Search results for: Islamic political thought

Authors: Sharafat Karimi, Jamil Jafari

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The impact of Western Literature on other nations' pieces of literature (including Arabic) has caused critics to ignore the importance of Arabic cultural & literary heritage in the formation of contemporary Arabic fiction; but on the contrary, an important part of literary genres in any society, especially fiction has been formed in the past and depends on ancient literary events. The current paper, utilizing the descriptive-analytical method and by means of library studies, tries to challenge those critics who regard Western Literature as the only effective factor on the appearance of Arabic fiction. Furthermore, this research tries to find out effective Islamic-Arabic elements on the development of Arabic novel by the investigation of some fictional works. The results show that in addition to regarding Western literature as an important factor, Arab novelists have applied their heritage, culture, and ancient history, either written or orally transmitted to the current generation, in their innovations. Among great historical works containing moral stories, allegorical legends, myths, tales of heroes, and folklore, we can refer to Arabian Nights, Kalila & Dimna, romantic stories, historical puzzles, history of Islam, history of ancient Egypt, Maqama, and Quranic stories. Famous novels like 'Hadith Isa ibn-Hisham', 'Layali Alif Layla', 'Abas al-Aqdar', 'Radoubis', 'Ahlam Shahrzad, and 'Alam Bela Kharaet' were compiled on the basis of ancient literary heritage not only in the theme but also in the structure; so one can conclude that the ancient literary-cultural heritage and Islamic-Arabian history have been influential on Arabic novel appearance and development.

Keywords: Arabic fictional literature, culture, heritage, history, language, novel

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Authors: Charles Esambe Alobwede

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From the time of the biblical story of the Tower of Babel, languages as well as people have learnt to co-exist. It is obvious that when languages co-exist, there is the inevitable tendency of linguistic influence. This is because a language can either be a unifying factor or a factor of division within a given community, especially in a multicultural and multi-linguistic community where such a situation has led to socio-political and economic tension. Thus, leaders of such communities have a duty to plan and implement a language policy that will meet the needs of all members of the community in order to enhance its corporateness. The present article will focus on some of the major reasons that prompted the government of Cameroon to embark on an official bilingual policy after independence in 1961 and then evaluate the evolution of the linguistic situation. The article will equally look at the consequences, especially on a socio-political platform and what today has been termed 'the Anglophone problem' in Cameroon which has caused a fuse between the country’s minority Anglophone population and the majority Francophone administration. Data for the present article is collected from literature on the state of official bilingualism in Cameroon, newspapers articles on the prevailing situation in the country and interviews with actors on the field.

Keywords: language policy, linguistic influence, multicultural, official bilingualism, socio-political tension

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Authors: Michel Foucault, Friedrich Nietzsche, Max More, Natasha Vita-More, Francesca Ferrando

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During the early part of his intellectual and academic career (1950s and 1960s), Michel Foucault developed an interest for what we can call the ‘anthropological question’, or how our modernity deals with human nature from an epistemological standpoint. The great originality of Foucault’s thought here lies in the fact that he approaches this question not from the perspective of this ‘sovereign subject’ (that has characterized the History of Western thought) he wishes to disclose and ‘denounce’, but rather at the level of discourses and the way they constitute who we are, so to speak. This led him, in turn, to formulate a series of though-provoking statements during his so-called ‘archaeological period’ of the 1960s concerning what we call ‘man’ in the West, such as that he is an ‘invention of recent date’ (as a proper object of concern and reflection), and, perhaps more importantly, that he might disappear in the near future, ‘like a face drawn in sand at the edge of the sea’. Foucault is following on the footsteps of Nietzsche in that regard, who had famously announced in the 19th ce. the ‘death of God’ and the need for the future generations to surpass (so to speak) the traditional ‘Christian-centred’ Western conception of the human. While Foucault exposed such insights more than half a century ago, they appear to be more actual than ever today with the development and rise in popularity of intellectual movements such as Transhumanism and Posthumanism, which seek to question and propose an alternative to the concepts of ‘man’ or ‘human nature’ in our culture. They rely for that on the same assumption as Foucault and Nietzsche that those concepts (and the meaning we attribute to them) have become ‘obsolete’ as it is and thus must be overcome (at a conceptual, but also a more practical level). Hence, those movements not only echo the important Foucauldian reflection of the 1950s and 1960s on the ‘anthropological question’ but seem to have been literally announced by it, so to speak. The aim of this paper will therefore be to show the relevance of Foucault (and in particular his archaeological method) in understanding the nature of Transhumanism (and Posthumanism), for instance, by analysing and assessing it as a form of discourse that is literally reshaping the way we understand ourselves as human beings in our (post)modern age, drawing for that on a number of key texts including from the early productions of Foucault.

