Search results for: supremacy of federal constitution

Authors: Shaho Ghafur Ahmed

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The right to self-determination of peoples is a fundamental human right recognized by the principles of international law. It could be embodied in the internal level in the form of federalism. Most federal constitutions prevented the secession of constituent entities, while some remained silent, as the case of Iraq, and rare instances of them recognize it. But, after the failure of federalism, these entities seek to separate whenever the opportunity arises. In several cases, they have resort to peaceful methods in some others they resort to force. The constitutional Supreme Court, which guaranty the unity and integrity of the State, often prevent these attempts. After not a commitment of federalism in Iraq, which has been founded since 2004, the Kurdistan region, as the only federated entity, has conducted a unilateral referendum on 25 September 2017 for its independence. The Iraqi government refused it. The Iraqi Federal Supreme Court, through interpreting the constitutional provisions, decided that this referendum and it’s purposes, which was the independence of the region, was unconstitutional. Subsequently, the Iraqi government used forces and blockaded the region so as to force it to turn off this process. So, in this paper, the right to self-determination of the peoples in federated entities and its obstacles will be discussed through the comparative legal basis and analyzing the decisions of the Federal Constitutional Courts. We will compare the role that the Supreme Court of Canada played regarding the referendum that operated in Quebec in 1995, in which it refused only the unilaterally attempts for the independence of this province. While, in the case of the Kurdistan region, the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court has definitively refused this right. No measures were taken by this Court to protect the region from the Iraqi government reactions. This decision led to the questioning of the neutrality of this Court. So, from the point of view of the Kurdistan region, this Court became a political instrument to prevent it to be independent in the international community, in the absence of a clear constitutional provision, through an abstract and an incomplete interpretation of federal constitutional provisions.

Keywords: right of self-determination, federal supreme court, supremacy of federal constitution

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Authors: Masnur Marzuki

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As in other democratic countries, the constitutional court of Indonesia has the role of interpreting and applying the Constitution in order to preserve its supremacy testing the constitutionality of statutes. With its strong power to enforce and guard the Constitution, the court is now challenged to provide people an opportunity to understand their constitutional rights close up. At the same time, the court has built up an enviable reputation among constitutional courts in new democracies for the technical quality of its legitimacy in the legal sense. Since its establishment in 2003, the Constitutional Court of Indonesia has decided more than 190 statutes in judicial review case. It has been remarkably successful to make a credible start on its work of guarding the Constitution. Unsurprisingly, many argue that the Court has elevated Indonesia’s democracy to a whole new level. In accomplishing its roles judicial review, the basic principle that can be identified is that the Constitutional Court must always be subordinated to the Constitution. It is not being allowed to invade the field of the legislator. In doing so, the court does not have any discretionary political basis in order to create legal norms or provisions that could not be deducted from the Constitution itself. When interpreting a statute “in accordance with the constitution”, the court recognizes and reasserts that it is strictly forbidden to extend the scope of a legal provision in such a way that would create a general norm not established by the law-maker. This paper aims to identify and assess the latest role of Indonesian Constitutional Court in interpreting and applying the Constitution. In particular, it questions 1) the role of the Constitutional Court in judicial review; and 2) the role of the court to assist the legislators in the accomplishment of their functions in order to preserve its supremacy testing the constitutionality of statutes. Concerning positive legislator, jurisprudential and judicial review theories will be approached. The empirical part will include qualitative and comparative research. Main questions to be addressed: Can the Constitutional Court be functionalized as positive legislator? What are the criteria for conducting role of Constitutional Courts as Positive Legislators and how can it be accepted? Concerning the subordination of Constitutional Courts to the Constitution and judicial review, both qualitative and quantitative methods will be used, and differences between Indonesia and German Constitutional Court will be observed. Other questions to be addressed: Can Constitutional Courts have any discretionary political basis in order to create legal norms or provisions that could not be deducted from the Constitution itself. Should the Constitutional Court always act as a negative legislator? However, the Constitutional Court in Indonesia has played role as positive legislators which create dynamic of Indonesian legal development. In performing the task of reviewing the constitutionality of statutes, the Constitutional Court has created legal norms or provisions that could be deducted from the Constitution itself.

