Search results for: changing democratic state

Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The Study of terrorism lends itself to the constructivist framework as constructivism focuses on the importance of ideas and norms in shaping interests and identities. Constructivism is pertinent to understand the phenomenon of a terrorist organization like the Islamic State (IS), which opportunistically utilizes radical ideas and norms to shape its ‘politics of identity’. This ‘identity’, which is at the helm of preferences and interests of actors, in turn, shapes actions. The paper argues that an effective counter-terrorism policy must recognize the importance of ideas in order to counter the threat arising from acts of radicalism and terrorism. Traditional theories of international relations, with an emphasis on state-centric security problematic, exhibit several limitations and problems in interpreting the phenomena of terrorism. With the changing global order, these theories have failed to adapt to the changing dimensions of terrorism, especially ‘newer’ actors like the Islamic State (IS). The paper observes that IS distinguishes itself from other terrorist organizations in the way that it recruits and spreads its propaganda. Not only are its methods different, but also its tools (like social media) are new. Traditionally, too, force alone has rarely been sufficient to counter terrorism, but it seems especially impossible to completely root out an organization like IS. Time is ripe to change the discourse around terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies. The counter-terrorism measures adopted by states, which primarily focus on mitigating threats to the national security of the state, are preoccupied with statist objectives of the continuance of state institutions and maintenance of order. This limitation prevents these theories from addressing the questions of justice and the ‘human’ aspects of ideas and identity. These counter-terrorism strategies adopt a problem-solving approach that attempts to treat the symptoms without diagnosing the disease. Hence, these restrictive strategies fail to look beyond calculated retaliation against violent actions in order to address the underlying causes of discontent pertaining to ‘why’ actors turn violent in the first place. What traditional theories also overlook is that overt acts of violence may have several causal factors behind them, some of which are rooted in the structural state system. Exploring these root causes through the constructivist framework helps to decipher the process of ‘construction of terror’ and to move beyond the ‘what’ in theorization in order to describe ‘why’, ‘how’ and ‘when’ terrorism occurs. Study of terrorism would much benefit from a constructivist analysis in order to explore non-military options while countering the ideology propagated by the IS.

Keywords: constructivism, counter terrorism, Islamic State, politics of identity

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Authors: Giulia Dal Maso

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Within the contemporary financial capitalist configuration, the interplay of Chinese statecraft and financialization has shaped a new ‘ecology of financial expertise.’ This indicates the emergence of a new financial technocratic governance; that is increasingly changing the Chinese economy, reducing the state’s administrative and fiscal functions and increasing state assets in accordance with a new shareholder logic. In this shift, the creation of the stock market by the state was conceived not only as a new redistributor of wealth but as a ‘clearing house’ for social discontent resulting from work casualization, wage repression and a lack of social welfare. Since its inception in the wake of Deng Xiaoping’s reforms, the Chinese state has used the stock market as a means of securing social legitimation by providing a prearranged space where the disaggregated and vulnerable subjects left behind by the dismantlement of the collective work units of the Maoist period (danwei) can congregate. However, fieldwork which included both participant observation as well as interviews with investors in brokerage rooms in Shanghai (where one of only two mainland Chinese stock exchanges is situated) reveals that both new formal and informal financial experts—namely the haigui (Chinese returnees with a financial degree abroad) and sanhu (individual Chinese scattered players), are equally dissatisfied with their investing activities. They express discontent with the state, which they hold responsible for the summer 2015 financial crisis and for the financial turmoil that jeopardizes China’s financial and political project. What the investors want is a state that will guarantee the continuation of the current gupiaore ‘stock fever’. This paper holds that, by embracing financialization, the state is undermining the contract at the base of its legitimacy.

Keywords: Chinese state, Deng Xiaoping, financial capitalism, individual investors

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Authors: F. Agbele

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Elections are core democratic institutions. Consequently, voter participation during elections is paramount to democratic governance as it serves as a medium to legitimize authority and make the privileges of electoral democracy meaningful to citizens. To this effect, the topic of voter mobilization and subsequent turnout level have been largely studied in advanced democracies. In young and consolidating democracies, the debate has, however, revolves around the huge reliance on ethnic and regional appeals. According to the Author’s knowledge, studies on electoral mobilization especially within the African context have argued the use of ethnic linkages by political parties to mobilize voters during elections. Literature has however not differentiated between the level of democratic dispensation among African countries and the use of ethnic linkages. The question, however, is whether the state of the country’s democracy determines the strategies employed by political parties to induce voter participation. In other words, do parties simply play ethno-regional cards as strongly suggested by literature or will consider an arrayed of strategies to mobilize voters? Additionally, studies have not differentiated the impact of mobilization strategy within a country, i.e. between high to low turnout areas. They have also not distinguished between strategies employed by an incumbent or an opposition party. This paper, therefore, is a comparative analysis of voter mobilization in Ghana. It uses original survey and interview data from three constituencies in Ghana: Nanton, Assin North, and Ellembelle, which are typical cases of high, average and low turnout areas, respectively. The data were concurrently collected during fieldworks conducted in November 2016 to February 2017, and again from July to August 2017. The study found that political parties within a consolidating democracy employ a blend of strategies to ensure turnout by both parties’ faithful and swing voters. The dominant strategies used depends on whether the party is an incumbent or in opposition. While an incumbent may depend more on personalistic and clientelistic strategies, parties in opposition will largely use programmatic strategies, which entails making many campaign promises. Additionally, opposition parties do use clientelistic tactics, but not on the same level as the incumbent. Similarly, within the context of this study, the use of ethnic linkage by political parties to mobilize voters has not been found to be as strong as suggested in the literature. Further, location was key in determining the strategy to use. In all, the consolidation process of a democratic country like Ghana means the change of mobilization strategies used by political parties, which entail a gradual shift from ethnic linkages to programmatic and other forms of non-programmatic strategies.