Keywords: foucault, nietzsche, archaeology, transhumanism, posthumanism

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Authors: Juan Sanmartín Bastida

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When a country experiences a period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, involving an earlier process of political liberalization and a later process of democratization, a cycle of protest usually outbreaks, as there is a reciprocal influence between that kind of political change and the frequency and scale of social protest events. That is what happened in Spain during the first years of its transition to democracy from the Francoist authoritarian regime, roughly between November 1975 and December 1978. Thus, the object of this study is to show and explain how that cycle of protest started, developed, and finished in relation to such a political change, and offer specific information about the main features of all protest cycles: the social movements that arose during that period, the number of protest events by month, the forms of collective action that were utilized, the groups of challengers that engaged in contentious politics, the reaction of the authorities to the action and claims of those groups, etc. The study of this cycle of protest, using the primary sources and analytical tools that characterize the model of research of protest cycles, will make a contribution to the field of contentious politics and its phenomenon of cycles of contention, and more broadly to the political and social history of contemporary Spain. The cycle of protest and the process of political liberalization of the authoritarian regime began around the same time, but the first concluded long before the process of democratization was completed in 1982. The ascending phase of the cycle and therefore the process of liberalization started with the death of Francisco Franco and the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain in November 1975; the peak of the cycle was around the first months of 1977; the descending phase started after the first general election of June 1977; and the level of protest stabilized in the last months of 1978, a year that finished with a referendum in which the Spanish people approved the current democratic constitution. It was then when we can consider that the cycle of protest came to an end. The primary sources are the news of protest events and social movements in the three main Spanish newspapers at the time, other written or audiovisual documents, and in-depth interviews; and the analytical tools are the political opportunities that encourage social protest, the available repertoire of contention, the organizations and networks that brought together people with the same claims and allowed them to engage in contentious politics, and the interpretative frames that justify, dignify and motivates their collective action. These are the main four factors that explain the beginning, development and ending of the cycle of protest, and therefore the accompanying social movements and events of collective action. Among those four factors, the political opportunities -their opening, exploitation, and closure-proved to be most decisive.

Keywords: contentious politics, cycles of protest, political opportunities, social movements, Spanish transition to democracy

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Authors: Tansa Nisan Gunerhan

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Dementia comes in different forms, including Alzheimer's disease. The most common dementia diagnosis among elderly individuals is Alzheimer's disease. On average, for patients with Alzheimer’s, life expectancy is around 4-8 years after the diagnosis; however, expectancy can go as high as twenty years or more, depending on the shrinkage of the brain. Normally, along with aging, the brain shrinks at some level but doesn’t lose a vast amount of neurons. However, Alzheimer's patients' neurons are destroyed rapidly; hence problems with loss of memory, communication, and other metabolic activities begin. The toxic changes in the brain affect the stability of the neurons. Beta-amyloid and tau are two proteins that are believed to play a role in the development of Alzheimer's disease through their toxic changes. Beta-amyloid is a protein that is produced in the brain and is normally broken down and removed from the body. However, in people with Alzheimer's disease, the production of beta-amyloid increases, and it begins to accumulate in the brain. These plaques are thought to disrupt communication between nerve cells and may contribute to the death of brain cells. Tau is a protein that helps to stabilize microtubules, which are essential for the transportation of nutrients and other substances within brain cells. In people with Alzheimer's disease, tau becomes abnormal and begins to accumulate inside brain cells, forming neurofibrillary tangles. These tangles disrupt the normal functioning of brain cells and may contribute to their death, forming amyloid plaques which are deposits of a protein called amyloid-beta that build up between nerve cells in the brain. The accumulation of amyloid plaques and neurofibrillary tangles in the brain is thought to contribute to the shrinkage of brain tissue. As the brain shrinks, the size of the brain may decrease, leading to a reduction in brain volume. Brain atrophy in Alzheimer's disease is often accompanied by changes in the structure and function of brain cells and the connections between them, leading to a decline in brain function. These toxic changes that accumulate can cause symptoms such as memory loss, difficulty with thinking and problem-solving, and changes in behavior and personality.

Keywords: Alzheimer, amyloid-beta, brain atrophy, neuron, shrinkage

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Authors: S. Zev Kalifon

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The question of polygamy for Moslem minorities in Western nations has often been raised in the political and social discourse. Can polygamy be tolerated as a religious or human right in the West. For example, before the 2015 election in Israel, changes were made in the electoral system, which encouraged three small Arab parties to merge into one list. This “Unity List” included the socially liberal Communist list and a socially conservative Islamist list. Two members of the Islamist list were polygamists. Some rival politicians called for the election board to disqualify these men (and even the whole list) from the election process. This request was denied by the courts, and the men were elected to the parliament. Their subsequent seating in the parliament was questioned by many on both the liberal and conservative sides of the political spectrum. Some political commentators went so far as to describe polygamy as a “mark of disgrace” (a term usually reserved for people convicted on corruption charges). There are also problems in other areas of society; these include the rights of these families for welfare and social services (public policy issues) and residence in Israel. Using qualitative methods (primarily historical and archival data), this paper will analyze at the historic and cultural processes which created the intense opposition to polygamy in Judaism (for Israel) and Christianity (for the Western world). It will look at the debate over the "religious right" of polygamy for Moslem citizens in Israel and other Western cultures. Finally, it will examine the political, cultural, and demographic pressures which encourage polygamy in these minorities. This paper will demonstrate that the debate over polygamy is more than a question of religious freedom or human rights or multi-culturalism. It is a central symbol of modernity and the Western worldview.