Keywords: constitution, court, law, rights

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Authors: Eliane Cristina De Carvalho Mendoza Meza

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The Brazilian Federal Constitution from 1988 innovated with decentralized management, sharing the decision process among the federal government, states, and municipality (federalism). This innovation gave the opportunity to the civil society participates in the public policy agenda, including the municipal one; the state recognized that new actors were needed now it has been one more actor and not the only one. It was in this context that the woman’s Policy Secretaries were created in the three levels of government: federal, state and municipal. It intend to reduce the historical and social differences between men and women, especially in the poorest municipalities, working in a network basis with other secretaries, governmental institutions and non-governmental organizations to promote actions that can result in benefits and empowerment for women. In addition, they promote actions to protect them from domestic violence and to help them to learn how generate income. It was not a calm process, women have been fighting for their rights since the 1970s and despite the gender equality was recognized in the Federal Constitution of 1988, just in 2013 it was possible to see a real growth in the creation of municipal Women’s Policy Secretary. In 2009, just 6.5% of the cities in Brazil had implemented the Secretary; in 2013, it was 11%. The municipality realized that the gender issue was in reality a public problem, so the municipal agenda incorporated it and transformed in public policy, creating the municipal Women’s Policy Secretary. The introduction of a gender policy in Brazilian municipalities shows us that the female citizens are treated as political subjects and it is the first step to try to compensate inequality between men and women in the local level. It becomes more important when the Brazilian federalism is analyzed. In Brazil, the federal government controls the municipalities’ budgets to implement federal public policies and others federal interests, so having a public policy of gender approved by the actors in the local government with so little freedom to manage is something very important. It is necessary mark some points: taking a gender policy to the poorest cities is a form to protect all citizens with no distinction, men and women, as recommended in the Federal Constitution; not all problems in a city center in the municipal agenda, this only happens when a problem is perceived as an issue, it means the women situation was perceived as important, so that it became a public policy; at least, the gender public policy intend to emancipate and contemplate the empowerment of women.

Keywords: federalism, gender, municipal agenda, social participation

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Authors: Abiodun Odusote

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This paper gives content to the Provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, it offers new perspectives on the nature of fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy and the duties of citizens. It makes inquiries into the justiciability of these rights and examines the reasoning of the Nigerian courts in the interpretation and enforcement of the rights. The paper examines the emerging jurisprudence in India and South Africa and lessons are drawn from their respective models of enforcement of similar rights. The paper concludes by proposing more creative and novel alternatives to the enforcement and enjoyments of these rights, including: enforcement through Acts of Parliament, enforcement through other Constitutional provisions, indirect enforcement, enforcement through regional and international courts, enforcement by constructive engagement, and enforcement through electoral process. Overall, it is shown that there are available a variety of practical and effective ways of improving the realization and enjoyment of the provisions of Chapter II of the CFRN.

Keywords: constructive-engagement, indirect enforcement, judicial activism, justiciability, social rights

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Authors: Shatakshi Garg

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As the world continues to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic, India, one of the most populous democratic federal developing nation, continues to report the highest active cases and deaths, as well as struggle to let its health infrastructure not succumb to the exponentially growing requirements of hospital beds, ventilators, oxygen to save thousands of lives daily at risk. In this context, the paper outlines the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic since it first hit India in January 2020 – the policy decisions taken by the Union and the State governments from the larger perspective of its federal structure. The Constitution of India adopted in 1950 enshrined the federal relations between the Union and the State governments by way of the constitutional division of revenue-raising and expenditure responsibilities. By way of the 72nd and 73rd Amendments in the Constitution, powers and functions were devolved further to the third tier, namely the local governments, with the intention of further strengthening the federal structure of the country. However, with time, several constitutional amendments have shifted the scales in favour of the union government. The paper briefly traces some of these major amendments as well as some policy decisions which made the federal relations asymmetrical. As a result, data on key fiscal parameters helps establish how the union government gained upper hand at the expense of weak state governments, reducing the local governments to mere constitutional bodies without adequate funds and fiscal autonomy to carry out the assigned functions. This quasi-federal structure of India with the union government amassing the majority of power in terms of ‘funds, functions and functionaries’ exposed the perils of weakening sub-national governments post COVID-19 pandemic. With a complex quasi-federal structure and a heterogeneous population of over 1.3 billion, the announcement of a sudden nationwide lockdown by the union government was followed by a plight of migrants struggling to reach homes safely in the absence of adequate arrangements for travel and safety-net made by the union government. With limited autonomy enjoyed by the states, they were mostly dictated by the union government on most aspects of handling the pandemic, including protocols for lockdown, re-opening post lockdown, and vaccination drive. The paper suggests that certain policy decisions like demonetization, the introduction of GST, etc., taken by the incumbent government since 2014 when they first came to power, have further weakened the states and local governments, which have amounted to catastrophic losses, both economic and human. The role of the executive, legislature and judiciary are explored to establish how all these three arms of the government have worked simultaneously to further weaken and expose the fault-lines of the federal structure of India, which has lent the nation incapacitated to handle this pandemic. The paper then suggests the urgency of re-looking at the federal structure of the country and undertaking measures that strengthen the sub-national governments and restore the federal spirit as was enshrined in the constitution to avoid mammoth human and economic losses from a pandemic of this sort.