Keywords: comparative analysis, elections, mobilization strategies, voter turnout

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Authors: Ebert Brea

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We propose a novel direct search algorithm for identifying at least a local minimum of mixed integer nonlinear unconstrained optimization problems. The Mixed Integer Randomized Pattern Search Algorithm (MIRPSA), so-called by the author, is based on a randomized pattern search, which is modified by the MIRPSA for finding at least a local minimum of our problem. The MIRPSA has two main operations over the randomized pattern search: moving operation and shrinking operation. Each operation is carried out by the algorithm when a set of conditions is held. The convergence properties of the MIRPSA is analyzed using a Markov chain approach, which is represented by an infinite countable set of state space λ, where each state d(q) is defined by a measure of the qth randomized pattern search Hq, for all q in N. According to the algorithm, when a moving operation is carried out on the qth randomized pattern search Hq, the MIRPSA holds its state. Meanwhile, if the MIRPSA carries out a shrinking operation over the qth randomized pattern search Hq, the algorithm will visit the next state, this is, a shrinking operation at the qth state causes a changing of the qth state into (q+1)th state. It is worthwhile pointing out that the MIRPSA never goes back to any visited states because the MIRPSA only visits any qth by shrinking operations. In this article, we describe the MIRPSA for mixed integer nonlinear unconstrained optimization problems for doing a deep study of its convergence properties using Markov chain viewpoint. We herein include a low dimension case for showing more details of the MIRPSA, when the algorithm is used for identifying the minimum of a mixed integer quadratic function. Besides, numerical examples are also shown in order to measure the performance of the MIRPSA.

Keywords: direct search, mixed integer optimization, random search, convergence, Markov chain

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Authors: Kaida Kobylka

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Museum education policy can be developed through the lens of radical democracy and radically democratic relational aesthetics to provoke a more wholistic, agonistic, and utopian educational experiences that expand a viewer’s experiences and knowledge of artwork in a museum’s permanent collection to encourage a deeper understanding of art and the community of a museum’s connections to equity, diversity, inclusion, and decolonization. Practices used by the museum will create cohesive and engaging informal education that utilizes community-based, alternative knowledge and create dignity-safe spaces for viewers to engage critically with the visual objects.

Keywords: museum education, radical democracy, Canadian policy, community-based knowledge

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Authors: Samuel Pimpong

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In most liberal and constitutional democracies, the media serves as a dominant power in the construction of the fundamental building blocks for the consolidation of democratic governance. However, the extent to which the media can enhance democratic consolidation in a country depends to a large extent on the independence of the media, the robustness of legislative frameworks and the safety of journalists in discharging their duties without fear or favor. This study sought to examine pertinent issues, practices and challenges facing the media in Ghana’s Fourth Republic and attempts to make recommendations regarding the way forward. The work adopted a qualitative study approach. A total of sixteen (16) participants were purposively selected for face-to-face interviews. The study hinges on the democratic participant media theory and the development media theory. Primary data was analyzed via thematic analysis procedure. The study revealed that although Ghana has repealed its criminal libel laws, nonetheless other statutory Acts, such as the Electronic Communications Act 2008 (ACT 775) and the Criminal and other offences Act 1960 (Act 29), among others continue to stifle freedom of expression. On the other hand, press freedom is being abused by the use of fake content publication. Further, the study revealed that the absence of a comprehensive regulatory structure impedes the activities carried out by the media. Consequently, the study recommends a regulatory structure to oversee media activities and content, as the National Media Commission (NMC) lacks the authority to do so. In this direction, the study recommends a limitation on the role of the National Communications Authority (NCA) to administer broadcasting signals and transfer its licensing and sanctioning powers to the NMC in order to create one sole and completely independent media regulatory authority that deals with all media related issues.