Keywords: human rights, Judaism, multi-culturalism, polygamy, western values

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Authors: Clara Stella Anugerah

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This study actually is a reflection of the general election in 2014. The researcher was interested in this case as the assessment of several phenomenons that happened recently. One of them is the use of social media for the campaign. By this modern era, social media becomes closer with society. It gains the communication process, and by the time being communicating others also becomes easier than before. Furthermore, social media can minimize the cost of communication with many people as a far distance that often comes to be an obstacle of communication does not become a big problem anymore. In Indonesia, the advantages of social media were used by a political party, Gerindra, to face the election that was held on 2014. Actually Gerindra is a newly formed political party that was established in 2008. In spite of Gerindra is the new comer in the election, according to the General Election Committee’s data in Indonesia, Gerindra has the biggest budget than others to cost campaign in social media. Because of that, this research wants to look “how is the pattern of Gerindra party’s campaign to face the general election in 2014? To ask that question, the theory used for this research is campaign method based on ICT (Information Communication Technology) by Rummele. According to the rummele, Gerindra was a party that used a product of social media massively, mainly facebook and twitter. According to that observation, this research focus on campaign that had been done by Gerindra in both of those social media by the time window given by KPU (General Election Committee) on Maret 16th until April 5th, 2014. The conclusion was derived by content analysis method that was used in the methodology. In this context, that method was used while interpreting the content uploaded by Gerindra to facebook or twitter, such as picture and writing. Finally, by that method and reflecting the rummele theory, this research inferred that the patern used for Gerindra’s campaign in social media tends to be top-down. It means: Gerindra showed uncommunicative tendency in social media and only want to catch much mass without mentioned a mission and vision clearly.

Keywords: Gerindra party, political party, social media, campaign, general election on 2014

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Authors: Ricardo A. Martins, Matheus S. da Silva, Gabriel H. F. Iarossi, Helen C. M. Senefonte, Cinthyan R. S. C. de Barbosa

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This paper is the development of a concept of the man/robot interaction. More accurately in developing of an autistic child that have more troubles with interaction, here offers an efficient solution, even though simple; however, less studied for this public. This concept is based on code applied thought out the Lego NXT kit, built for the interpretation of the robot, thereby can create this interaction in a constructive way for children suffering with Autism.

Keywords: lego NXT, interaction, BricX, autismo, ANN (Artificial Neural Network), MLP back propagation, hidden layers

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Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

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Countless Filipinos are reeling in dire economic inequality while many others are victims of human trafficking. Where there is extreme economic inequality, majority of the Filipinos are deprived of basic needs to have a good life, i.e., decent shelter, safe environment, food, quality education, social security, etc. The problem on human trafficking poses a scandal and threat in respect to human rights and dignity of a person on matters of sex, gender, ethnicity and race among others. The economic inequality and trafficking in persons are social pathologies that needed considerable amount of attention and visible solution both in the national and international level. However, the Philippine government seems falls short in terms of goals to lessen, if not altogether eradicate, the dire fate of many Filipinos. The lack of solidarity among Filipinos seems to further aggravate injustice and create hindrances to economic equity and protection of Filipinos from syndicated crimes, i.e., human trafficking. Indifference towards the welfare and well-being of the Filipino people trashes them into an unending cycle of marginalization and neglect. A transnational solidaristic action in response to these concerns is imperative. The subsequent sections will first discuss the notion of solidarity and the motivating factors for collective action. While solidarity has been previously thought of as stemming from and for one’s own community and people, it can be argued as a value that defies borders. Solidarity bridges peoples of diverse societies and cultures. Although there are limits to international interventions on another’s sovereignty, such as, internal political autonomy, transnational solidarity may not be an opposition to solidarity with people suffering injustices. Governments, nations and institutions can work together in securing justice. Solidarity thus is a positive political action that can best respond to issues of economic, class, racial and gender injustices. This is followed by a critical analysis of some data on Philippine economic inequality and human trafficking and link the place of transnational solidaristic arrangements. Here, the present work is interested on the normative aspect of the problem. It begins with the section on economic inequality and subsequently, human trafficking. It is argued that a transnational solidarity is vital in assisting the Philippine governing bodies and authorities to seriously execute innovative economic policies and developmental programs that are justice and egalitarian oriented. Transnational solidarity impacts a corrective measure in the economic practices, and activities of the Philippine government. Moreover, it is suggested that in order to mitigate Philippine economic inequality and human trafficking concerns it involves a (a) historical analysis of systems that brought about economic anomalies, (b) renewed and innovated economic policies, (c) mutual trust and relatively high transparency, and (d) grass-root and context-based approach. In conclusion, the findings are briefly sketched and integrated in an optimistic view that transnational solidarity is capable of influencing Philippine governing bodies towards socio-economic transformation and development of the lives of Filipinos.

Keywords: Philippines, Filipino, economic inequality, human trafficking, transnational solidarity

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Authors: Ana Luisa Mouro, Ana Maria Ramalheira

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The Reunification of Germany, in 1990, was not received with great enthusiasm by other European countries. On the contrary, the union of the two German states was accompanied by great concern towards its possible political and economic consequences. The Europeans had not forgotten Germany’s responsibility in the outbreak of the Second World War, and many feared that this new nation would again long for a hegemonic role. During the following years, however, the notion of a threatening Germany faded away, giving place to a description of Germany as an economic giant but a political dwarf. Twenty years after the Reunification, with the outbreak of the financial crisis, Germany conquered a key and powerful position at the heart of Europe and Germanophobia started to gain ground again. The present study has been based on the survey, selection and critical analysis of news reporting, opinion articles, interviews and editorials, published in the weekly Expresso and the daily Público, during two historical moments: the Reunification of Germany in 1990 and the European Crisis, between 2008 and 2015. The findings of this study will show that Germany’s growing influence over the current European economic and political scene woke up old 'demons' that had been 'sleeping' since 1990.