Keywords: COVID-19 pandemic, India, federal structure, economic losses

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Authors: Sudir Silwal, Surendra KC

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Nepalese legal system was derived from Hindu sacred before the democratic movement in 1990. Before this movement, Nepal had a patrimonial system. Nepal has ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Women organizations of the various political parties, different social organizations and women activists are playing the significant role to empower the women through the social awareness campaign across the country. As a result, 33% women representation in the local government has ascertained by the current constitution. The Constitution of Nepal-2015 has mentioned the rights of women as a fundamental right and it also has provisioned the National Women Commission as the constitutional body. This constitution is the model of gender friendly constitution in the world. As per this constitution, the Citizenship certificate is issued based on the lineage of the mother or father along with gender identity. The current constitution has guaranteed 33% women participation in judiciary, bureaucracy and legislation. This constitution further states that the parliament must elect a woman either as the president or the vice president. Similarly same rule is applied to elect the speaker and the deputy speaker in the parliament. In the same constitution, rights of the third gender also has guaranteed. The guiding principles of the constitution further explain that the constitution has followed the rule of positive discrimination and proportional representation of women in all elements of the state. This study shows that the state is not only focused in the representation of women in all structure of the nation but also need to emphasize the enhancement of the capability of the women to make them equal to the men.

Keywords: constitution, empowerment, representation, women's rights

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Authors: Olanrewaju O. Adeojo

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The constitutional system of government provides for the federating units of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the States and the Local Councils under a governing structure of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary with attendant distinct powers and spheres of influence. The legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and of a State are vested in the National Assembly and House of Assembly of the State respectively. The Local council exercises legislative powers in clearly defined matters as provided by the Constitution. Though, the executive as constituted by the President and the Governor are charged with the powers of execution and administration, the legislature is empowered to ensure that such powers are duly exercised in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. The vast areas do not make oversight functions indefinite and more importantly the purpose for the exercise of the powers are circumscribed. It include, among others, any matter with respect to which it has power to make laws. Indeed, the law provides for the competence of the legislature to procure evidence, examine all persons as witnesses, to summon any person to give evidence and to issue a warrant to compel attendance in matters relevant to the subject matter of its investigation. The exercise of functions envisaged by the Constitution seem to an extent to be literal because it lacks power of enforcing the outcome. Furthermore, the docility of the legislature is apparent in a situation where the agency or authority being called in to question is part of the branch of government to enforce sanctions. The process allows for cover up and obstruction of justice. The oversight functions are not functional in a situation where the executive is overbearing. The friction, that ensues, between the Legislature and the Executive in an attempt by the former to project the spirit of a constitutional mandate calls for concern. It is needless to state a power that can easily be frustrated. To an extent, the arm of government with coercive authority seems to have over shadowy effect over the laid down functions of the legislature. Recourse to adjudication by the Judiciary had not proved to be of any serious utility especially in a clime where the wheels of justice grinds slowly, as in Nigeria, due to the nature of the legal system. Consequently, the law and the Constitution, drawing lessons from other jurisdiction, need to insulate the legislative oversight from the vagaries of the executive. A strong and virile Constitutional Court that determines, within specific time line, issues pertaining to the oversight functions of the legislative power, is apposite.

Keywords: constitution, legislative, oversight, power

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Authors: N. Sathish Gowda

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A constitution without fundamental rights will become zero. The very object of constitution of three organs viz, legislature, executive and judiciary under the constitution of India is to protect, preserve and promote fundamental rights guaranteed under part-III. In India, along with express fundamental rights, Supreme Court has also recognized implied fundamental rights. But, unfortunately State has not been implementing these implied fundamental rights. In this regard, this research paper discusses the catalogue of implied fundamental rights evolved by the judiciary in interpreting Article 21 of the Constitution of India and seeks to examine the effects and applicability of these rights in India.

Keywords: fundamental rights, nuances of Article 21, express fundamental rights, implied fundamental rights, procedure established by law

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Authors: Adeola Ayodele Oluwabiyi

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The study undertook an in depth examination of the relevant sections of the Nigerian Constitution and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Act as it relates to the appointment and removal of the CBN Governor; It analysed the Constitutional issues that arose from the removal of the immediate past Governor of the CBN; and made recommendations as appropriate. The study relied on primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Statutes, Conventions and Judicial decisions, while the secondary sources included Books, Journals Articles, Newspapers and Internet Materials. The study revealed that the removal of the CBN Governor was not in accordance with the Nigerian Constitution and the CBN Act that Guarantee such. It also revealed some of the arguments in support of the removal. The study concluded that the removal of the immediate past Governor of CBN was an outright disregard for the rule of law. The study concluded that if Government treat the laws in question with levity and contempt the confidence of the citizens in such government will be seriously eroded and the effect of that will be the beginning of anarchy in replacement of the rule of law. It could also have serious economic implications on the economy of any nation.