Keywords: media, constitutional democracy, democratic consolidation, fourth republic

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Authors: Dishari Rakshit, Mitchell Gallagher

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The global landscape is witnessing a disconcerting surge in democratic backsliding, engendering concerns over the rise of autocratisation. This research demonstrates the intricate relationship between a nation's domestic propensity for autocratic governance and its trade relations with China. Giving prominence to Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) investments, this study adopts a rigorous neorealist framework to discern the complexities of nations' economic interests amidst an anarchic milieu and how these interests may transcend steadfast adherence to democratic principles. The burgeoning bipolarity in the international political setting serves as a backdrop to our inquiry. To operationalise our hypothesis, we conduct a large-scale 'N' study, encompassing a comprehensive global dataset comprising countries' democracy indicators, total trade volume with China, and cumulative Chinese BRI investments over a substantial temporal expanse. By meticulously examining BRI signatories’, we aim to ascertain the potential accentuation of democratic backsliding among these nations. To test our empirical underpinning, we will validate our findings through cogent case studies. Our analysis adds to the scholarship on multifaceted interactions between trade dynamics and democratic governance within the fabric of the international political landscape. In its culmination, the paper addresses the question- has the erstwhile grandeur of bipolarity resurfaced in the contemporary global panorama? Concurrently, we explore the nexus between the ascendant wave of autocratisation as a by-product of the Beijing Consensus? Pertinent to policymakers, our discoveries stand poised to furnish a comprehensive grasp of the manifold implications arising from the deepening entanglements with China under the auspices of the BRI.

Keywords: democracy, autocracy, china, belt road initiative, international political economy

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Authors: Krambia-Kapardis Maria, Neophytidou Christina

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Lobbying is an inherent aspect within the democratic regimes across the globe. Although it can provide decision-makers with valuable knowledge and grant access to stakeholders in the decision-making process, it can also lead to undue influence and unfair competition at the expense of the public interest if it not transparent. Given the multi-level governance structure of the EU, it is no surprise that the EU policy-making arena has become a place-to-be for lobbyists. However, in order to ensure that influence is legitimate and not biased of any business interests, lobbying must be effectively regulated. A comparison with the US and Canadian lobbying regulatory framework and utilising some good practices from EU countries it is apparent that lobbying is the Achilles’ heel to transparency in the EU. It is evident that EU institutions suffer from ineffective regulations and could in fact benefit from a more robust, mandatory and better implemented system of lobbying regulation.

Keywords: EU, lobbying regulation, transparency, democratic regimes

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Authors: Girish Choudhary

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Education is in a state of flux. Not only one need to acquire skills in order to cope with a fast changing global world, an explosive growth in technology, on the other hand is providing a new wave of teaching tools - computer aided video instruction, hypermedia, multimedia, CD-ROMs, Internet connections, and collaborative software environments. The emerging technology incorporates the group qualities of interactive, classroom-based learning while providing individual students the flexibility to participate in an educational programme at their own time and place. The technology facilitating self learning also seems to provide a cost effective solution to the dilemma of delivering education to masses. Online education is a unique learning domain that provides for many to many communications as well. The computer conferencing software defines the boundaries of the virtual classroom. The changing paradigm provides access of instruction to a large proportion of society, promises a qualitative change in the quality of learning and echoes a new way of thinking in educational theory that promotes active learning and open new learning approaches. Putting it to practice is challenging and may fundamentally alter the nature of educational institutions. The subsequent part of paper addresses such questions viz. 'Do we need to radically re-engineer the curriculum and foster an alternate set of skills in students?' in the onward journey.

Keywords: on-line education, self learning, energy and power engineering, future education

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Authors: Norbert Tomaszewski

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Modern politicians tend to resign from the traditional media as Web 2.0 tools allow them to interact with a much bigger audience while spending less money on their campaign. Current studies on this subject prove that in order to win the elections, the candidate needs to show his personal side during the campaign to appeal to the voter as an average citizen. Because of that, the internet user may engage in the politician's campaign by spreading his message along with his followers. The aim of the study is to determine how did the Democratic candidates use the Web 2.0 tools during the 2018 midterm elections campaign and whether they managed to succeed. Taking into consideration the fact that the United States as a country, has always set important milestones for the political marketing as a field of science, the result of the research can set some examples on how to manage the modern internet campaign in less developed countries.

