Search results for: Srebrenica genocide

Authors: Md. Mustakimur Rahman

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On the one hand, while dealing with temporally distant international crimes (TDICs), prosecutors are likely to encounter many defendants suffering from severe physical or mental disorders. The concept of a defendant's "fitness," on the other hand, is based on the notion that an alleged perpetrator must be protected from a conviction resulting from a lack of participation or competence in making proper judgments. As a result, if a defendant is temporarily or permanently mentally ill, going through a formal criminal trial may be highly unlikely. TheExtraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia(ECCC), for example, arrested and tried IengThirth for crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and genocide. Still, the Trial Chamber found her incompetent to stand trial and released her in 2011. Although the prosecution had a lot of evidence against her, she was free from prosecution. It suggests that alleged war criminals may be granted immunity due to their unfitness, implying that unfitness is a hurdle to combating impunity. Given the absence of a formal criminal trial, international criminal law (ICL) should take steps to address this issue. ICL, according to Mark A. Drumbl, has yet to develop its penology; hence it borrows penological rationales from domestic criminal law. For example, international crimes tribunals such as the Nuremberg Tribunal and the Tokyo Tribunal, ad hoc tribunals have used retribution, utilitarianism, and rehabilitation as punishment justifications. On the other hand, like in the case of IengThirth, a criminal trial may not always be feasible. As a result, instead of allowing impunity, this paper proposes informal trials. This paper, for example, suggests two approaches to dealing with unfit defendants: 1) trial without punishment and 2) punishment without trial. Trial without punishment is a unique method of expressing condemnation without incarceration. "Expressivism has a broader basis than communication of punishment and sentencing," says Antony Duff. According to Drumbl, we can untangle our understanding of punishment from "the iconic preference for jailhouses" to include a larger spectrum of non-incarcerative measures like "recrimination, shame, consequence, and sanction." Non-incarcerative measures allow offenders to be punished without going through a formal criminal trial. This strategy denotes accountability for unlawful behavior. This research concludes that in many circumstances, prosecuting elderly war crimes suspects is difficult or unfeasible, but their age or illness should not be grounds for impunity. They should be accountable for their heinous activities through criminal trials or other mechanisms.

Keywords: international criminal law, international criminal punishment, international crimes tribunal, temporally distant international crimes

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Authors: Irina Belozerova

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In the recent years, the number of crimes against peace and humanity has constantly been increasing. The development of the international community is inseparably connected to the compliance with the law which protects the rights and interests of citizens in all of their manifestations. The provisions of the law of criminal procedure are no exception. The rights of the victims of genocide, of the war crimes and the crimes against humanity, require particular attention. These crimes fall within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court governed by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. These crimes have the following features. First, any such crime has a mass character and therefore requires specific regulation in the international criminal law and procedure and the national criminal law and procedure of different countries. Second, the victims of such crimes are usually children, women and old people; the entire national, ethnic, racial or religious groups are destroyed. These features influence the classification of victims by the age criterion. Article 68 of the Rome Statute provides for protection of the safety, physical and psychological well-being, dignity and privacy of victims and witnesses and thus determines the procedural status of these persons. However, not all the persons whose rights have been violated by the commission of these crimes acquire the status of victims. This is due to the fact that such crimes affect a huge number of persons and it is impossible to mention them all by name. It is also difficult to assess the entire damage suffered by the victims. While assessing the amount of damages it is essential to take into account physical and moral harm, as well as property damage. The procedural status of victims thus gains an exclusive character. In order to determine the full extent of the damage suffered by the victims it is necessary to collect sufficient evidence. However, it is extremely difficult to collect the evidence that would ensure the full and objective protection of the victims’ rights. While making requests for the collection of evidence, the International Criminal Court faces the problem of protection of national security information. Religious beliefs and the family life of victims are of great importance. In some Islamic countries, it is impossible to question a woman without her husband’s consent which affects the objectivity of her testimony. Finally, the number of victims is quantified by hundreds and thousands. The assessment of these elements demands time and highly qualified work. These factors justify the creation of a mechanism that would help to collect the evidence and establish the truth in the international criminal proceedings. This mechanism will help to impose a just and appropriate punishment for the persons accused of having committed a crime, since, committing the crime, criminals could not misunderstand the outcome of their criminal intent.

