Search results for: political party

Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Zsofia Nagy

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A sharp increase in the number of refugees crossing Hungary during 2015, coupled with the Hungarian government’s agenda-setting strategy led to a powerful anti-migrant campaign in public, framing asylum-seekers as external threats to the country. While this campaign was, by and large, unchallenged by the Hungarian parliamentary opposition, Two-Tailed Dog Party, a Hungarian mock-party launched a counter-billboard campaign attacking the governmental discourse. Taking the latter as a case of digitally supported civic action, the paper first discusses two theoretical problems related to contemporary social movements: the problem of voice and the problem of participation. Afterward the paper presents the case of the Hungarian anti-migrant billboard campaign led by the government and the counter-billboard campaign and examines their action repertoires. It argues that a number of strategic differences are noteworthy: contrasts between traditional and digital methods, the reliance on the ’spirals of silence’ on the one hand and the breaking of this very silence on the other, where people are holding a minority opinion were given a platform and visibility in public. On a deeper level, the counter-campaign challenged the hegemonic views about public discourse. It effectively contrasted the government’s one-to-many, top-bottom approach to political communication with a campaign that relied on many-to-many communication and a bottom-up approach. While it is true that through memetic engineering, the original governmental messages were altered and the outcomes were brought back to the streets of Hungary; the effects of the two campaigns nevertheless reinforced the original anti-migrant focus of the political agenda.

Keywords: counterpublics, migration, refugees, social movements

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Authors: Eva Chou

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This paper presents a case study of a historical moment in the city vs countryside relationship that is important in urban studies in China. Policies during the Cultural Revolution in China (1966-76) several times sent educated urban youths to the countryside. Initially, they were sent to “make revolution”: they were instructed to instigate powerful disruptions of established village relations. Later, they were “sent-down” to the countryside “to learn from the peasants.” Millions of urban youths “volunteered” to live as peasants did in the poverty of the countryside, thus resolving a political problem of urban unrest for the Party. Many had remained for decades before they were able to leave; others were never re-urbanized. Ballet troupes constituted a special case in both of these periods. This paper examines the differing experiences of individual “sent-down” ballet dancers on the one hand, and on the other hand, ballet troupes assigned to perform in the countryside.

Keywords: cultural revolution, reurbanized, sent-down youths, ballet

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Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

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The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

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Authors: Nura Suleiman

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The democratic dispensation in Nigeria witnessed allot of changes since its beginning up to the 2015 election. The issues of zoning formula, rigging, money politics, god fatherism, and political thuggery among the youths became the centre stage from 1999-2014. But 2015 came with new tune that brings about a little shift from the traditional politics mentioned above, the political socialisation and knowledge penetrated into the sense of electorate where people suddenly change and look for the better option. The paper will examine the democratic change in relation to the 2015 General election which brings General MohammaduBuhari on the mantle of leadership of Nigeria. Many reasons were attributed to the sudden change of government in Nigeria, but the major ones are lack of good governance, corruption, insecurity, political parties’ merger to formed APCand change in INEC leadership. Others are weakness of the leadership and undemocratic nature of PDP government at different level in the country. The glamor for change became necessary because People become more informs about the manifestation of good hope and better Nigeria from the major opposition party (APC). During 2015 election the electorate voted the incumbent government out and replaced it with their choice.

Keywords: democracy, election, insecurity, good governance

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Authors: Laurel Chikwado Madumere, Kevin O. Ugorji

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A speech is said to be full of hate when it appropriates disparaging and vituperative locutions and/or appellations, which are riddled with prejudices and misconceptions about an antagonizing party on the grounds of gender, race, political orientation, religious affiliations, tribe, etc. Due largely to the dichotomies and polarities that exist in Nigeria across political ideological spectrum, tribal affiliations, and gender contradistinctions, there are possibilities for the existence of socioeconomic, religious and political conditions that would induce, provoke and catalyze hate speeches in Nigeria’s mainstream media. Therefore the aim of this paper is to investigate, using select daily newspapers in Nigeria, the extent and complexity of those likely hate speeches that emanate from the pluralism in Nigeria and to set in to relief, the discrepancies and contrariety in the interpretation of those hate words. To achieve the above, the paper shall be qualitative in orientation as it shall be using the Speech Act Theory of J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle to interpret and evaluate the hate speeches in the select Nigerian daily newspapers. Also this paper shall help to elucidate the conditions that generate hate, and inform the government and NGOs how best to approach those conditions and put an end to the possible violence and extremism that emanate from extreme cases of hate.