Keywords: political campaign, midterm elections, social media, Web 2.0

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Authors: Ana Luiza Aranha

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This paper contributes to the discussions that consider corruption as a challenge to the establishment of more democratically inclusive societies in Latin America. The paper advocates an intrinsic connection between democratic principles and corruption control – it is only possible to achieve just forms of democratic life if accountability institutions are able to control corruption, and therefore control the political exclusions that it brings. Departing from a non-trivial approach to corruption, and recognizing a gap in democratic theory when thinking about this phenomenon, corruption is understood as the breakdown of the democratic inclusive rule, whereby political decisions are made (and actions were taken) in spite of those potentially affected by them. Based on this idea, this paper proposes a new way of measuring corruption, moving away from usual aggregate measures – such as the Corruption Perception Index – and case studies of corruption scandals. The main argument sustains that corruption is intrinsically connected with the ability to be accountable and to provide public justification for the political conduct. The point advocated is that corruption involves a dimension of political exclusion. It generates a private benefit which is, from a democratic point of view, illegitimate, since it benefits some at the expense of the decisions made by the political community. Corruption is then a form of exclusion based on deception and opacity - for corruption, there is no plausible justification. Empirically, the paper uses the audit reports produced by the Brazilian anti-corruption agency (the CGU - Office of the Comptroller General) in its Inspections From Public Lotteries Program to exemplify how we can use this definition to separate corruption cases from mismanagement irregularities. On one side, there is poor management and inefficiencies, and, on the other, corruption, defined by the implausibility of public justifications – because the public officials would have to publicize illegitimate privileges and undue advantages. CGU reports provide the justifications given by the public officials for the irregularities found and also the acceptance or not by the control agency of these justifications. The analysis of this dialogue – between public officials and control agents – makes it possible to divide the irregularities on those that can be publicly justified versus those that cannot. In order to hold public officials accountable for their actions, making them responsible for the exclusions that they may cause (such as corruption), the accountability institutions fulfil an important role in reinforcing and empowering democracy and its basic inclusive condition.

Keywords: accountability, brazil, corruption, democracy

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Authors: Phusit Phukamchanoad

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This research aims to analyze the fundamental factors of the community leader and citizens behind the self-sufficient living in Vientiane, Lao People's Democratic Republic. The data were collected by asking 400 citizens to fill out the questionnaires and having in-depth interviews with 30 community leaders. It was found that the factors which had influenced the practice of the sufficiency economy philosophy were age, occupation, length of time living in Vientiane, education, monthly income, monthly expense, and the sufficiency economy philosophy training. The people who had been trained could practice the sufficiency economy philosophy better at both individual and household level than the people who had not been trained. The people who were older than 36 years old had practiced the sufficiency economy philosophy more than the people who were younger than 35 years old. The people who worked in state-owned enterprises, private businesses, and government officials: teachers, police officers, soldiers, and ministers applied the sufficiency economy philosophy more than the samples who were students. The people who lived in Vientiane for more than 31 years applied the sufficiency economy philosophy more than the samples who lived in Vientiane for not more than 30 years. The people whose incomes exceeded 20,001 baht applied the sufficiency economy philosophy more than the people whose incomes did not exceed 20,000 baht. Both community leaders and citizens had a good relationship with their families and community. The community members supported each other during tough times. There were regular meetings in the community. There was unity within the families. The time to build a bond in the family was the time when everyone was eating together. Also, most community leaders and citizens had at least two jobs per one person.

Keywords: sufficiency economy philosophy, fundamental factors, way of life, Vientiane Lao PDR

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Authors: L. B. Ni, N. S. Bt Rohadi, H. Bt Alfana, A. S. Bin Ali Hassan, J. Bin Karim, C. Bt Rasin

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This paper discusses the shared effort of teaching history in K-12 schools, community colleges, four-year colleges and universities to develop students' understanding of the history and habits of thought history. This study presents and discusses the problems of K-12 schools in colleges and universities, and the establishment of secondary school principals. This study also shows that the changing nature of practice can define new trends and affect the history professional in the classroom. There are many problems that historians and teachers of college faculty share in the history of high school teachers. History teachers can and should do better to get students in the classroom. History provides valuable insights into the information and embedded solid-state analysis models that are conflicting on the planet and are quickly changing exceptionally valuable. The survey results can reflect the history teaching in Malaysia.

Keywords: history issue, history teaching, school-university collaboration, history profession

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Authors: Smita Singh

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Through the constructivist perspective, this paper explores the transformation of India’s nuclear identity from an irresponsible nuclear weapon power to a ‘de-facto nuclear power’ in the emerging international nuclear order From a nuclear abstainer to a bystander and finally as a ‘de facto nuclear weapon state’, India has put forth its case as a unique and exceptional nuclear power as opposed to Iran, Iraq and North Korea with similar nuclear ambitions, who have been snubbed as ‘rogue states’ by the international community. This paper investigates the reasons behind international community’s gradual acceptance of India’s nuclear weapons capabilities and nuclear identity after the Indo-U.S. Nuclear Deal. In this paper, the central concept of analysis is the inter-subjective nature of identity in the nuclear arena. India’s nuclear behaviour has been discursively constituted by India through evolving images of the ‘self’ and the ‘other.’ India’s sudden heightened global status is not solely the consequence of its 1998 nuclear tests but a calibrated projection as a responsible stakeholder in other spheres such as economic potential, market prospects, democratic credentials and so on. By examining India’s nuclear discourse this paper contends that India has used its material and discursive power in presenting a n striking image as a responsible nuclear weapon power (though not yet a legal nuclear weapon state as per the NPT). By historicising India’s nuclear trajectory through an inter-subjective analysis of identities, this paper moves a step ahead in providing a theoretical interpretation of state actions and nuclear identity construction.