Keywords: crimes against humanity, evidence in international criminal proceedings, international criminal proceedings, protection of victims

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Authors: Bhargavi G. Iyer, Ojaswi Bhagat

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In recent years, there has been a lot of discussion about ethnic imbalance and diversity in the international context. Arbitration is now subject to the hegemony of a small number of people who are constantly reappointed. When a court system becomes exclusionary, the quality of adjudication suffers significantly. In such a framework, there is a misalignment between adjudicators' preconceived views and the interests of the parties, resulting in a biased view of the proceedings. The world is currently witnessing a slew of intellectual property battles around cultural appropriation. The term "cultural appropriation" refers to the industrial west's theft of indigenous culture, usually for fashion, aesthetic, or dramatic purposes. Selena Gomez exemplifies cultural appropriation by commercially using the “bindi,” which is sacred to Hinduism, as a fashion symbol. In another case, Victoria's Secret insulted indigenous peoples' genocide by stealing native Indian headdresses. In the case of yoga, a similar process can be witnessed, with Vedic philosophy being reduced to a type of physical practice. Such a viewpoint is problematic since indigenous groups have worked hard for generations to ensure the survival of their culture, and its appropriation by the western world for purely aesthetic and theatrical purposes is upsetting to those who practise such cultures. Because such conflicts involve numerous jurisdictions, they must be resolved through international arbitration. However, these conflicts are already being litigated, and the aggrieved parties, namely developing nations, do not believe it prudent to use the World Intellectual Property Organization's (WIPO) already established arbitration procedure. This practise, it is suggested in this study, is the outcome of Europe's exclusionary arbitral system, which fails to recognise the non-legal and non-commercial nature of indigenous culture issues. This research paper proposes a more comprehensive, inclusive approach that recognises the non-legal and non-commercial aspects of IP disputes involving cultural appropriation, which can only be achieved through an ethnically balanced arbitration structure. This paper also aspires to expound upon the benefits of arbitration and other means of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) in the context of disputes pertaining to cultural issues; positing that inclusivity is a solution to the existing discord between international practices and localised cultural points of dispute. This paper also hopes to explicate measures that will facilitate ensuring inclusion and ideal practices in the domain of arbitration law, particularly pertaining to cultural heritage and indigenous expression.

Keywords: arbitration law, cultural appropriation, dispute resolution, heritage, intellectual property

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Authors: Ishrat Zakia Sultana