Keywords: media and cultural studies, Euro crisis, German Unification, Germanophobia, Portuguese quality press

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Authors: Zwelenkani Mdlalose

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From the moment Covid 19 was declared a pandemic it became clear that conspiracy theories would significantly impact our response to the crisis that the virus was to become. Central to the interest in conspiracy theories evoked by a pandemic is a more general concern for the impact they have on society and social harmony. The specific brand of Conspiracy Theory that is in question is not any and all theories about conspiracies but rather those conspiracy theories which contradict official accounts. For example, where the official account on the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001 is of a conspiracy involving 19 militants associated with the Islamic extremist group al-Qaeda against targets in the United States, the nature of conspiracy theory under study is the one contradicting this official account to the extent that its attributes the attacks not to al-Qaeda militants but to actors in the United States government itself. The study is not an investigation into the truth value of conspiracy theories but rather an attempt at observing the essential qualities of the type of belief that is belief in conspiracy theories compared to belief in official accounts provided by authoritative sources such as governments, experts and mainstream media. These qualities include the psychological, epistemic and socio-political foundations on which belief in conspiracy theories are established. Based on a foundational understanding of the sort of belief that are beliefs in conspiracy theories, we may then extrapolate implied ethical demands on both authoritative bodies and actors as well as believers in conspiracy theories. For example: in their unofficial ‘non-factual’ status, is there not some violation of epistemic right in the same way we observe in cases where people are prejudiced because of their religious beliefs? In other words, is there an epistemic injustice suffered by believers in conspiracy theories in the way their beliefs are rejected as illegitimate? Conversely, to what extent do believers bear an epistemic responsibility in their adoption of their beliefs in conspiracy theories. From this position, perhaps we can then develop responses to the problem that foster greater social harmony even in the midst of suspicion and distrust.

Keywords: conspiracy theories, subjugated knowledge, epistemic injustice, epistemic responsibility

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Authors: Harsi Nastiti, Haidar Fikri

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Indonesia has been known for its diversity of cultures, ethnics, religions, and races. This diversity signs as the uniqueness of the country, so tolerance becomes vital point here. As a unitary state, tolerance value is established strongly as the foundation of democracy implementation but recently this tolerance condition facing up some problems after regional election. In this case, religion issue takes a main role for the Indonesian political system which is managed into tolerance breaker especially for local democracy. The election of Jakarta’s Governor 2017 can be said as the momentum for the people to rethink the democracy and tolerance meaning. It begins from one of the governor candidates who makes statement about the majority religion and unfortunately the candidate comes from the minority. The statement emerges into a new social movement based on religiosity. Basically, the social movement which is coordinated by Islamic Defender Front (Front Pembela Islam or FPI) and National Movement to Safeguard the Fatwa-Indonesian Ulama Council (GNPF-MUI) want to demand the justice in the name of blasphemy. The action continuously happens in different names (Action 411, 212, etc.). So, this article analyzes the new phenomenon and how does the impact for the tolerance and democracy life in Indonesia. The method is using qualitative method by review of literature and media content analysis. Results show this phenomenon potentially spreading new conflicts far beyond the goal of the action itself; justice. It makes the conflicts more complex after there are actions such as; Parade Kebhinekaan and Aksi Lilin which contrary reacts to the actions before. These actions and reactions rise up the sensitive issues for Indonesia like religions, Pancasila, unity in diversity, ethnics, and races. At the same time raising skepticism; will it be over after the candidate is getting sentenced or becomes the dangerous latent conflict that will threaten tolerance and democracy in Indonesia.

Keywords: conflict, democracy, religion, tolerance

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Rana Tajammal Rashid

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Federalism is a political system in which government power and responsibility are divided between a federal legislature and units of the state or provincial legislatures. This system provides the structure for the states having large territory and through that can manage the state affairs and administration easily. Many of the largest countries in the world are federations, like; The United States, Canada, India, Pakistan South Africa, Argentina, and Australia. Every large democratic nation has a federal system of government. This study will explore the feature and good governance of two developed countries Canada and Australia. This study will be helpful to the developing countries like Pakistan, India which have a federal form of structure to run the affairs of the state. In the federal system of Pakistan there are lot of issues and conflicts with the provinces with a comparative study of these two developed countries, i.e., Australia and Canada, our policy and decision maker political actors will understand in which way a state will successfully manage the issues related to federalism. This study will also provide the help to the students of comparative politics that how to analysis the different political system of the developed countries of the world.

Keywords: federalism, features of federalism, types of federalism, history of federalism, Australian federalism, Canadian federalism, federalism developments, executives, federal and provincial autonomy legislative, judicial

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Authors: Masami Usui

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The 21th century has already witnessed the rapid globalization of catastrophes caused by layered political, social, religious, cultural, and environmental conflicts. The post 9/11 literature that reflects these characteristics retells the experiences of those who are, whether directly or indirectly, involved in the globalized catastrophes of enlarging and endangering their boundaries and consequences. With an Irish-Turkish origin, a Dutch and British educational background, and as an American green-card holder, Joseph O’Neill challenges this changing circumstances of the expanding crisis. In his controversial novel, Netherland (2008), O’Neill embodies the deeply-rooted compromises, the transplanted conflicts, and human internalized crisis in post 9/11 New York City. O’Neill presents to us the transition between Netherland to New York with a post-colonial perspective. This internalized conflicts are revised in The Dog (2014) in which a newly-constructing and expanding global city of gold, Dubai, represents the transitional location from New York City. Through these two novels, words and voices are migrating beyond cultural and political boundaries and discussing what a collective mind embodies in this globalized society.  