Keywords: extremism, gender, hate speech, pluralism, prejudice, speech act theory

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Authors: Hawre Hasan Hama, Choman Mahmood H. Rashid

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The four-year armed conflict between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) ended in September 1998 under the terms of the Washington Agreement. Since then, there has been a quarter-century of durable peace between the two combatant parties, though they have often been at odds politically. Based on interviews with Kurdish political leaders from both parties, this paper argues that sharing or dividing power across all four dimensions of state power — political, military, territorial, and economic — has played a vital role ensuring the durability of the peace settlement. The paper traces the KDP-PUK power sharing system through three stages: the transition stage (1998-2006), the “golden” period (2006-2013), the “weakening” period (2013 to present).

Keywords: peace settlement, enduring peace, power-sharing and power dividing, Iraqi Kurdistan.

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Authors: Lalith Edirisinghe

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Due to the variability in global trading patterns, some ports in the world experience a shortage of shipping containers while the rest of the ports have excess container stocks. According to this study, carriers operate and manage their container inventories independently, leading to enormous container repositioning costs. In contrast, the researcher suggests that costs can be minimized if carriers exchange containers among them. In other words, rather than repositioning excess containers, a carrier could offer them to another carrier in the same port that has a shortage and vice versa. However, this is easier said than done because there is huge complexity in global container management as it involves many operational parameters such as multiple types and sizes of containers, the varying transit times of different carriers, etc., and the exchange may take place in various ports globally. Therefore, the exchange should be facilitated through a fully comprehensive automated computer system that could consider all the parameters that impact the possibility of exchange containers. Accordingly, the research used mixed research methods, combining qualitative and quantitative approaches. Data analysis is conducted using SPSS tools, and a prototype is developed as the output of the research. The proposed mathematical solution will proactively scan through the container size, type, and volume of every member carrier in each port and map how the deficit and excess quantities could be shared among them and set off the imbalance of empty container reposition at ports of their interest. The approach includes obtaining and processing container inventory information from multiple parties in real time for assessing container data associated with each party for each port at a given time. Using the container data, container inventories for each party at each port for a defined time are forecasted. A first party having surplus (offeror) and deficit (offeree) of empty containers at a first and a second port at a first time, respectively, is determined. A second party having a deficit and surplus of empty containers at the first time, respectively, is determined. Offering the first and the second party a container exchange opportunity to enable the first party to supply surplus empty containers to the second party at the first port based on the first container characteristics and the second party to supply surplus empty containers to the first party at the second port based on the second container characteristics. After the offeree obtains containers, they will be shipped to a port determined by the exporters. To ensure the sustainability of this method, the system should provide equal benefits to both the offeror and the offeree. Accordingly, the system will consider not only the number of containers exchanged but also the duration the offeree may hold them in its custody. This reduces container repositioning costs by utilizing mathematical modeling, algorithms, big data, machine learning, and artificial intelligence. This method and system may reduce the container repositioning cost by twenty percent.

Keywords: container inventory, benefit of exchange, reposition, imbalance, shipping, carriers, offeree, offeror

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Authors: Abdullahi Garba Abu, Muhammad Bello Sada, Aminu Abubakar

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Facebook and Twitter/X platforms are preferred and largely patronized by Youths in Nigeria. The simplicity and popularity of Facebook and Twitter/X have made them preferred social networking sites for Youths to handle or execute different political activities in favor of their chosen candidates or political parties. This is largely related to their interest in using the platform for the purposes of participation in 2023 political activities and general elections. The two Social Networking Sites were used to vigorously pursue party activities on the eve of the 2023 general elections. Youths engaged the two platforms in campaigning for their candidates and political parties and succeeded in reaching a wide audience, shared the policies and manifestos of their parties, engaged with supporters and even posted advertising campaigns for specific demographics. However, the utilization of Facebook and Twitter /X platforms during the 2023 elections was largely seen in two lights: positive and negative lights/intentions. Therefore, this research investigates the motivating factors for which largely Nigerian Youths engage Facebook and Twitter platforms in political activities, with reference to the 2023 general elections. The research uses a survey method through which it reaches out to respondents from all six geo-politial zones. The research found that Nigerian Youths utilize the two social media sites to campaign for politicians voluntarily based on their belief in the capabilities of the candidates. It also found out that Youths were lured into using Facebook and Twitter/X sites to campaign through tribal, religious, and ethnic factors. More so, the research found out that eagerness to share political materials in support of candidates made Youths in Nigeria share unverifiable content on Facebook and Twitter sites.