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The consistent persecution, ethnic cleansing, and genocide against the Rohingya in Burma resulted four major influxes of the Rohingya people to the neighboring country Bangladesh. After the latest influx of October 2016 and August 2017, the total number of Rohingya in Bangladesh stands somewhere between 900,000 to over one million, placing Bangladesh much ahead with the number of refugees compared to Dadaab and Kakuma in Kenya, Bidibidi in Uganda and Zaatari in Jordan. While Bangladesh received recognition and appreciation for receiving a huge number of the Rohingya, one of the fundamental human rights of the Rohingya – education – has never been fulfilled in Bangladesh. The Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief of the government of Bangladesh has been looking after the Rohingya and managing various programs for the Rohingya. On its website, the Ministry claims that it provides the basic supports/services to the Rohingya, including providing education. In practice, however, education for the Rohingya include only the provisions for registered Rohingya refugees – who are a very small number of populations among the entire Rohingya hosted in Bangladesh – and that is only up to grade 7 within the registered camps at Teknaf and Ukhia of Cox’s Bazar district of the country. There is no answer of the question, ‘What’s next’? Although refugees in Canada, Sudan, Turkey and other countries have been allowed to go to mainstream schools, Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh are not allowed to do so legally. Due to the lack of proof of nationality of the Rohingya, the government of Bangladesh imposes restrictions on their access to Bangladeshi schools. However, despite their vulnerability and statelessness, many Rohingyas are desperate to pursue education outside the camps and find their own way not only within Cox’s Bazar but also even in the capital city of the country. But they must hide their refugee identity to accomplish this. My research aims to explore how they manage to get admission amid government restrictions on their access to education in the mainstream institutions in Bangladesh. It will reveal how Rohingya people use adopted identity to get access to education in Bangladesh, and how they apply their own techniques to achieve their goals without having government approved identity. This research examined the strategies the Rohingya applied to manage documents related to their identity to ensure their admission to Bangladeshi education institutions – in schools, colleges, and universities. The research employed a qualitative approach. It used semi structured individual interviews and Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) with 20 male and female Rohingya refugees who are 18 years old and above, and have enrolled in Bangladeshi education institutions with adopted identity. Also I interviewed 5 local community members and policy makers to understand their perceptions and roles in this process. The findings of this research will allow the policy makers to rethink the outcomes of the restrictions on Rohingya’s education in Bangladesh, the ramifications of the denial of Rohingya’s access to education, and initiate policy dialogues on how to allow Rohingya refugees to pursue education in Bangladesh in legal way.

Keywords: Rohingya, Refugee, Bangladesh, Education

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Authors: Gebreselassie Sebhatleab

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According to the Global Peace Index report (GPI, 2023), global peacefulness has deteriorated by more than 0.42%. Old and new conflicts, COVID-19, and political and cultural polarization are the main drivers of conflicts in the world. The 2022 was the deadliest year for armed conflict in the history of the GPI. In Ethiopia, over half a million people died in the Tigray war, which was the largest conflict death event since the 1994 Rwandan genocide. In total, 84 countries recorded an improvement, while 79 countries recorded a deterioration in peacefulness across the globe. The Russia-Ukraine war and its consequences were the main drivers of the deterioration in peacefulness globally. Both Russia and Ukraine are now ranked amongst the ten least peaceful countries, and Ukraine had the largest deterioration of any country in the 2023 GPI. In the same year, the global impact of violence on the economy was 17 percent, which was equivalent to 10.9% of global GDP. Besides, the brutal conflict in Tigray started in November. 2020 claimed more than half a million lives lost and displaced nearly 3 million people, along with widespread human rights violations and sexual violence has left deep damage on the population. The displaced people are still unable to return home because the western, southern and Eastern parts of Tigray are occupied by Eritrean and Amhara forces, despite the Pretoria Agreement. Currently, armed conflicts in Amhara in the Oromya regions are intensified, and human rights violations are being reported in both regions. Meanwhile, protests have been held by war-injured TDF members, IDPs and teachers in the Tigray region. Hence, the general objective of this project is to explore the challenges of peace-building processes in the border woredas of the Eastern Zone of the Tigray Region. Methodologically, the project will employ exploratory qualitative research designs to gather and analyze qualitative data. A purposive sampling technique will be applied to gather pertinent information from the key stakeholders. Open-ended interview questions will be prepared to gather relevant information about the challenges and perceptions of peacebuilding in the study area. Data will be analyzed using qualitative methods such as content analysis, narrative analysis and phenomenological analysis to deeply investigate the challenges of peace-building in the study woredas. Findings of this research project will be employed for program intervention to promote sustainable peace in the study area.