Keywords: nuclear identity, India, constructivism, international stakeholder

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Authors: Kamil Jonski

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Last year vividly demonstrated, that populism and political instability can endanger democratic institutions in countries regarded as democratic transition champions (Poland) or cornerstones of liberal order (UK, US). So called ‘illiberal democracy’ is winning hearts and minds of voters, keen to believe that rule of strongman is a viable alternative to perceived decay of western values and institutions. These developments pose a serious threat to the democratic institutions (including rule of law), proven critical for both personal freedom and economic development. Although scholars proposed some structural explanations of the illiberal wave (notably focusing on inequality, stagnant incomes and drawbacks of globalization), they seem to have little predictive value. Indeed, events like Trump’s victory, Brexit or Polish shift towards populist nationalism always came as a surprise. Intriguingly, in the case of US election, simple rules like ‘Bread and Peace model’ gauged prospects of Trump’s victory better than pundits and pollsters. This paper attempts to compile set of indicators, in order to gauge various democracies’ vulnerability to populism, instability and pursuance of ‘illiberal’ projects. Among them, it identifies the gap between consensus assessment of institutional performance (as measured by WGI indicators) and citizens’ subjective assessment (survey based confidence in institutions). Plotting these variables against each other, reveals three clusters of countries – ‘predictable’ (good institutions and high confidence, poor institutions and low confidence), ‘blind’ (poor institutions, high confidence e.g. Uzbekistan or Azerbaijan) and ‘disillusioned’ (good institutions, low confidence e.g. Spain, Chile, Poland and US). It seems that this clustering – carried out separately for various institutions (like legislature, executive and courts) and blended with economic indicators like inequality and living standards (using PCA) – offers reasonably good watchlist of countries, that should ‘expect the unexpected’.

Keywords: illiberal democracy, populism, political instability, political risk measurement

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: Zeynep Selin Balci, Altug Gunal

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Religion has always an effect on the policies of states. In the case of religion having a central role in defining identity, especially when becoming an independent state, the bond between religious authority and state cannot easily be broken. As independence of Greece from the Ottoman Empire was acquired at the same time with the creation of its own church under the name of the Church of Greece by declaring its independence from the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Istanbul, the new church became an important part of Greek national identity. As the Church has the ability to influence Greeks, its rituals, public appearances, and practices are used to provide support to the state. Although there sometimes have been controversies between church and state, it has always been a fact that church is an integral part of the state, which is proved by that paying the salaries of priest by state payroll and them being naturally civil servants. European Union membership, on the other hand, has a changing impact on this relationship. This impact started to be more visible in 2000 when then government decided to exclude the religion section from identity cards. Church’s reaction was to gather people around recalling their religious identity and followed by redefining the content of nationality, which aspired nationalist fronts. After 2015 when leftist coalition Syriza and its self-described atheist leader came to power, the situation for nationalists and Church became more tangling in addition to the economic crisis started in 2010 and evolved into the Eurozone crisis by affecting not only Greece but also other members. Although the church did not have direct confrontations with the government, the fact that Tsipras refused to take the oath on Bible created tensions because it was not acceptable for a state whose Constitution starts ‘in the name of the Holy, Consubstantial and Indivisible Trinity’. Moreover, austerity measures to overcome the economic crisis, which affected the everyday life of citizens in terms of both prices and salaries, did not harm the church’s economic situation much. Considering church being the second biggest landowner after state and paying no taxes, the fact that church was exempt from austerity measures showed to the government the necessity to find a way to make church contribute to solution for the crisis. In 2018, when the government agreed with the head of the church on cutting off the priests from government payroll automatically meaning to end priests’ civil servant status, it created tensions both for church and in society. As a result of the elections held in July 2019, Tsipras could not have the chance to apply the decision as he left the office. In light of these, this study aims to analyze the position of the church in the economic crisis and its effects on Tsipras term. In order to sufficiently understand this, it is to look at the historical changing points of Church’s influence in Greek’s eyes.

Keywords: Eurozone crisis, Greece, Orthodox Church, Tsipras

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Authors: Larysa Novak-Kalyayeva, Aleksander Kuczabski, Orystlava Sydorchuk, Nataliia Fersman, Tatyana Zemlinskaia