Keywords: central bank, governor, laws, Nigeria

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Authors: Akbar Jamali

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According to Hegel’s philosophy, constitution of any given nation is the best expression of its national Self-Consciousness. Since constitution is the place in which freedom and Universal Rights is expressed, and since the essence of Self-consciousness is freedom, the development of self-consciousness and consequently freedom, is the direct cause of the development of constitution. Self-consciousness develops in the human history according to its own internal and external dialectic; therefore, it is essentially a dynamic phenomenon. However, constitution is supposed to be a stable foundation for the legal system of state and society. Therefore, the dilemma is: how the dynamic and contradictory nature of Self-Consciousness is the foundation of constitution that supposed to be the stable base of legal system of state and society. According to Hegel’s philosophy, the contradiction between the dynamic self- consciousness and the static constitution and state has an essential role in the formation of social movements within any given state. Self-consciousness is the phenomenology of Spirit in the human history. Subjective Spirit expresses itself in the different shapes of Self-consciousness in human spirit. These different shapes of self-consciousness must be identical with its contradiction; Objective Spirit. State is the highest form of the objective Spirit. Therefore, state and its foundation namely ‘constitution’ must be identical with Self-consciousness. "Spirit cannot remain forever alienated from its expression." Hegel states. Self-consciousness is the Subjective Spirit, it freely develops according to its internal and external contradictions, but since it must be always identical with its expression namely constitution, its development results to alienation. They way by which self-consciousness became again identical with the constitution determines the nature of legal and political development of any given society and state. In the democratic states, self-consciousness shows itself partially in the public opinion. In the process of election, this public opinion changes the ruling parties that construct the government. In democracies, self-consciousness or subjective spirit is in a dialectical relationship with state or the Objective Spirit. Therefore, it cannot remain alienated with its expression that is political system and its constitution. But, in the autocracies Self-consciousness cannot easily express itself in the government and its constitution. More Self-consciousness develops more it becomes alienated with its expression that is the state and its constitution. Rebel and revolution are the symptom of alienation of Spirit (self-consciousness) with its expression (state and its constitution).

Keywords: alienation, constitution, self-consciousness, spirit

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Authors: Simon O. Obadahun, Samuel Otohinoyi

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The Nigerian state is heterogeneous both in character and content. Efforts to manage this diversity has so far not yielded the desired result. This paper examines the Federal Character Principle as one of the instruments intended to manage our obvious diversity such that no part of the country is marginalized or feels marginalized or sidelined. The paper observed that the Federal Character Principle have not achieved its set objectives, which is national unity and loyalty. It draws from secondary sources and discovered that there are factors that make an equitable distribution of public appointments difficult which is beyond the powers of the federal character commission. The major argument of this paper is that if the Federal Character Commission as an organization expected to enforce this principle is not restructured and given more power to sanction individuals and organizations that are found of circumventing the relevant guidelines in this regards, the hope of national unity and loyalty will continue to be a mirage.

Keywords: appointments, federalism, federal character, national integration

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Authors: Qamar Raza

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This paper deals with the human concern and onus which every person should provide to his/her society. Especially the rules and regulations described in constitution or traditions which we have inherited from ancestors should be followed, and also our lives should be led in accordance with them. The main concern of paper would be personal behavior with others in a good manner especially what he/she should exercise for society’s welfare. As human beings are the fundamental organ of society, who play a crucial role in reforming the society, they should try their best to develop it as well as maintain harmony, peace, we-feeling and mutual contact in the society. Focusing on how the modern society and its elements keep society successful. Regulations of our constitution and tradition are essential for reforming the society. In a nutshell, a human has to mingle in his society and keep mutual respect and understand the value of others as well as for himself.

Keywords: constitution, human beings, society, traditions

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Authors: Valbona Metaj

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The relationship between the state and the religion is different based on the fact that how powerful is the religion faith in a state and of the influences that affected the views of the constitution drafters according to the constitutional system they were based to draft their constitution. This paper aims at providing, through a comparative methodology, how it is regulated by the constitution the relationship between the state and the religion. The object of this study are the constitutions of Italy as a nation with catholic religious tradition, Greece as a nation with orthodox religion tradition, and Turkey as a nation which represents Muslim religion, while Albania as a nation known for its religious plurality. In particular, the analysis will be focused on the secular or religious principle provided in the constitution of each respective state. This comparative overview intends to discern which of the states analyzed is more tolerant and fully respects the freedom of religion. It results that most of the states subject of this study, despite their religious tradition have chosen the secular principle in their constitutions, but the religious freedom is differently guaranteed.