Keywords: American literature, global literature, cultural studies, political science

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Authors: Víctor Manuel Muñoz-Sánchez, Antonio Manuel Pérez-Flores

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This paper analyzes the institutionalization of social protest in Spain. In the current crisis Podemos party seems to represent the political positions of the most affected citizens by the economic situation. It studies using quantitative techniques (statistical bivariate analysis), focusing on the exploitation of several bases of statistics data from the Center for Sociological and Research of Spanish Government, 15M movement characterization to its institutionalization in the Podemos party. Making a comparison between the participant's profile by the 15M and the social bases of Podemos votes. Data on the transformation of the socio-demographic profile of the fans, connoisseurs and 15M participants and voters are given.

Keywords: collective action, emerging parties, political parties, social protest

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Authors: Ester B. Onag, Manuel Morga, Belen Tangco

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Evidence-based research attested that Climate Change is a global phenomenon that has a massive impact on the economy, the government and the people. To minimize its impact, the national government must undertake social orders to ensure the needs of the people by implementing developmental policies that provide adequate social service to improve the quality of life for all. This research attempts to evaluate the political accountability of the Sangguniang Barangay of Malabon on its readiness for climate change. Which, the theory of decentralization takes an active participation, where the the national policies for climate change are adopted by local ordinances and it is enforced, monitored, and reported through the Barangay ordinance enacted by the Sangguniang Barangay. This paper also analyzes certain factors anchored on the political accountability of the Sangguniang Barangay which determines the state of their readiness in climate change, such as the gravity of their accountability which extends beyond the lines of their responsibility as stated in the local government code. It also evaluated the degree of their capabilities in actual legislation, the nature of their prioritization through their enacted ordinances and the extent of participation from different stakeholders of barangay such as the sectoral representatives and the citizens in which their participation is a means that leads to community awareness.

Keywords: climate change, local government, Sangguniang Barangay, government

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Authors: Helyeh Doutaghi

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In 2005, the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was created by the UN Member States agreeing to not only to have the primary responsibility to protect their civilians from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, but also to be responsible towards those civilians whose State was found manifestly failing in that regard. This paper will assess the doctrine of R2P and will argue that R2P too, just like humanitarian intervention, suffers from a lack of legal basis and political will to implement it. Or better said, it is being selectively used by the hegemon’s power to achieve its political will. In doing so, the origin and development shall be explained. Furthermore, it will be submitted that R2P has failed to achieve its purpose due to the unresolved Security Council’s deadlock. Lastly, the concept of legal morality entailed in R2P and its use in real life cases since 2005 will be examined.

Keywords: responsibility to protect, humanitarian intervention, United Nations, legitimacy, legality

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Authors: Ganiyu Rasaq Omokeji

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The growing recognition of the pivotal role of universities in promoting socio-economic development has led to a focus upon the expansion of the sector around the world. As the economy and society become more ‘knowledge intensive’, the role of universities in development is more onerous than just teaching, research, and service. It is to help create the open society upon which the progress of ideas depends on. Driven to fulfill this role, universities are likely to become even more important in building regional networks of their host communities. Currently, there are about 129 universities in Nigeria, with a total number of 37 federal, 36 state, and 56 privately owned universities. Fountain University is among the private universities in Nigeria located in Osogbo, Osun State. The university is committed to the total development of men and women in an enabling environment, through appropriate teaching, research, and service to humanity, influenced by Islamic ethics and culture. The university focuses on educational development and growth that are relevant to the nation’s manpower needs and global competitiveness through a gradual but steady process. This paper examines the role of Private University in the socio-economic development of host community using Fountain University as a case study. The research methodology design for this paper has a total of 200 respondents. The research instrument of data collection was a questionnaire and in-depth interview (IDI). The finding reveals that Fountain University plays an important role in socio-economic and cultural development through their Islamic culture. The paper recommend that universities must bridge the gaps between creative individual with innovative ideas and the application of technology for economic progress and social betterment of their host communities. University also must serve as a bridge that carries the traffic of social and economic development.

Keywords: private university, socio-economic development, host communities, role of universities and community development

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Authors: Marie E. Docken

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At some point in the lifecycle of a country, patterns of political and social unrest of varying degrees are observed. Events involving public disorder or civil disobedience may produce effects that range a wide spectrum of varying outcomes, depending on the level of unrest. Many previous studies, primarily theoretical in nature, have attempted to measure public disorder in answering why or how it occurs in society by examining causal factors or underlying issues in the social or political position of a population. The main objective in doing so is to understand how these activities evolve or seek some predictive capability for the events. In contrast, this research involves the fusion of analytics and social studies to provide more knowledge of the public disorder and civil disobedience intensity in populations. With a greater understanding of the magnitude of these events, it is believed that we may learn how they relate to extreme actions such as mass migration or violence. Upon establishing a model for measuring civil unrest based upon empirical data, a case study on various Latin American countries is performed. Interpretations of historical events are combined with analytical results to provide insights regarding the magnitude and effect of social and political activism.