Keywords: Facebook, Twitter/X, Nigerian youths, 2023 elections

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Authors: Eunice Chiamaka Allen-Ngbale

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Prior to bill of lading (BOL), merchants travelled along with their goods; then recorded the goods in the ship’s mates’ register; and finally started selling the goods while in transit by way of BOL, indicative that BOL is negotiable. Common law doctrine of privity of contract did not allow the transfer of right to sue to a non-party to the contract. This created hardship to cargo owners, which made many jurisdictions enact laws in this regard. Bill of Lading Act 1855 (BLA) was enacted in the United Kingdom, which applied as statute of general application under section 375 Merchant Shipping Act 1990 (MSA) in Nigeria; and conferred contractual rights of the suit on consignees and endorsees, but on the passing of ownership upon or by reason of such consignment or endorsement on the shipment of the goods simultaneously. The repeal of section 375 MSA by section 439 MSA 2007 created a lacuna, and the doctrine of privity of contract is the extant law in Nigeria. The aim of this study is to evaluate laws governing the transfer of the contractual right of suit to a third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria. The specific objectives of this study are to ascertain: (i) whether the extant law of common law doctrine of privity of the contract covers the transfer of the right of suit to the third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria; (ii) impediment(s) of the common law to transfer such right in Nigeria in the absence of any legislation; (iii) the level of applicability of the doctrine of privity of contract as it relates to transfer of the contractual right of suit to third party under the bill of lading in Nigeria; and (iv) whether to proffer possible suggestion on how to fill the lacuna left by the repeal of Merchant Shipping Act 1990. This work adopted a doctrinal approach with reliance on primary and secondary source materials. It finds that the common law doctrine of privity of contract in Nigeria is retrogressive. This work recommends for amendment of the relevant statute to cure this defect/lacuna like other commonwealth nations for best international practices.

Keywords: contract of carriage by sea, doctrine of privity of contract, lawful holder of bill of lading, third party right of suit

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Authors: Rana Mohamed Abd El Aal

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This is an exploratory study that aims to answer the question of whether and to what extent the prevailing political culture with a special focus to the factor of political awareness for Egyptian university students is influential in shaping their participatory behavior; more precisely in four main Universities ;(Cairo University- BaniSwif University- BUE University- Suez Canal University). To ensure the validity of my results, I deployed a number of different data collection methods: the collection, analysis, integration of both quantitative and qualitative methods; for investigating two main hypothesis H1: There is a positive relation between the political awareness level and political participation for university students, H2: There is a positive relation between political values in the society and the level of political participation of university students. The study reveals that though the sample represented the portion of political science students in different Universities, the level of political awareness and political participation was low with a statistically significant relationship; also, the patterns of values in Egyptian culture affects significantly the level of participation in the different universities. Therefore; the study using SWOT analysis recommends some policies for increasing the level of awareness and integrating youth in the political process.

Keywords: political awareness, political participation, civic culture, citizenship, egyptian universities, political knowledge

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Authors: Syeda Salina Aziz, Tanvir Ahmed Mozumder

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Citizenship is an important concept of democracy which broadly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens; at the same time, it analyzes the rights and duties of a citizen. The universal citizenship principle demands that citizens should be aware of the political system, possess democratic attitudes, and join the political activity. Bangladesh presents an interesting case for democracy; the democratic practices in the country have been long introduced, have been interrupted several times, and the democratic values and practices have yet to be established in the country. These transitions have influenced citizens’ ideologies and participation in decision-making and also shaped their expectations differently. In this backdrop, this paper aims to understand and explain the citizenship behavior of Bangladeshi nationals. Based on nationally representative household survey data of 4000 respondents, this paper creates a composite citizenship index which is a combination of three separate indices, including participation index, knowledge and awareness index, and ideology index. The paper then tries to explain the factors that affect the citizenship index. Using fixed effect regression analysis, the paper intends to explore the association between citizenship and socio-demographic variables, including education, location, gender, and exposure to the media of respondents. Additionally, using national election polls, the paper creates a variable to measure long-term support towards the current ruling party and tests whether and how this affects the citizenship variables.