Keywords: constitution, religion, religious freedom, secular

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Authors: Monika Florczak-Wator

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The model of positive obligations of the state concerning the protection of the rights of an individual was created within the jurisdiction of the German Federal Constitutional Court in the 1970s. That model assumes that the state should protect an individual against infringement of their fundamental rights by another individual. It is based on the idea concerning the modification of the function and duties of the state towards an individual and society. Initially the state was perceived as the main infringer of the fundamental rights of an individual formulating the individual’s obligations of negative nature (obligation of noninterference), however, at present the state is perceived as a guarantor and protector of the fundamental rights of an individual of positive nature (obligation of protection). Examination of the chosen judicial decisions of that court will enable us to determine what the obligation of protection is specifically about, when it is updated and whether it is accompanied by claims of an individual requesting the state to take actions protecting their fundamental rights against infringement by the private entities. The comparative perspective for the German model of positive obligations of the state will be an analogous model present in the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. It is justified to include it in the research as the Convention, similarly to the constitution, focuses on the protection of an individual against the infringement of their rights by the state and both models have been developed within the jurisdiction for several dozens of years. Analysis of the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland as well as judgements of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal will allow for the presentation of the application the model of the protective duties of the state in Poland.

Keywords: human rights, horizontal relationships, constitution, state protection

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Authors: C. Shekhar Parajulee

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Nepal practiced a centralized unitary governing system for a long and has gone through the federal system after the promulgation of the new constitution on 20 September 2015. There is a big paradigm shift in terms of governance after it. Now, there are three levels of governments, one federal government in the center, seven provincial governments and 753 local governments. Federalism refers to a political governing system with multiple tiers of government working together with coordination. It is preferred for self and shared rule. Though it has opened the door for rights of the people, political stability, state restructuring, and sustainable peace and development, there are many prospects and challenges for its proper implementation. This research analyzes the discourses of federalism implementation in Nepal with special reference to one of seven provinces, Gandaki. Federalism is a new phenomenon in Nepali politics and informed debates on it are required for its right evolution. This research will add value in this regard. Moreover, tracking its evolution and the exploration of the attitudes and behaviors of key actors and stakeholders in a new experiment of a new governing system is also important. The administrative and political system of Gandaki province in terms of service delivery and development will critically be examined. Besides demonstrating the performances of the provincial government and assembly, it will analyze the inter-governmental relation of Gandaki with the other two tiers of government. For this research, people from provincial and local governments (elected representatives and government employees), provincial assembly members, academicians, civil society leaders and journalists are being interviewed. The interview findings will be analyzed by supplementing with published documents. Just going into the federal structure is not the solution. As in the case of other provincial governments, Gandaki had also to start from scratch. It gradually took a shape of government and has been functioning sluggishly. The provincial government has many challenges ahead, which has badly hindered its plans and actions. Additionally, fundamental laws, infrastructures and human resources are found to be insufficient at the sub-national level. Lack of clarity in the jurisdiction is another main challenge. The Nepali Constitution assumes cooperation, coexistence and coordination as the fundamental principles of federalism which, unfortunately, appear to be lacking among the three tiers of government despite their efforts. Though the devolution of power to sub-national governments is essential for the successful implementation of federalism, it has apparently been delayed due to the centralized mentality of bureaucracy as well as a political leader. This research will highlight the reasons for the delay in the implementation of federalism. There might be multiple underlying reasons for the slow pace of implementation of federalism and identifying them is very tough. Moreover, the federal spirit is found to be absent in the main players of today's political system, which is a big irony. So, there are some doubts about whether the federal system in Nepal is just a keepsake or a substantive.

Keywords: federalism, inter-governmental relations, Nepal, provincial government

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Authors: Sally Selden, Jyoti Aggarwal

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The research on generational expectations about leadership is developing, but little scholarship exists on this topic for public sector organizations. Given the size of the federal workforce, this research study fills an important gap in the knowledge base and will inform public organizations how to approach managing and leading a multigenerational workforce. The research objectives of this study are to explore leadership preferences and motivation within generations and to determine whether these qualities differ by type of federal agency (e.g., law enforcement, human services, etc.). This paper will review the research on generational differences, expectations, and leadership with a focus on studies of public organizations. Using hierarchical linear modeling (HLM), this study will examine how leadership and motivation vary by generation in the federal government workforce, controlling for other demographic characteristics. The study will also examine whether generational differences impact satisfaction and performance. The study will utilize the 2019 Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey.