Keywords: public disorder, civil disobedience, Latin America, metrics, data analysis

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Authors: Tryphon Kollintzas, Lambros Pechlivanos

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In this paper, we formulate a general equilibrium theory that explains the existence and stability of democratically elected governments that support certain groups of individuals in society (insiders) to the detriment of everybody else (outsiders), even if the latter constitute a majority. The vehicle is a dynamic general equilibrium model, where insiders get monopoly rents and outsiders get less than what they would have gotten under a common good regime. We construct such political economy equilibria, and we identify the conditions under which such political regimes (coalitions of insiders): (a) can safeguard against opportunistic behavior (i.e., do not fall from within) and (b) may come to power in the first place (i.e., manage to get elected). To that end, we highlight the role of perception manipulation and self-serving bias as a gluing device to garner an electable coalition.

Keywords: insiders, coalition governments, stability, electability, politico-economic equilibrium, perceptions manipulation

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Authors: Henrique Rangel, Alexandre Fadel, Igor De Lazari, Bianca Neri, Carlos Bolonha

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This paper promotes a comparative analysis of American and Brazilian models of federalism assuming their levels of political centralization as main criterion. The central problem faced herein is the Brazilian approach of Unitarian regime. Although the hegemony of federative form after 1989, Brazil had a historical frame of political centralization that remains under the 1988 constitutional regime. Meanwhile, United States framed a federalism in which States absorb significant authorities. The hypothesis holds that the amount of alternative criteria of federalization – which can generate political centralization –, and the way they are upheld on judicial review, are crucial to understand the levels of political centralization achieved in each model. To test this hypothesis, the research is conducted by a methodology temporally delimited to 1994-2014 period. Three paradigmatic precedents of U.S. Supreme Court were selected: United States vs. Morrison (2000), on gender-motivated violence, Gonzales vs. Raich (2005), on medical use of marijuana, and United States vs. Lopez (1995), on firearm possession on scholar zones. These most relevant cases over federalism in the recent activity of Supreme Court indicates a determinant parameter of deliberation: the commerce clause. After observe the criterion used to permit or prohibit the political centralization in America, the Brazilian normative context is presented. In this sense, it is possible to identify the eventual legal treatment these controversies could receive in this Country. The decision-making reveals some deliberative parameters, which characterizes each federative model. At the end of research, the precedents of Rehnquist Court promote a broad revival of federalism debate, establishing the commerce clause as a secure criterion to uphold or not the necessity of centralization – even with decisions considered conservative. Otherwise, the Brazilian federalism solves them controversies upon in a formalist fashion, within numerous and comprehensive – sometimes casuistic too – normative devices, oriented to make an intense centralization. The aim of this work is indicate how jurisdictional federalism found in United States can preserve a consistent model with States robustly autonomous, while Brazil gives preference to normative mechanisms designed to starts from centralization.

Keywords: constitutional design, federalism, U.S. Supreme Court, legislative authority

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Authors: Scott Staring

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This paper critically examines the claim that Canada represents a uniquely ‘postnational’ model of political existence. Canadian political thinkers and politicians alike have played a role in casting their country as the vanguard of an order wherein national sovereignty is gradually being eclipsed, while political authority is increasingly integrated at the international level. Proponents of this view frequently cite as evidence Canada’s high number of foreign-born citizens, its official policy of multiculturalism, its ready embrace of international institutions, and its enthusiasm for international trade deals like NAFTA, CETA and the TPP. This paper builds on historical research to show that the postnationalist thesis has precedents in a Whig-inspired view of Canada that has long challenged the role of a strong central state in the country. An alternative portrait of Canada will be put forward, one that contests both the historical evidence for the Whig view as well as its theoretical presuppositions. The claim will be made that Canada’s celebrated diversity and openness is not the product of a nation-state in retreat; instead, it is largely the product of a strong and sovereign state that has intervened to create a sense of a shared concern amongst its citizens. Canada does indeed offer the world a model of cosmopolitanism, but it is a model that is rooted in the nation-state rather than its eclipse.

Keywords: Canada, cosmopolitanism, postnationalism, statism

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Authors: Vandana Mishra, Niladri Sekhar Dash, Jayshree Charkraborty

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This present paper focuses on the application of corpus linguistics techniques for critical discourse analysis (CDA) of Hindi newspapers. While Corpus linguistics is the study of language as expressed in corpora (samples) of 'real world' text, CDA is an interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse that views language as a form of social practice. CDA has mainly been studied from a qualitative perspective. However, we can say that recent studies have begun combining corpus linguistics with CDA in analyzing large volumes of text for the study of existing power relations in society. The corpus under our study is also of a sizable amount (1 million words of Hindi newspaper texts) and its analysis requires an alternative analytical procedure. So, we have combined both the quantitative approach i.e. the use of corpus techniques with CDA’s traditional qualitative analysis. In this context, we have focused on the Keyword Analysis Sorting Concordance Lines of the selected Keywords and calculating collocates of the keywords. We have made use of the Wordsmith Tool for all these analysis. The analysis starts with identifying the keywords in the political news corpus when compared with the main news corpus. The keywords are extracted from the corpus based on their keyness calculated through statistical tests like chi-squared test and log-likelihood test on the frequent words of the corpus. Some of the top occurring keywords are मोदी (Modi), भाजपा (BJP), कांग्रेस (Congress), सरकार (Government) and पार्टी (Political party). This is followed by the concordance analysis of these keywords which generates thousands of lines but we have to select few lines and examine them based on our objective. We have also calculated the collocates of the keywords based on their Mutual Information (MI) score. Both concordance and collocation help to identify lexical patterns in the political texts. Finally, all these quantitative results derived from the corpus techniques will be subjectively interpreted in accordance to the CDA’s theory to examine the ways in which political news discourse produces social and political inequality, power abuse or domination.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, corpus linguistics, Hindi newspapers, power relations