Keywords: citizenship, political participation, Bangladesh, stronghold

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Authors: Md. Awal Hossain Mollah

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The aim of this study was to evaluate the relation between the free, fair and credible election in ensuring democratic governance in Bangladesh. The paper is a case (Bangladesh) study and qualitative in nature and based on secondary sources of materials. For doing this study, conceptual clarification has been done first and identified few elements of free, fair and credible elections. Then, how far these elements have been ensured in Bangladeshi elections has been evaluated by analyzing all the national elections held since independence. Apart from these, major factors and challenges of holding a free, fair and credible election in Bangladesh have been examined through using the following research questions: 1. Does role of election commission matter for free, fair and credible elections to form a democratic government? 2. Does role of political parties matter for democratic governance? 3. Do role of government matter for conducting the free, fair and credible election in ensuring democratic governance? 4. Does non-party caretaker government matter for conducting a free, fair and credible election? 5. Does democratic governance depend on multi-dimensional factors and actors? Major findings of this study are: Since the independence of Bangladesh, 10 national elections held in various regimes. 4 out of 10 national elections have been found free, fair and credible which have been conducted by the non-party caretaker government. Rests of the elections are not out of controversy and full of manipulation held under elected government. However, the caretaker government has already been abolished by the AL government through 15th amendment of the constitution. The present AL government is elected by the 10th parliamentary election under incumbent (AL) government, but a major opposition allies (20 parties) lead by BNP boycotted this election and 154 of the total 300 seats being uncontested. As a result, AL again came to the power without a competitive election and most of the national and International election observers including media world consider this election as unfair and the government is suffering from lack of legitimacy. Therefore, the governance of present Bangladesh is not democratic at all and it is to be considered as one party (14 parties’ allies lead by AL) authoritarian governance in the shade of parliamentary governance. Both the position and opposition of the parliament is belonging in 14 parties’ alliances lead by AL.

Keywords: democracy, governance, free, fair and credible elections, Bangladesh

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Authors: Thomai Voulgari, Vasilis Vasilopoulos, Antonis Skamnakis

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The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of the European election campaigns (May 23-26, 2019) on Twitter achieving with artificial intelligence tools such as troll factories and automated inauthentic accounts. Our research focuses on the last European Parliamentary elections that took place between 23 and 26 May 2019 specifically in Italy, Greece, Germany and France. It is difficult to estimate how many Twitter users are actually bots (Echeverría, 2017). Detection for fake accounts is becoming even more complicated as AI bots are made more advanced. A political bot can be programmed to post comments on a Twitter account for a political candidate, target journalists with manipulated content or engage with politicians and artificially increase their impact and popularity. We analyze variables related to 1) the scope of activity of automated bots accounts and 2) degree of coherence and 3) degree of interaction taking into account different factors, such as the type of content of Twitter messages and their intentions, as well as the spreading to the general public. For this purpose, we collected large volumes of Twitter accounts of party leaders and MEP candidates between 10th of May and 26th of July based on content analysis of tweets based on hashtags while using an innovative network analysis tool known as MediaWatch.io (https://mediawatch.io/). According to our findings, one of the highest percentage (64.6%) of automated “bot” accounts during 2019 European election campaigns was in Greece. In general terms, political bots aim to proliferation of misinformation on social media. Targeting voters is a way that it can be achieved contribute to social media manipulation. We found that political parties and individual politicians create and promote purposeful content on Twitter using algorithmic tools. Based on this analysis, online political advertising play an important role to the process of spreading misinformation during elections campaigns. Overall, inauthentic accounts and social media algorithms are being used to manipulate political behavior and public opinion.