Keywords: peace building, conflcit and violence, political instability, insecurity

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Authors: Vivian Caroline Koerbel Dombrowski

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Armed conflicts have always meant the ultimate expression of power and at the same time, lack of understanding among nations. Cities were destroyed, people were killed, assets were devastated. But these are not only the loss of a war: the environmental damage comes to be considered immeasurable losses in the short, medium and long term. And this is because no nation wants to bear that cost. They invest in military equipment, training, technical equipment but the environmental account yet finds gaps in international law. Considering such a generalization in rights protection, many nations are at imminent danger in a conflict if the water will be used as a mass weapon, especially if we consider important rivers such as Jordan, Euphrates and Nile. The top three international documents were analyzed on the subject: the Stockholm Convention (1972), Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Convention (1977) and the Rome Statute (1998). Indeed, some references are researched in doctrine, especially scientific articles, to substantiate with consistent data about the extent of the damage, historical factors and decisions which have been successful. However, due to the lack of literature about this subject, the research tends to be exhaustive. From the study of the indicated material, it was noted that international law - humanitarian and environmental - calls in some of its instruments the environmental protection in war conflicts, but they are generic and vague rules that do not define exactly what is the environmental damage , nor sets standards for measure them. Taking into account the mains conflicts of the century XX: World War II, the Vietnam War and the Gulf War, one must realize that the environmental consequences were of great rides - never deactivated landmines, buried nuclear weapons, armaments and munitions destroyed in the soil, chemical weapons, not to mention the effects of some weapons when used (uranium, agent Orange, etc). Extending the search for more recent conflicts such as Afghanistan, it is proven that the effects on health of the civilian population were catastrophic: cancer, birth defects, and deformities in newborns. There are few reports of nations that, somehow, repaired the damage caused to the environment as a result of the conflict. In the pitch of contemporary conflicts, many nations fear that water resources are used as weapons of mass destruction, because once contaminated - directly or indirectly - can become a means of disguised genocide side effect of military objective. In conclusion, it appears that the main international treaties governing the subject mention the concern for environmental protection, however leave the normative specifications vacancies necessary to effectively there is a prevention of environmental damage in armed conflict and, should they occur, the repair of the same. Still, it appears that there is no protection mechanism to safeguard natural resources and avoid them to become a mass destruction weapon.

Keywords: armed conflicts, criminal liability, environmental damages, humanitarian law, mass weapon

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Authors: David Abrahams

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In October 2016 South Africa deposited its ‘instrument of withdrawal’ from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Rome Statute is the founding document of the treaty-based International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC has jurisdiction to hear cases where crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide have been committed, on the basis of individual criminal responsibility. It is therefore not surprising that one of the ICCs mandates is to ensure that the sufferings, due to gross human rights violations towards the civilian population is, in principle, brought to an end by punishing those individuals responsible, thus providing justice to the victims. The ICC is unable to effectively fulfill its mandate and thus depends, in part on the willingness of states to assist the Court in its functions. This requires states to ratify the Statute and to domesticate its provisions, depending on whether it is a monist or dualist state. South Africa ratified the Statute in November 2000, and domesticated the Statute in 2002 by virtue of the Implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Act 27 of 2002. South Africa thus remains under an obligation to cooperate with the ICC until the final date of withdrawal, which is October 2017. An AU Summit was hosted by South Africa during June 2015. Omar Al-Bashir, whom the prosecutor of the ICC has indicted on two separate occasions, was invited to the summit. South Africa made an agreement with the AU that it will honour its obligations in terms of its Diplomatic and Immunities Privileges Act of 2001, by granting immunity to all heads of state, including that of Sudan. This decision by South Africa has raised a plethora of questions regarding the status and hierarchy of international laws versus regional laws versus domestic laws. In particular, this paper explores whether a state’s international law treaty obligations may be suspended in favour of, firstly, regional peace (thus safeguarding the security of the civilian population against further atrocities and other gross violations of human rights), and secondly, head of state immunity. This paper also reflects on the effectiveness of the trias politca in South Africa in relation the manner in which South African courts have confirmed South Africa’s failure in fulfilling its obligations in terms of the Rome Statute. A secondary question which will also be explored, is whether the Rome Statute is currently an effective tool in dealing with gross violations of human rights, particularly in a regional African context, given the desire by a number of African states currently party to the Statute, to engage in a mass exodus from the Statute. Finally, the paper concludes with a proposal that there can be no justice for victims of gross human rights violations unless states are serious in playing an instrumental role in bringing an end to impunity in Africa, and that withdrawing from the ICC without an alternative, effective system in place, will simply perpetuate impunity.