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The article presents the results of the creative analysis and comparison of trends in the development of the theory of public administration during the period from the second half of the 20^th to the beginning of the 21^st century. The process of conceptualization of the priorities of public administration in the dynamics of reforming was held under the influence of such factors as globalization, integration, information and technological changes and human rights is examined. The priorities of the social state in the concepts of the second half of the 20^th century are studied. Peculiar approaches to determining the priorities of public administration in the countries of "Soviet dictatorship" in Central and Eastern Europe in the same period are outlined. Particular attention is paid to the priorities of public administration regarding the interaction between public power and society and the development of conceptual foundations for the modern managerial process. There is a thought that the dynamics of the formation of concepts of the European governance is characterized by the sequence of priorities: from socio-economic and moral-ethical to organizational-procedural and non-hierarchical ones. The priorities of the "welfare state" were focused on the decent level of material wellbeing of population. At the same time, the conception of "minimal state" emphasized priorities of human responsibility for their own fate under the conditions of minimal state protection. Later on, the emphasis was placed on horizontal ties and redistribution of powers and competences of "effective state" with its developed procedures and limits of responsibility at all levels of government and in close cooperation with the civil society. The priorities of the contemporary period are concentrated on human rights in the concepts of "good governance" and all the following ones, which recognize the absolute priority of public administration with compliance, provision and protection of human rights. There is a proved point of view that civilizational changes taking place under the influence of information and technological imperatives also stipulate changes in priorities, redistribution of emphases and update principles of managerial concepts on the basis of publicity, transparency, departure from traditional forms of hierarchy and control in favor of interactivity and inter-sectoral interaction, decentralization and humanization of managerial processes. The necessity to permanently carry out the reorganization, by establishing the interaction between different participants of public power and social relations, to establish a balance between political forces and social interests on the basis of mutual trust and mutual understanding determines changes of social, political, economic and humanitarian paradigms of public administration and their theoretical comprehension. The further studies of theoretical foundations of modern public administration in interdisciplinary discourse in the context of ambiguous consequences of the globalizational and integrational processes of modern European state-building would be advisable. This is especially true during the period of political transformations and economic crises which are the characteristic of the contemporary Europe, especially for democratic transition countries.

Keywords: concepts of public administration, democratic transition countries, human rights, the priorities of public administration, theory of public administration

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Authors: Shalini Misra

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The means and methods of education have been changing fast since the invention of internet. Both, ancient and modern education emphasized on the holistic development of students. But, a significant change has been observed in the 21st century learners. Online classes, intercultural and interdisciplinary education which were exceptions in the past, are setting new trends in the field of education. In the modern era, intercultural and interpersonal skills are of immense importance, not only for students but for everyone. It sets a platform for better understanding and deeper learning by ensuring the active participation and involvement of students belonging to different social and cultural backgrounds in various academic and non-academic pursuits. On October 31, 2015, on the occasion of 140th birth anniversary of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Hon’ble Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi announced a wonderful initiative, ‘Ek Bharat Shreshtha Bharat’ i.e. ‘One India Best India’ commonly known as ‘EBSB’. The program highlighted India’s rich culture and traditions. The objective of the program was to foster a better understanding and healthy relationship among Indian States. Under this program, a variety of subjects were covered like ‘Arts, Culture and Language’ .It was claimed to be a successful cultural exchange where students from diverse communities shared their thoughts and experiences with one another. Under this online cultural exchange program, the state of Uttarakhand was paired with the state of Karnataka in the year 2022. The present paper proposes to undertake a survey of a total of thirty secondary level students of Uttarakhand and the partner state Karnataka, who participated in this program with a purpose of learning and embracing new ideas and culture thus promoting intercultural education. It aims to study and examine the role of intercultural education in shifting and establishing new paradigms of education.

Keywords: education, intercultural, interpersonal, traditions, understanding

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Authors: Saheed A. Rufai

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Courses in Pedagogy and Curriculum Development expectedly occupy a core place in the professional education components of teacher education at Lagos, Lagos State, and Sokoto State Universities. This is in keeping with the National Teacher Education Policy statement that stipulates that for student teachers to learn effectively teacher education institutions must be equipped to prepare them adequately. However, there is a growing concern over the unfaithfulness of some of the dominant Nigerian models of teacher education, to this policy statement on teacher educators’ knowledge and skills. The purpose of this paper is to comparatively evaluate both the curricular provisions and the manpower for the pedagogy and curriculum development sub-components of the Lagos, Lagos State, and Sokoto State models of teacher preparation. The paper employs a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. Preliminary analysis revealed a new trend in teacher educators’ pedagogical knowledge and understanding, with regard to the two intertwined sub-components. The significance of such a study lies in its potential to determine the degree of conformity of each of the three models to the stipulated standards. The paper’s contribution to scholarship lies in its correlation of deficiencies in teacher educators’ professional knowledge and skills and articulation of the implications of such deficiencies for the professional knowledge and skills of the prospective teachers, with a view to providing a framework for reforms.

Keywords: curriculum development, pedagogy, teacher education, dominant Nigerian teacher preparation models

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Authors: Fahad Suleiman

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The aim of this paper is to study students’ view on mathematics learning in Katsina State Senior Secondary Schools of Nigeria, such as their conceptions of mathematics, attitudes toward mathematics learning, etc. A questionnaire was administered to a random sample of 1,225 senior secondary two (SS II) students of Katsina State in Nigeria. The data collected showed a clear picture of the hurdles that affect the teaching and learning of mathematics in our schools. Problems such as logistics and operational which include shortage of mathematics teachers, non–availability of a mathematics laboratory, etc. were identified. It also depicted the substantial trends of changing views and attitudes toward mathematics across secondary schools. Students’ responses to the conception of mathematics were consistent and they demonstrated some specific characteristics of their views in learning mathematics. This survey has provided useful information regarding students’ needs and aspirations in mathematics learning for curriculum planners and frontline teachers for future curriculum reform and implementation.