Keywords: artificial intelligence tools, human-bot interactions, political manipulation, social networking, troll factories

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Authors: Joseph Ignagni, Rebecca Deen

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This paper analyzes the extent to which the U.S. Supreme Court votes to support the position of the United States in cases where the government is a party to the litigation. This study considers the relationship between the Solicitor General’s Office and the U.S. Supreme Court. The Solicitor General has the unique position of being the representative of the Executive Branch and the U.S. government before the Supreme Court. While a great deal of research has looked at the Solicitor General’s success as a “friend of the court,” far less has considered this relationship when the U.S. is a direct party in the litigation. This paper investigates the success rate of the Solicitor General’s Office in these cases. We find that there is considerable variation in the U.S. government’s success rate before the Court depending on the issue, Supreme Court leadership, the ideological direction of the Court and whether the U.S. approached the Court as a petitioner or respondent. We conduct our analysis on the Court’s decisions from 1953-2009. This study adds to our understanding of checks and balances, separation of powers, and inter-institutional relationships between the branches of the federal government of the United States.

Keywords: U.S. president, solicitor general, U.S. Supreme Court, separation of power, checks and balances

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Authors: John Pomerat, Aviv Segev

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Recently, deep learning has had many theoretical breakthroughs. For deep learning to be successful in the industry, however, there need to be practical algorithms capable of handling many real-world hiccups preventing the immediate application of a learning algorithm. Although AI promises to revolutionize the healthcare industry, getting access to patient data in order to train learning algorithms has not been easy. One proposed solution to this is data- sharing. In this paper, we propose an alternative protocol, based on multi-party computation, to train deep learning models while maintaining both the privacy and security of training data. We examine three methods of training neural networks in this way: Transfer learning, average ensemble learning, and series network learning. We compare these methods to the equivalent model obtained through data-sharing across two different experiments. Additionally, we address the security concerns of this protocol. While the motivating example is healthcare, our findings regarding multi-party computation of neural network training are purely theoretical and have use-cases outside the domain of healthcare.

Keywords: neural network aggregation, multi-party computation, transfer learning, average ensemble learning

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Authors: Georgios Samaras

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New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements.

Keywords: populism, far-right, social media, Greece, golden dawn

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Authors: Euphrasia Susy Suhendra, Lies Handrijaningsih

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The banking sector as an intermediary party or intermediaries occupies a very important position in bridging the needs of working capital investment in the real sector with funds owner. This will certainly make money more effectively to improve the economic value added. As an intermediary, Islamic banks raise funds from the public and then distribute in the form of financing. In practice, the distribution of funding that is run by Islamic Banking is not as easy as, in theory, because, in fact, there are many financing problems; some are caused by lacking the assessment and supervision of banks to customers. This study aims to analyze the influence of the Third Party Funds, Return on Assets (ROA), Non Performing Financing (NPF), and Financing Deposit Ratio (FDR) to Total Financing provided to the Community by Islamic Banks in Indonesia. The data used is monthly data released by Bank of Indonesia in Islamic Banking Statistics in the time period of January 2009 - December 2013. This study uses cointegration test to see the long-term relationship, and use error correction models to examine the relationship of short-term. The results of this study indicate that the Third Party Fund has a short-term effect on total funding, Return on Assets has a long term effect on the total financing, Non Performing Financing has long-term effects of total financing, and Financing deposit ratio has the effect of short-term and long-term of the total financing provided by Islamic Banks in Indonesia.

Keywords: Islamic banking, third party fund, return on asset, non-performing financing, financing deposit ratio

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Authors: Pison Suwanpakdee

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The objective of presenting this article is to analyze between Thai’s film and Thai society in political crisis, to study the development and trend of the film which reflects society in Thailand from political crisis of 14 October 1973 and the present day political crisis using a comparative study of the two era, both the similarities and differences in the film reflects the society in an era of change.