Keywords: African Union, diplomatic immunity, impunity, international criminal court, South Africa

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Authors: Nowfiya Humayoon

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The Sustainable Development Goals were launched by the UNO in 2015 as a global initiative aimed at eradicating poverty, safeguarding the environment, and promoting peace and prosperity with the target year of 2030. SDGs are vital for achieving global peace, prosperity, and sustainability. Like all nations of the world, these goals are crucial to Palestine but challenging due to the ongoing crisis. Effective action toward achieving each Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Palestine has been severely challenged due to political instability, limited access to resources, International Aid Constraints, Economic blockade, etc., right from the beginning. In the context of the ongoing conflict, there are severe violations of international humanitarian law, which include targeting civilians, using excessive force, and blocking humanitarian aid, which has led to significant civilian casualties, sufferings, and deaths. Therefore, addressing the Sustainable Development Goals is imperative in ensuring human rights, combating violations and fostering sustainability. Methodology: The study adopts a historical, analytical and quantitative approach to evaluate the impact of the ongoing conflict on SDGs in Palestine, with a focus on sustainability and human rights. It examines historical documents, reports of international organizations and regional organizations, recent journal and newspaper articles, and other relevant literature to trace the evolution and the on-ground realities of the conflict and its effects. Quantitative data are collected by analyzing statistical reports from government agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and international bodies. Databases from World Bank, United Nations and World Health Organizations are utilized. Various health and economic indicators on mortality rates, infant mortality rates and income levels are also gathered. Major Findings: The study reveals profound challenges in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Palestine, which include economic blockades and restricted access to resources that have left a substantial portion of the population living below the poverty line, overburdened healthcare facilities struggling to cope with the demands, shortages of medical supplies, disrupted educational systems, with many schools destroyed or repurposed, and children facing significant barriers to accessing quality education, damaged infrastructure, restricted access to clean water and sanitation services and limited access to reliable energy sources . Conclusion: The ongoing crisis in Palestine has drastically affected progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), causing innumerable crises. Violations of international humanitarian law have caused substantial suffering and loss of life. Immediate and coordinated global action and efforts are crucial in addressing these challenges in order to uphold humanitarian values and promote sustainable development in the region.

Keywords: genocide, human rights, occupation, sustainable development goals

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Authors: Ani Kojoyan

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The Syrian refugee crisis has been a matter of worldwide concern during the recent years. And though refugees’ problems are contextualized in terms of time and space, the refugee crisis still remains a global issue to discuss. Since the start of the conflict, Armenia has welcomed thousands of Syrian refugees too. Taking into consideration Armenia’s current socio-economic and geopolitical situation, the flow of refugees is a challenge both for the country and for refugees themselves. However, these people are not simply refugees from Syria, they are Syrian-Armenian refugees; people whose ancestors were survivals of the Armenian Genocide, perpetrated by the Ottoman Turks in 1915, people whose ancestors became refugees a century ago in Syria and now, ironically, a century later they follow their ancestors’ paths, turning into refugees themselves in their historical homeland, facing various difficulties, among them socio-economic, socio-ideological, and identity and gender issues, the latter being the main topic of discussion in the present paper. The situation presented above makes us discuss certain questions within this study: how do Syrian-Armenian refugees define themselves and their status? Which are their gender roles in the socio-economic context? How do social and economic challenges re-shape Syrian-Armenian women refugees’ identities? The study applies qualitative research methods of analysis, which includes semi-structured and in-depth interviews with 15 participants (18-25, 26-40 age groups), and two focus group works, involving 8 participants (18-35 age group) for each focus group activity. The activities were carried out in October 2016, Yerevan, Armenia. The study also includes Secondary Data Analysis. In addition, in order to centralize refugee women’s experiences and identity issues, the study adopts a qualitative lens from a feminist standpoint position. It is based on the assumption that human activity structures and limits understanding, and that the distorted comprehension of events or activities has emerged from the male-oriented dominant judgement which can be discovered through uncovering the understanding of the situation from women’s activity perspectives. The findings suggest that identity is dynamic, complex, over-changing and sensitive to time and space, gender and class. The process of re-shaping identity is even more complicated and multi-layered and is based on internal and external factors, conditioned by individual and collective needs and interests. Refugees are mostly considered as people who lost their identity in the past since they have no longer connection anywhere and try to find it in the present. In turn, female refugees, being a more vulnerable class, go through more complicated identity re-formulating discourse negotiations. They stand between the borders of the old and new, borders of lost and re-found selves, borders of creating and self-fashioning, between illusions and the challenging reality. Particularly, refugee women become more sensitive within the discourses of the private and the public domains: some of them try to create a ‘new-self’, creating their space in a new society, whereas others try to negotiate their affective/emotional labour within their own family domains.