Keywords: attitudes, mathematics, students, teacher

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Authors: Kareem Adedokun

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Official secrecy is one of the colonial vestiges which upholds non – disclosure of essential information for public consumption. Information, though an indispensable tool in tax administration, is not to be divulged by any person in an official duty of the revenue agency. As a matter o fact, the Federal Inland Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, 2007 emphasizes secrecy and confidentiality in dealing with tax payer’s document, information, returns and assessment in a manner reminiscent of protecting tax payer’s privacy in all situations. It is so serious that any violation attracts criminal sanction. However, Nigeria, being a democratic and egalitarian state recently enacted Freedom of Information Act which heralded in openness in governance and takes away the confidentialities associated with official secrets Laws. Official secrecy no doubts contradicts the philosophy of freedom of information but maintaining a proper balance between protected rights of tax payers and public interest which revenue agency upholds is an uphill task. Adopting the Doctrinal method, therefore, the author of this paper probes into the real nature of the relationship between taxpayers and Revenue Agencies. It also interfaces official secrecy with the doctrine of Freedom of Information and consequently queries the retention of non – disclosure clause under Federal Inland Revenue Service (Establishment) Act (FIRSEA) 2007. The paper finds among others that non – disclosure provision in tax statutes particularly as provided for in FIRSEA is not absolute; so also is the constitutional rights and freedom of information and unless the non – disclosure clause finds justification under any recognized exemption provided under the Freedom of Information Act, its retention is antithesis to democratic ethos and beliefs as it may hinder public interest and public order.

Keywords: confidentiality, information, official secrecy, tax administration

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Authors: Kiamran Radjabli

Abstract:

State Estimator became an intrinsic part of Energy Management Systems (EMS). The SCADA measurements received from the field are processed by the State Estimator in order to accurately determine the actual operating state of the power systems and provide that information to other real-time network applications. All EMS vendors offer a State Estimator functionality in their baseline products. However, setting up and ensuring that State Estimator consistently produces a reliable solution often consumes a substantial engineering effort. This paper provides generic recommendations and describes a simple practical approach to efficient tuning of State Estimator, based on the working experience with major EMS software platforms and consulting projects in many electrical utilities of the USA.

Keywords: convergence, monitoring, state estimator, performance, troubleshooting, tuning, power systems

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Authors: Jakub Gren

Abstract:

The recent transfer of banking supervision to the ECB has expanded its influence as of a non-majoritarian and technocratic policy-shaper in EU supervisory policies. To fulfil the main policy objectives of the Single Supervisory Mechanism, the ECB has been tasked with building a single supervisory approach to supervised banks across the euro area and is now exclusively responsible for direct supervision of the largest ‘significant’ euro area banks and the oversight of the remaining ‘less significant’ banks. This enhanced supranational position of the ECB significantly alters the EU institutional order and creates powerful incentives to actively pursue integrationist agenda by the ECB. However, this drastic shift has a little impact upon adapting the ECB’s new supervisory mandate to the requirements of democratic legitimacy. Whereas the ECB’s strong pre-crisis independence and limited accountability could be reconciled with democratic principles through a clearly articulated price stability mandate, independence and limited accountability in the context of a more complex supervisory mandate is problematic. Hence, in order to ensure the democratic legitimacy of the ECB/SSM’s supervisory policies, the ECB’s supervisory mandate requires both a lower scope of independence and higher accountability requirements. To address this situation, organizational separation (“Chinese Wall”) between the ECB monetary and supervisory arms was introduced. This separation includes different reporting lines and the relocation of the ECB’s monetary function to a new building complex while leaving its supervisory function at the Euro-tower (“Two Towers”). This paper argues that these measures are not sufficient to establish proper checks and balances on the ECB’s powers to pursue euro zone’s wide supervisory policies. As a remedy, this contribution suggests that the ECB’s Treaties-embedded independence, as set out by art. 130 TFEU, designed to carry out its monetary function shall not be fully applicable to its supervisory function. Indeed functional and conditional reading of this provision to ECB supervisory function could enhance the legitimacy of future ECB’s supervisory action.

Keywords: accountability and transparency, democratic governance, financial management, rule of law

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Authors: O. M. van den Broek

Abstract:

This article examines how large German companies have responded to the 2014 refugee crisis. It challenges the assumption that the historical legacy of implicit CSR in Germany would lead to low levels of business response through CSR channels. Instead, and building on institutional CSR and the converging forces of globalization, this article argues that the urgency of a humanitarian crisis creates incentives, in the absence of formal institutional arrangement, for explicit CSR responses. This explorative research encompasses the 53 German companies presented on 2015 Forbes2000. A qualitative content analysis of corporate websites was supplemented with inquiry e-mails. Results indicate considerable evidence for the main hypothesis, showing a vast majority of companies responding to the refugee crisis. Levels of engagement varied, depending on the phase of the crisis, from core-business activities to non-integrated action. The high level of partnerships with the state and other non-state actors indicates a quest for enhanced legitimacy in the face of an absent democratic mandate.