Keywords: film, political, neorealism, Thailand

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Authors: Jie Zhang, Qianyu Guo, Tieyi Zhang, Zhiyong Feng, Xiaohong Li

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With the widespread popularity of mobile devices and the development of artificial intelligence (AI), deep learning (DL) has been extensively applied in Android apps. Compared with traditional Android apps (traditional apps), deep learning based Android apps (DL-based apps) need to use more third-party application programming interfaces (APIs) to complete complex DL inference tasks. However, existing methods (e.g., FlowDroid) for detecting sensitive information leakage in Android apps cannot be directly used to detect DL-based apps as they are difficult to detect third-party APIs. To solve this problem, we design DLtrace; a new static information flow analysis tool that can effectively recognize third-party APIs. With our proposed trace and detection algorithms, DLtrace can also efficiently detect privacy leaks caused by sensitive APIs in DL-based apps. Moreover, using DLtrace, we summarize the non-sequential characteristics of DL inference tasks in DL-based apps and the specific functionalities provided by DL models for such apps. We propose two formal definitions to deal with the common polymorphism and anonymous inner-class problems in the Android static analyzer. We conducted an empirical assessment with DLtrace on 208 popular DL-based apps in the wild and found that 26.0% of the apps suffered from sensitive information leakage. Furthermore, DLtrace has a more robust performance than FlowDroid in detecting and identifying third-party APIs. The experimental results demonstrate that DLtrace expands FlowDroid in understanding DL-based apps and detecting security issues therein.

Keywords: mobile computing, deep learning apps, sensitive information, static analysis

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Authors: Mojtaba Eshraghi Arani

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According to the international conventions for the carriage of goods by sea, the consignee is the person who is entitled to take delivery of the cargo from the carrier. Such a person is usually named in the relevant box of the bill of lading unless the latter is issued “To Order” or “To Bearer”. However, there are some cases in which the apparent consignee, as above, was not intended to take delivery of cargo, like the L/C issuing bank or the freight forwarder who are named as consignee only for the purpose of security or acceleration of transit process. In such cases as well as the BL which is issued “To Order”, the so-called “real consignee” can be found out in the “Notify Party” box. The dispute revolves around the choice between apparent consignee and real consignee for being entitled not only to take delivery of the cargo but also to sue the carrier for any damages or loss. While it is a generally accepted rule that only the apparent consignee shall be vested with such rights, some courts like France’s Cour de Cassation have declared that the “Notify Party”, as the real consignee, was entitled to sue the carrier and in some cases, the same court went far beyond and permitted the real consignee to take suit even where he was not mentioned on the BL as a “Notify Party”. The main argument behind such reasoning is that the real consignee is the person who suffered the loss and thus had a legitimate interest in bringing action; of course, the real consignee must prove that he incurred a loss. It is undeniable that the above-mentioned approach is contrary to the position of the international conventions on the express definition of consignee. However, international practice has permitted the use of BL in a different way to meet the business requirements of banks, freight forwarders, etc. Thus, the issue is one of striking a balance between the international conventions on the one hand and existing practices on the other hand. While the latest convention applicable for sea transportation, i.e., the Rotterdam Rules, dealt with the comparable issue of “shipper” and “documentary shipper”, it failed to cope with the matter being discussed. So a new study is required to propose the best solution for amending the current conventions for carriage of goods by sea. A qualitative method with the concept of interpretation of data collection has been used in this article. The source of the data is the analysis of domestic and international regulations and cases. It is argued in this manuscript that the judge is not allowed to recognize any one as real consignee, other than the person who is mentioned in the “Consingee” box unless the BL is issued “To Order” or “To Bearer”. Moreover, the contract of carriage is independent of the sale contract and thus, the consignee must be determined solely based on the facts of the BL itself, like “Notify Party” and not any other contract or document.

Keywords: real consignee, cargo, delivery, to order, notify the party

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Authors: Rana Mohamed

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Despite youth in Egypt were away from political life for a long time; they are able to make a tangible difference in political status. Purpose: This exploratory study aims to determine whether and how much the prevailing political culture influence participatory behavior with a special focus on political awareness factors among university students in Egypt. Methodology: The study employed several data collection methods to ensure the validity of the results, quantitative and qualitative, verifying the positive relationships between the levels of political awareness and political participation and between political values in society and the level of political participation among university students. For achieving the objectives of the paper in the light of the pool of available literature and data, the study adopts system analysis method to apply input-output and conversions associated with the phenomena of political participation to analyze the different factors that have an effect upon the prevailing political culture and the patterns of values in Egyptian society. Findings: The result reveals that the level of political awareness and political participation for students were low, with a statistically significant relationship. In addition, the patterns of values in Egyptian culture significantly influence the levels of student participation. Therefore, the study recommends formulating policies that aim to increase awareness levels and integrate youth into the political process. Originality/Value: The importance of the academic study stems from addressing one of the central issues in political science; this study measures the change in the Egyptian patterns of culture and values among university students.