Keywords: feminist standpoint position, gender, identity, refugee studies, Syrian-Armenian women refugees

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Authors: Gashaw Sisay Zenebe

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Northern-Ethiopian conflict that broke out on 04 November 2020 between the central government and TPLF caused destruction beyond imagination in all aspects; millions of people have been killed, including civilians, mainly women, and children. Civilians have been indiscriminately attacked simply because of their ethnic or religious identity. Warrying parties committed serious crimes of international concern opposite to International Humanitarian Law (IHL). A House of People Representatives (HPR) declared that the terrorist Tigrean Defense Force (TDF), encompassing all segments of its people, waged war against North Gondar through human flooding. On Aug 30, 2021, after midnight, TDF launched a surprise attack against Chena People who had been drunk and deep slept due to the annual festivity. Unlike the lowlands, however, ENDF conjoined the local people to fight TDF in these Highland areas. This research examines identity politics and the consequential genocidal massacre of Chena, including its human and physical destructions that occurred as a result of the armed conflict. As such, the study could benefit international entities by helping them develop a better understanding of what happened in Chena and trigger interest in engaging in ensuring the accountability and enforcement of IHL in the future. Preserving fresh evidence will also serve as a starting point on the road to achieving justice either nationally or internationally. To study the Chena case evaluated against IHL rules, a combination of qualitative and doctrinal research methodology has been employed. The study basically follows a unique sampling case study which has used primary data tools such as observation, interview, key-informant interview, FGD, and battle-field notes. To supplement, however, secondary sources, including books, journal articles, domestic laws, international conventions, reports, and media broadcasts, were used to give meaning to what happened on the ground in light of international law. The study proved that the war was taking place to separate Tigray from Ethiopia. While undertaking military operations to achieve this goal, mass killings, genocidal acts, and war crimes were committed over Chena and approximate sites in the Dabat district of North Gondar. Thus, hundreds of people lost their lives to the brutalities of mass killings, hundreds of people were subjected to a forcible disappearance, and tens of thousands of people were forced into displacement. Furthermore, harsh beatings, forced labor, slavery, torture, rape, and gang rape have been reported, and generally, people are subjected to pass cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment and punishment. Also, what is so unique is that animals were indiscriminately killed completely, making the environment unsafe for human survival because of pollution and bad smells and the consequent diseases such as Cholera, Flu, and Diarrhea. In addition to TDF, ENDF’s shelling has caused destruction to farmers’ houses & claimed lives. According to humanitarian principles, acts that can establish MACs and war crimes were perpetrated. Generally, the war in this direction has shown an absolute disrespect for international law norms.

Keywords: genocide, war crimes, Tigray Defense Force, Chena, IHL

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