Keywords: multigenerational workforce, leadership, generational differences, federal workforce

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Authors: Thiago R. Pereira

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The philosophical hermeneutics is able to change the Brazilian Judiciary because of the understanding of the characteristics of the human being. It is impossible for humans, to be invested in the function of being a judge, making absolutely neutral decisions, but the philosophical hermeneutics can assist the judge making impartial decisions, based on the federal constitution. The normative legal positivism imagined a neutral judge, a judge able to try without any preconceived ideas, without allowing his/her background to influence him/her. When a judge arbitrates based on legal rules, the problem is smaller, but when there are no clear legal rules, and the judge must try based on principles, the risk of the decision is based on what they believe in. Solipsistically, this issue gains a huge dimension. Today, the Brazilian judiciary is independent, but there must be a greater knowledge of philosophy and the philosophy of law, partially because the bigger problem is the unpredictability of decisions made by the judiciary. Actually, when a lawsuit is filed, the result of this judgment is absolutely unpredictable. It is almost a gamble. There must be the slightest legal certainty and predictability of judicial decisions, so that people, with similar cases, may not receive opposite sentences. The relativism, since classical antiquity, believes in the possibility of multiple answers. Since the Greeks in in the sixth century before Christ, through the Germans in the eighteenth century, and even today, it has been established the constitution as the great law, the Groundnorm, and thus, the relativism of life can be greatly reduced when a hermeneut uses the Constitution as North interpretational, where all interpretation must act as the hermeneutic constitutional filter. For a current philosophy of law, that inside a legal system with a Federal Constitution, there is a single correct answer to a specific case. The challenge is how to find this right answer. The only answer to this question will be that we should use the constitutional principles. But in many cases, a collision between principles will take place, and to resolve this issue, the judge or the hermeneut will choose a solipsism way, using what they personally believe to be the right one. For obvious reasons, that conduct is not safe. Thus, a theory of decision is necessary to seek justice, and the hermeneutic philosophy and the linguistic turn will be necessary for one to find the right answer. In order to help this difficult mission, it will be necessary to use philosophical hermeneutics in order to find the right answer, which is the constitutionally most appropriate response. The constitutionally appropriate response will not always be the answer that individuals agree to, but we must put aside our preferences and defend the answer that the Constitution gives us. Therefore, the hermeneutics applied to Law, in search constitutionally appropriate response, should be the safest way to avoid judicial individual decisions. The aim of this paper is to present the science of law starting from the linguistic turn, the philosophical hermeneutics, moving away from legal positivism. The methodology used in this paper is qualitative, academic and theoretical, philosophical hermeneutics with the mission to conduct research proposing a new way of thinking about the science of law. The research sought to demonstrate the difficulty of the Brazilian courts to depart from the secular influence of legal positivism. Moreover, the research sought to demonstrate the need to think science of law within a contemporary perspective, where the linguistic turn, philosophical hermeneutics, will be the surest way to conduct the science of law in the present century.

Keywords: hermeneutic, right answer, solipsism, Brazilian judiciary

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Authors: Tom Hickey

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It is difficult to conceive of a case that might more starkly bring the arguments concerning judicial review to the fore than State (Ryan) v Lennon. Small wonder that it has attracted so much scholarly attention, although the fact that almost all of it has been in an Irish setting is perhaps surprising, given the illustrative value of the case in respect of a philosophical quandary that continues to command attention in all developed constitutional democracies. Should judges have power to invalidate legislation? This article revisits Ryan v Lennon with an eye on the importance of the idea of “democracy” in the case. It assesses the meaning of democracy: what its purpose might be and what practical implications might follow, specifically in respect of judicial review. Based on this assessment, it argues for a particular institutional model for the vindication of constitutional rights. In the context of calls for the drafting of a new constitution for Ireland, however forlorn these calls might be for the moment, it makes a broad and general case for the abandonment of judicial supremacy and for the taking up of a model in which judges have a constrained rights reviewing role that informs a more robust role that legislators would play, thereby enhancing the quality of the control that citizens have over their own laws. The article is in three parts. Part I assesses the exercise of judicial power over legislation in Ireland, with the primary emphasis on Ryan v Lennon. It considers the role played by the idea of democracy in that case and relates it to certain apparently intractable dilemmas that emerged in later Irish constitutional jurisprudence. Part II considers the concept of democracy more generally, with an eye on overall implications for judicial power. It argues for an account of democracy based on the idea of equally shared popular control over government. Part III assesses how this understanding might inform a new constitutional arrangement in the Irish setting for the vindication of fundamental rights.

Keywords: constitutional rights, democracy as popular control, Ireland, judicial power, republican theory, Ryan v Lennon

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Authors: Khalid Javed, Rashid Mahmood

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The constitution empowers the Federal Government to collect taxes on income other than agricultural income, taxes on capital value, customs, excise duties and sales taxes. The Central Board of Revenue (CBR) and its subordinate departments administer the tax system. Each of the three principal taxes has a different history and different set of issues. For a large number of income tax payers the core of the business process is pre-audit and assessment by a tax official. This process gives considerable discretion to tax officials, with potential for abuse. Moreover, this process is also not tenable as the number of taxpayers increase. The report is focused on a total overhaul of the process and organization of income tax. Sales tax is recent and its process and organization is adjusted to the needs of an expanding tax base. These are based on self-assessment and selective audit. Similarly, in customs the accent is on accelerating and broadening the changes begun in recent years. Before long, central excise will be subsumed in sales tax. During the nineties, despite many changes in the tax regime and introduction of withholding and presumptive taxes, Federal Government tax to GDP ratio has varied narrowly around eleven percent. The tax base has grown but still remains narrow and skewed. The number of income tax filers is around one million.