Keywords: political awareness, political participation, civic culture, citizenship, Egyptian universities, political knowledge

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Authors: S. Pison

Abstract:

The objective of presenting this article is to analyze between Thai’s film and Thai society in political crisis, to study the development and trend of the film which reflects society in Thailand from political crisis of 14 October 1973 and the present day political crisis using a comparative study of the two era, both the similarities and differences in the film reflects the society in an era of change.

Keywords: film, political, neo-realism, social, Thailand

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Authors: P. Senthilraja, C. Rukumani Khandhan, M. Palaniappan, S. L. Rama, P. Sai Sushimitha, R. Madhan, J. Vinumathi, N. Vijayarangan

Abstract:

Nowadays, the logistics achieve a vast improvement in efficient delivery of goods. The technology improvement also helps to improve its development, but still the owners of transport vehicles face problems, i.e., fuel theft in vehicles by the drivers or by an unknown person. There is no proper solution to overcome the problems. This scheme is to determine the amount of fuel that has been stolen and also to determine the position of the vehicle at a particular time using the technologies like GPS, GSM, ultrasonic fuel level sensor and numeric lock system. The ultrasonic sensor uses the ultrasonic waves to calculate the height of the tank up to which the fuel is available. Based on height it is possible to calculate the amount of fuel. The Global Positioning System (GPS) is a satellite-based navigation system. The scientific community uses GPS for its precision timing capability and position information. The GSM provides the periodic information about the fuel level. A numeric lock system has been provided for fuel tank opening lever. A password is provided to access the fuel tank lever and this is authenticated only by the driver and the owner. Once the fuel tank is opened an alert is sent to owner through a SMS including the timing details. Third party monitoring software is a user interface that updates the information automatically into the database which helps to retrieve the data as and when required. Third party monitoring software provides vehicle’s information to the owner and also shows the status of the vehicle. The techniques that are to be proposed will provide an efficient output. This project helps to overcome the theft and hence to put forth fuel economy.

Keywords: fuel theft, third party monitoring software, bioinformatics, biomedicine

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Authors: Mabroka B. Al-Werfalli

Abstract:

This paper looks at some aspects of Libya’s political culture relating to corruption and tries to map the links that bond political alienation to corruption. The subject was approached by surveying opinion. The study, of which culture of corruption was part, concerned the phenomena of political alienation in Libya. It was based on a survey conducted in winter 2001 and targeted a sample of 877 participants from the city of Benghazi. The questions were designed to determine the extent to which corruption is seen, by the Libyans, as a national problem. It also describes perceptions about levels, types and causes of corruption; trust in governmental institutions and senior officials of the State and assessments of anti-corruption regulations and actions taken by the regime.

Keywords: anti-corruption, corruption, culture of corruption, participating in corruption, political alienation, political culture

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Authors: Oliver Benoit

Abstract:

On 13 March 1979, a left-wing political party formed in the 1970s overthrew Eric Gairy's government and established the People's Revolutionary Government which governed Grenada from (1979-1983). On the morning of 13 March 1979, the People's Revolutionary Government leader, Maurice Bishop, appealed to the people of Grenada to assist the forces of the revolution in consolidating its newly acquired political power. A cross-section of the Grenadian population responded positively to Maurice Bishop's appeal. Within the four and a half years of the revolution, noticeable social, political, and economic changes affected all areas of social life before internal divisions caused the revolution's collapse. Forty-two years following the revolution's collapse, intellectuals and commentators continue to argue about the impact of the Grenada Revolution on societal and national development. However, the revolution's impact on the spread of nationalism in Grenada is yet to be analyzed. Nationalism, as a modern phenomenon, has impacted many societies since its emergence in England in the seventeenth century, and Grenada is no exception. The paper argues that the Grenada Revolution was motivated by nationalist sentiments and the revolution itself fostered the development of nationalism in Grenada. The argument relies on 40 interviews; people who currently reside in Grenada (2020) and live in Grenada during the revolution as young adults and adults (ages 15 and beyond) and have memories of their experiences of the revolution. The sample of 40 respondence represents about 20,000 people in Grenada who are within the study population between 55 and 75 years today (2020).

