualitative method used was Focus Group Discussion (FGD). Participants were divided into six groups comprising of 30 teachers from each zone. Group discussions were based mainly on curriculum contents and practices. Information from participants revealed that the curriculum content, among others is inadequate and should be re-examined. Recommendations were proffered as a panacea to concrete implementation of the basic education in Nigeria.

Keywords: basic education, quality contents, second language, south-south states

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Authors: Swadha Singh

Abstract:

International Solar Alliance is the foremost treaty-based global organization concerned with tapping the potential of sun-abundant nations between the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn and enables co-operation among them. As a founding member of the International Solar Alliance, India exhibits its positioning as an upcoming leader in clean energy. India has set ambitious goals and targets to expand the share of solar in its energy mix and is playing a proactive role both at the regional and global levels. ISA aims to serve multiple goals- bring about scale commercialization of solar power, boost domestic manufacturing, and leverage solar diplomacy in African countries, amongst others. Against this backdrop, this paper attempts to examine the ways in which ISA as an intergovernmental organization under Indian leadership can leverage the cause of clean energy (solar) diplomacy and effectively shape partnerships and collaborations with other developing countries in terms of sharing solar technology, capacity building, risk mitigation, mobilizing financial investment and providing an aggregate market. A more specific focus of ISA is on the developing countries, which in the absence of a collective, are constrained by technology and capital scarcity, despite being naturally endowed with solar resources. Solar rich but finance-constrained economies face political risk, foreign exchange risk, and off-taker risk. Scholars argue that aligning India’s climate change discourse and growth prospects in its engagements, collaborations, and partnerships at the bilateral, multilateral and regional level can help promote trade, attract investments, and promote resilient energy transition both in India and in partner countries. For developing countries, coming together in an action-oriented way on issues of climate and clean energy is particularly important since it is developing and underdeveloped countries that face multiple and coalescing challenges such as the adverse impact of climate change, uneven and low access to reliable energy, and pressing employment needs. Investing in green recovery is agreed to be an assured way to create resilient value chains, create sustainable livelihoods, and help mitigate climate threats. If India is able to ‘green its growth’ process, it holds the potential to emerge as a climate leader internationally. It can use its experience in the renewable sector to guide other developing countries in balancing multiple similar objectives of development, energy security, and sustainability. The challenges underlying solar expansion in India have lessons to offer other developing countries, giving India an opportunity to assume a leadership role in solar diplomacy and expand its geopolitical influence through inter-governmental organizations such as ISA. It is noted that India has limited capacity to directly provide financial funds and support and is not a leading manufacturer of cheap solar equipment, as does China; however, India can nonetheless leverage its large domestic market to scale up the commercialization of solar power and offer insights and learnings to similarly placed abundant solar countries. The paper examines the potential of and limits placed on India’s solar diplomacy.

Keywords: climate diplomacy, energy security, solar diplomacy, renewable energy

Procedia PDF Downloads 118