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Authors: Iulia Elena Gîță

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According to the sociological theory of literature, constraints on the creation and share of cultural works can be placed between two extremes: one with a high level of politicization and the other with a high level of commercialization. The overall objective of the present research is to follow the principles of Sociology of Translation to closely map and analyse the publishing activity of Romania concerning China and Chinese literature during four stages of Romanian history between 1948-2018. This paper proposes, thus, an extended approach to literature, to its cultural, political and economic reception. In achieving the proposed objectives, the research expands far beyond the literary text itself, to its macro context, analysing, through quantitative research methods, a statistical database created based on two phases - the first part containing literary and non-fictional works that address and discuss issues related to China; the second part includes literary translations of Chinese literature into Romanian, either by direct translation or by an intermediate language. Throughout this paper we will map not only the number of works, but also the topics approached by writers along the two periods of the political life of Romania.

Keywords: bilateral relations, Chinese literature, intercultural understanding, international relations, socio-cultural reception, socio-political constraints, publishing

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Authors: Umar Hayat, Shahid Ali, Lala Rukh

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Foreign aid is one of the critical variables that promote economic growth. This paper is an attempt to examine the long-run relationship between foreign aid and economic growth for Pakistan over the period of 1972 to 2021. This study uses Johnson's co-integration technique to investigate the long-run relationship among the variables in the model. For short-run dynamics, we utilized the Error Correction Mechanism (ECM). The results strongly support the conventional view about aid-led growth. The analysis of the impact of aid on growth both at the micro and the macro levels generally gives different results. The result shows that in the short run inference of foreign aid under the nondemocratic form of government is significant negatively, while foreign aid does not affect economic growth in the case of democratic government.

Keywords: foreign aid, economic growth, political regimes, developing economy

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Authors: Jorge Cortés, Alejandra Martínez, Carlos Pérez, Anaid Simón

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The presence of government, news media, and general citizenry in social media allows considering interactions between them as a form of political communication (i.e. the public exchange of contradictory discourses about politics). Twitter’s asymmetrical following model (users can follow, mention or reply to other users that do not follow them) could foster alternative democratic practices and have an impact on Mexican political culture, which has been marked by a lack of direct communication channels between these actors. The research aim is to assess Twitter’s role in political communication practices through the analysis of interaction dynamics between government, news media, and citizens by extracting and visualizing data from Twitter’s API to observe general behavior patterns. The hypothesis is that regardless the fact that Twitter’s features enable direct and horizontal interactions between actors, users repeat traditional dynamics of interaction, without taking full advantage of the possibilities of this medium. Through an interdisciplinary team including Communication Strategies, Information Design, and Interaction Systems, the activity on Twitter generated by the controversy over the presence of Uber in Mexico City was analysed; an issue of public interest, involving aspects such as public opinion, economic interests and a legal dimension. This research includes techniques from social network analysis (SNA), a methodological approach focused on the comprehension of the relationships between actors through the visual representation and measurement of network characteristics. The analysis of the Uber event comprised data extraction, data categorization, corpus construction, corpus visualization and analysis. On the recovery stage TAGS, a Google Sheet template, was used to extract tweets that included the hashtags #UberSeQueda and #UberSeVa, posts containing the string Uber and tweets directed to @uber_mx. Using scripts written in Python, the data was filtered, discarding tweets with no interaction (replies, retweets or mentions) and locations outside of México. Considerations regarding bots and the omission of anecdotal posts were also taken into account. The utility of graphs to observe interactions of political communication in general was confirmed by the analysis of visualizations generated with programs such as Gephi and NodeXL. However, some aspects require improvements to obtain more useful visual representations for this type of research. For example, link¬crossings complicates following the direction of an interaction forcing users to manipulate the graph to see it clearly. It was concluded that some practices prevalent in political communication in Mexico are replicated in Twitter. Media actors tend to group together instead of interact with others. The political system tends to tweet as an advertising strategy rather than to generate dialogue. However, some actors were identified as bridges establishing communication between the three spheres, generating a more democratic exercise and taking advantage of Twitter’s possibilities. Although interactions in Twitter could become an alternative to political communication, this potential depends on the intentions of the participants and to what extent they are aiming for collaborative and direct communications. Further research is needed to get a deeper understanding on the political behavior of Twitter users and the possibilities of SNA for its analysis.