Keywords: central board of revenue, GDP, sale tax, income tax

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Authors: Soheila Ghanbari

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After the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was enacted, federal policy transformed employment rights. Equal employment opportunity law, legislation for occupational safety and health, and regulations for fringe benefits were established to ensure that employees have rights to equal protection, health and safety, and the benefits guaranteed by employers. In research analyzing data from 279 organizations over time, it was discovered that legal changes prompted organizations to establish personnel, antidiscrimination, safety, and benefits departments to ensure compliance. However, as the process of institutionalization advanced, middle managers began to separate these fresh offices from policy and rationalize them solely in economic terms as a component of the new human resources management model. This common occurrence is seen in the United States, where the Constitution represents government control of business as unlawful. It could potentially clarify the extended lack of a state theory in organizational analysis and shed light on a puzzle pointed out by state theorists: the federal state is weak in terms of administration but strong in terms of norms.

Keywords: management, state, human, resources, employment

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Authors: Tecla Rita Karendi, Andy Cons Matata

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Although before and at the advent of colonial administration, several women such as Mekatilili wa Menza and Muthoni Nyanjiru took up leadership positions in resisting the colonial administration. Kenya is generally considered a patriarchal society. Many women who tried to take up positions of leadership in postcolonial Kenya, such as the Nobel Prize winner Wangari Maathai, were branded as prostitutes or generally immoral women. However, the Constitution of Kenya, 2010, has since made a huge impact not only in the area of affirmative action but also in various aspects of the feminist legal theory such as the constitutional requirement that no more than two-thirds of the members of the elective or appointive bodies should be of the same gender. This favours women who are often sidelined in elective posts such as parliament or county assemblies and state-appointed posts in the parastatals and commissions. The constitution also recognizes the right to abortion, which was outrightly outlawed in the independence constitution. Certain practices adverse to women’s health, such as wife inheritance, female genital mutilation, and property rights, are either outlawed or framed to recognized women’s rights. The education of the girl-child is also now considered a priority, unlike in the past. Despite these developments, a lot remains to be done.

Keywords: feminist legal theory, constitution of Kenya, 2010, affirmative action, leadership

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Authors: K. L. Virupaksha Gupta

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Ayurveda offers a holistic outlook regarding skin care. Most Initial step in Ayurveda is to identify the skin type and care accordingly which is highly personalized. Though dermatologically there are various skin type classifications such Baumann skin types (based on 4 parameters i) Oily Vs Dry ii) Sensitive Vs Resistant iii) Pigmented Vs Non-Pigmented iv) Wrinkled Vs Tight (Unwrinkled) etc but Skin typing in Ayurveda is mainly determined by the prakriti (constitution) of the individual as well as the status of Doshas (Humors) which are basically of 3 types – i.e Vata Pitta and Kapha,. Difference between them is mainly attributed to the qualities of each dosha (humor). All the above said skin types can be incorporated under these three types. The skin care modalities in each of the constitution vary greatly. Skin of an individual of Vata constitution would be lustreless, having rough texture and cracks due to dryness and thus should be given warm and unctuous therapies and oil massage for lubrication and natural moisturizers for hydration. Skin of an individual of Pitta constitution would look more vascular (pinkish), delicate and sensitive with a fair complexion, unctuous and tendency for wrinkles and greying of hair at an early age and hence should be given cooling and nurturing therapies and should avoid tanning treatments. Skin of an individual of kapha constitution will have oily skin, they are delicate and look beautiful and radiant and hence these individuals would require therapies to mainly combat oily skin. Hence, the skin typing and skin care in Ayurveda is highly rational and scientific.

Keywords: Ayurveda, dermatology, Dosha, skin types

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Authors: Andhika Danesjvara, Nur Widyastanti

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The constitution regulates the forms, types, and powers of sState organs in a government. The powers of the organs are then regulated in more detail in the legislation. One of these organs is a government organ, headed by a president or by another name that serves as the main organizer of government. The laws and regulations will govern how the organs of government shall exercise their authority and functions. In a modern state, the function of enacting laws or called executive power does not exercise the functions of government alone, but there are other organs that help the government run the country. These organs are often called government agencies, government accelerating bodies, independent regulatory bodies, commissions, councils or other similar names. The legislation also limits the power of officials within the organs to keep from abusing its authority. The main question in this paper is whether organs are the implementation of a democratic country, or as a form of compromise with the power of stakeholders. It becomes important to see how the administrative organs perform their functions. The administrative organs that are bound by government procedures work in the public service; therefore the next question is how far the function of public service is appropriate and not contradictory to the constitution.