Keywords: corporate social responsibility (CSR), implicit versus explicit CSR, public-private partnerships, European refugee crisis

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Authors: Mwamba Mwamini Ruth

Abstract:

For many authors,the percentage of married or in union persons using family planning methods has increased significantly since the 1960s, despite this progress, important differences across régions are observer.These différences become even greater,to present a paradox,when studying the issue in smallest territorial entities in developing countries.In line with the above,the general objective of this research is to investigate into "knowledge , attitude and practice"of households from a basic territorial entity,here in"Murara Sector"(in the city of Goma, province of North Kivu,Democratic Republic of Congo,Africa)on family planning (as defined and provisioned by the four World Health Organization-WHO key texts on the matter)

Keywords: DRC, family planning methods, information technology, Murara

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Authors: Tolga Yazıcı

Abstract:

As a matter of the fact that online social networks like Twitter, Facebook and MySpace have experienced an extensive growth in recent years. Social media offers individuals with a tool for communicating and interacting with one another. These social networks enable people to stay in touch with other people and express themselves. This process makes the users of online social networks active creators of content rather than being only consumers of traditional media. That’s why millions of people show strong desire to learn the methods and tools of digital content production and necessary communication skills. However, the booming interest in communication and interaction through online social networks and high level of eagerness to invent and implement the ways to participate in content production raise some privacy and security concerns. This presentation aims to open the assumed revolutionary, democratic and liberating nature of the online social media up for discussion by reviewing some recent political developments in Turkey. Firstly, the role of Internet and online social networks in mobilizing collective movements through social interactions and communications will be questioned. Secondly, some cases from Gezi and Okmeydanı Protests and also December 17-25 period will be presented in order to illustrate misinformation and manipulation in social media and violation of individual privacy through online social networks in order to damage social unity and stability contradictory to democratic nature of online social networking.

Keywords: online social media networks, democratic participation, social movements, social polarization, privacy of individuals, Turkey

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Authors: Heesu Kim

Abstract:

This paper determines the varieties of state roles played in East Asia’s telecommunication market, regarding broadband industry. Technological capacity and the relationship between state and market affect the varieties of state role. In explaining the state’s engagement in the market, technology has always been considered as a necessary and sufficient condition. However technology variable has been useful in only explaining the extent of state’s involvement. This paper contributes by bringing in the political-economic factor, which is the relationship between state and market. This factor aids in distinguishing the varieties of state role played in emerging industries. Interaction between these two variables distinguishes 4 types of state roles played in the broadband industry. These roles are distinguished and characterized by the intensity of state’s intervention and the existence of technological capacity. This paper classifies four types of state role through the case of Singapore, China, Taiwan and Korea’s broadband industrial policy.

Keywords: East Asia, entrpreneurial state, industrial policy, regulatory state, technological capacity

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Authors: Hatem Radwan Ibrahim Radwan

Abstract:

Leadership is crucial for hotel survival and success. It enables hotels to develop and compete effectively. This research intends to explore the implementation of six leadership styles by frontline hotel managers in four star hotels in Cairo and assess its impact on employees’ creativity and organizational commitment. The leadership patterns considered in this study includes: democratic, autocratic, laissez-faire, transformational, transactional, and ethical leaderships. Questionnaire was used as a research method to gather data. A structured survey was established and distributed on employees in Cairo’s four star hotels. A total of 284 questionnaire forms were returned and usable for statistical analysis. The results of this study identified that transactional and autocratic leadership were the prevalent styles used in four star hotels in Cairo. Two leadership styles proved to have significant high correlation and impact on employees’ creativity and organizational commitment including: transformational and democratic leadership. Besides, laissez-faire leadership was found had a smaller effect on employees’ creativity and ethical leadership had a lesser influence on employees’ commitment. The autocratic leadership had strong negative correlation and significant impact on both dependent variables. This research concludes that frontline hotel managers should adopt transformational and/or democratic leadership style in managing their subordinates.

Keywords: creativity, hotels, leadership styles, organizational commitment

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Authors: Leonard Mike McNelly Longwa, Divine Kusosa Musiku, D. Nahum Kabeya

Abstract:

In this paper the bifurcation analysis of oilfield in Democratic Republic of Congo is presented in order to enhance petroleum production in an intense tectonic evolution characterized by distinct compressive and extensive phases and the digenetic transformation in the reservoirs during burial geological configuration. The use of porous media in Makelekese MS-25 field has been established to simulate the boundaries within 3 sedimentary basins open to exploration including the coastal basin with an area of 5992 km2, a central basin with an area of 800,000 km2, the western branch of the East African Rift in which there are 50,000 km2. The fractal characterization of complex hydro-dynamic fractures in oilfield is developed to facilitate oil production process based on reservoirs bifurcation model.

Keywords: reservoir bifurcation, fractal characterisation, permeability, conductivity, skin effect

Procedia PDF Downloads 200