Keywords: interaction, political communication, social network analysis, Twitter

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Authors: Saleem Abu Jaber

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Born into a Sufi family, in which his father and other relatives, as well as additional community members, were particularly rooted in scholarly and cultural inquiry, Muḥammad ʾAbū al-Surūr al-Bikriyy al-Ṣidīqiyy (1562–1598 CE) was a prominent scholar of his time. Despite his relative youth, he became influential in his writings, which included Quranic exegeses and works on Hadith, Arabic grammar, jurisprudence, and Sufism. He was also a practicing physician and was the first person to be named Mufti of the Sultanate in Egypt. He was active in the political arena, having been close to the Ottoman sultans, providing them his support and counsel. He strived for their empowerment and victory and often influenced their political convictions and actions. Al-Ṣidīqiyy enjoyed the patronage of his contemporary Ottoman Caliphate sultans. In general, these sultans always promoted studies in the Islamic sciences and were keen to support scholars and gain their trust. This paper addresses al-Ṣidīqiyy’s legacy as a Quranic commentator, focusing on his exegesis (tafsīr) of Sūrat al-Fatḥ (48), written in 1589. It appears in a manuscript found at the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul, consisting of one volume of 144 pages. It is believed that no other manuscript containing the text of this exegesis is to be found in any other library or institute for Arabic manuscripts. According to al-Ṣabbāġ (1995), al-Ṣidīqiyy had written a complete commentary of the Quran, but efforts to recover it have only unearthed the current commentary, as well as that of Sūrat al-Kahf (18), Sūrat al-ʾAnʿām (6), and ʾĀyat al-Kursī (2:255). The only critical edition published to date is that of Sūrat al-Kahf. The other two are currently being prepared for publication as well. The paucity of scholarly studies on the works of al-Ṣidīqiyy renders the current study particularly significant, as it provides introduction to al-Ṣidīqiyy’s exegesis, a synopsis of the biographical and cultural background of its author and his family, and a critical evaluation of his scholarly contribution. It will introduce the manuscript on which this study is based and elaborate on the structure and rationale of the exegesis, on its very attribution to al-Ṣidīqiyy, and subsequently evaluate its overall significance to the understanding of Sufi approaches to Quranic interpretation in 16th century Ottoman Egypt. An analysis of al-Ṣidīqiyy’s approach to interpreting the Quran leads to the definitive conclusion that it indeed reflects Sufi principles. For instance, when citing other Sufi commentators, including his own ancestors, he uses the epithets mawlāna ‘our elder, our patron,’ al-ʾustāḏ ‘the master,’ unique to Sufi parlance. Crucially, his interpretation, is written in a realistic, uncomplicated, fetching style, as was customary among Sufi scholars of his time, whose leaning was one of clarity, based on their perception of themselves as being closest to Muḥammad and his family, and by extension to the sunna, as reflected in the traditional narrative of the Prophet’s biography and teachings.

Keywords: Quran’ sufiism, manuscript, exegesis, surah, Al-fath, sultanate, sunna

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Authors: Ali Musbah Mohamed Elwahishi

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Democracy is demand for the majority of people in the whole world, Specifically in the regions that are still outside the democratic life such as Libya and other Arab countries. Although democracy has spread across the world through three waves of democratization, Libya is still outside the democratic process, even recently its regime has changed. The challenges of democracy in Libya are not new, they represent accumulations over time that impeded to achieve this goal. This paper concludes that the absence of democracy in Libya because of set of factors that include: colonial legacy, oil wealth, the lack of institutions, the lack of political parties, tribal factor and recently the spread of the armed groups. These factors prevented Libya to be democratic state whether during King Idris’, Qaddafi’s or even after Qaddafi rule.

Keywords: the failure of democracy, political transition, the lack of institutions, Libya, Arab countries

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Authors: Jeries Khoury

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The use of legendary, folkloric and religious symbols is one of the most important phenomena in modern Arabic poetry. Interestingly enough, most of the modern Arabic poetry’s pioneers were so fascinated by the biblical symbols and they managed to use many modern techniques to make these symbols adequate for their personal life from one side and fit to their Islamic beliefs from the other. One of the most famous poets to do so was al-Sayya:b. The way he employed one of these symbols ‘job’, the new features he adds to this character and the link between this character and his personal life will be discussed in this study. Besides, the study will examine the influence of al-Sayya:b on another modern poet Saadi Yusuf, who, following al-Sayya:b, used the character of Job in a special way, by mixing its features with al-Sayya:b’s personal features and in this way creating a new mixed character. A semantic, cultural and comparative analysis of the poems written by al-Sayya:b himself and the other poets who evoked the mixed image of al-Sayya:b-Job, can reveal the changes Arab poets made to the original biblical figure of Job to bring it closer to Islamic culture. The paper will make an intensive use of intertextuality idioms in order to shed light on the network of relations between three kinds of texts (indeed three ‘palimpsests’: 1- biblical- the primary text; 2- poetic- al-Syya:b’s secondary version; 3- re-poetic- Sa’di Yusuf’s tertiary version). The bottom line in this paper is that that al-Sayya:b was directly influenced by the dramatic biblical story of Job more than the brief Quranic version of the story. In fact, the ‘new’ character of Job designed by al-Sayya:b himself differs from the original one in many aspects that we can safely say it is the Sayyabian-Job that cannot be found in the poems of any other poets, unless they are evoking the own tragedy of al-Sayya:b himself, like what Saadi Yusuf did.

Keywords: Arabic poetry, intertextuality, job, meter, modernism, symbolism

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