Keywords: grenada, motivation, nationalism, revolution

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Authors: Mohammad S. Islam

Abstract:

Elections in Bangladesh are always controversial, and sometimes it becomes a violent affair when state power is combined with politics. Despite the commitment of the ruling party- the polling government to ensure free, fair, and credible elections, the participants of opposition parties and the general voters became very disappointed, terribly frustrated, and severely shocked. It happened when numerous claims of serious irregularities of vote rigging and violence came out in broad daylight during the election. This paper addresses the issues of how the ruling party created frightening and a horror situation to make people silent over electoral fraud and violent incidents, including gang rape. It also seeks to demonstrate that election-2018 was simply the deceptive action of the ruling party to legitimate their power, but not to provide a minimum opportunity for voters to exercise their fundamental right to vote. The fundamental freedom and the rule of law seemed to be ignored completely in this election process and afterwards. With the help of state machinery, the government of the ruling party violated human rights, restricted fundamental freedoms, and humiliated social protection & dignity. The contestant’s views as witnessed and relevant literatures are cited first for conceptual understanding. Then, the paper will examine how a new dimension of circumstantial social measures related to sustained protection can reduce all kinds of violence against humanity towards establishing a peaceful democratic society. Finally, this paper interprets the key findings and considers wider implications.

Keywords: electoral fraud, human rights, sustained protection, social measures, vote rigging

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Authors: Hubert Pun

Abstract:

When a manufacturer outsources the production of a product, it distributes its intellectual property (IP) into a supply chain that it may not be able to fully control. An IP agreement between a manufacturer and its suppliers is a popular solution to address the challenge of supplier-copycatting. The goal of this paper is to examine the impact of copycatting, from both the supplier and third-party firms, and the effectiveness of an IP agreement. Specifically, we use a game-theoretic approach to examine a system where a manufacturer outsources to a supplier. The supplier and a third-party firm decide whether or not to enter the market with copycat products while the manufacturer selects the level of marketing investment. The manufacturer can reduce the threat of supplier-copycatting by signing an IP agreement. We find that the manufacturer can be worse off from signing an IP agreement with its supplier, even if the IP agreement is costless and perfectly enforceable. We show that a manufacturer can deter copycat products through vertical integration and IP agreements and we outline the instances where each method is preferred. Furthermore, we find that the manufacturer may choose not to invest in quality improvements as a copycat deterrence strategy. We show that the supplier can benefit from the manufacturer’s decision to sign an IP agreement and that the supplier and the consumers can benefit from government regulations against copycat products. Our paper demonstrates the strengths and limitations of various copycat deterrence strategies when a supplier and third-party may produce copycat products.

Keywords: coopetitive supply chain, copycat, government regulation, intellectual property

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Authors: Shabnam Dadparvar, Laijin Shen, Farzad Ravanbod

Abstract:

Nowadays, the political phenomenon of terrorism is considered as an effective factor on political, social, and economic changes. It has replaced the recognized political phenomena such as revolutions, wars (total war among two or more political units with distinct identities in the form of national states), coups d’état, insurgencies and etc. and has challenged political life in all its levels (sub national, national, and international political groups). In this paper by using descriptive-analytical method, the authors try to explain the spread of this political phenomenon across the world, its definition and types, also analyze different approaches to understand it. The authors believe that the Logical-Rational approach is the best way to explain and understand this phenomenon.

Keywords: logical approach, psychological- social approach, religious approach, terrorism

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Authors: Srikanth Bade

Abstract:

This paper discusses how the usage of social media has altered certain discourses and communicated with the political institutions for major actions in Indian scenario. The advent of new technology in the form of social media has engrossed the general public to discuss in the open forum. How they promulgated their ideas into action is captured in this study. Moreover, these discourses happening in the social media is analyzed from certain philosophical traditions by adopting a framework. Hence, this paper analyses the role of social media in political communication and change the political discourse. Also, this paper tries to address the issue that whether the deliberation made through social media had indeed communicated the issue of political matters to the decision making authorities.

Keywords: collective action and social capital, political communication, political discourse, social media

Procedia PDF Downloads 125