Keywords: administrative organs, constitution, democracy, government

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Authors: Linda Muswaka

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The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 ranks the Constitution as the Supreme law of the Republic. Law or conduct, inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution is invalid to the extent of the inconsistency. The Constitution binds all persons and legislative, executive and judicial organs of the State at all levels of government. The Constitution embodies a Bill of Rights and expressly allows for judicial review. The introduction of a chapter of rights requires the judiciary to examine the decisions of the legislature and the executive. In a situation where these conflicts with the Bill of Rights, the judiciary have the constitutional power to overrule such decisions. In exercising its adjudicatory and interpretative powers, the judiciary sometimes arrives at unpopular decisions and accusations of judicial overreach are made. A problem, therefore, emerges on the issue of the separation of powers and judicial review. This paper proposes to, through the South African perspective, investigate the application of the doctrine of separation of powers and judicial review. In this regard, the qualitative method of research will be employed. The reason is that it is best suited to this type of study which entails a critical analysis of legal issues. The following findings are made: (i) a complete separation of powers is not possible. This is because some overlapping of the functions of the three branches of state are unavoidable; (ii) the powers vested in the judiciary does not make it more powerful than the executive and the legislature; (iii) interference by the judiciary in matters concerning other branches is not automatically, judicial overreach; and (iv) if both the executive and legislative organs of government adhere to their constitutional obligations there would be a decrease in the need for judicial interference through court adjudication. The researcher concludes by submitting that the judiciary should not derogate from their constitutionally mandated function of judicial review. The rationale being that that if the values contained in the Constitution are not scrupulously observed and their precepts not carried out conscientiously, the result will be a constitutional crisis of great magnitude.

Keywords: constitution, judicial review, judicial overreach, separation of powers

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Authors: Mamta Chandrashekhar

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Women’s participation in mainstream political and social activity has important implications for the broader arena of governance in any country. This research work will highlights some of the key issues that concerned with the impact of constitutional & Legal provision on the Indian women Status in present century. The principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution in its Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive Principles. The Constitution not only grants equality to women, but also empowers the State to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women. In recent years, the empowerment of women has been recognized as the central issue in determining the status of women. The main objective of this research is to analyzed the status of Indian women and the existing wide gap between the goals enunciated in the Constitution, legislation, policies, plans, programmes, and related mechanisms on the one hand and the situational reality of the status of women in India, This work encourage and inspire to women empowerment, will be beneficial to build a well-organized ideal society through Gender Equality and Development & Peace in the 21st century.

Keywords: awareness, constitution, development, empowerment

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Authors: Summer Jackson

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September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks exposed weaknesses in federal law enforcement’s ability to proactively counter threats to American homeland security. Following the attacks, legislative reforms and policy changes cleared both bureaucratic and legal obstacles to anti-terrorism efforts. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) transformed into a domestic intelligence agency responsible for preventing future terrorist attacks. Likewise, the passage of the 2001 USA Patriot Act gave federal agents new discretionary powers to more easily collect intelligence on those suspected of supporting terrorism. Despite these changes, there has been only limited scholarly attention paid to terrorism responses by the federal criminal justice system. This study sought to examine the investigative and prosecutorial changes made in the Post-9/11 era. The methodology employed bivariate and multivariate statistics using data from the American Terrorism Study (ATS). This analysis examined how policy changes are reflected in the nature of terrorism investigations, the handling of terrorist defendants by federal prosecutors, and the outcomes of terrorism cases since 2001. The findings indicate significant investigative and prosecutorial changes in the Post-9/11 era. Specifically, this study found terrorism cases involved younger defendants, fewer indictees per case, less use of human intelligence, less complicated attacks, less serious charges, and more plea bargains. Overall, this study highlights the important shifts in responses to terrorism following the 9/11 attacks.

Keywords: terrorism, law enforcement, post-9/11, federal policy

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Authors: Sadiya S. Silvee

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Generally, the decision of the higher court is binding on its subordinate courts. As provided in Article 111 of the Constitution, 'the law declared by the Appellate Division (AD) shall be binding on the High Court Division (HCD) and the law declared by either division of the Supreme Court shall be binding on all courts subordinate to it.' This means the judicial discipline requires the HCD to follow the decision of the AD and that it is necessary for the lower tiers of courts to accept the decision of the higher tiers as a binding precedent. Analyzing the application of Article 111 of the Constitution in the criminal justice system as a sentencing guideline, the paper, by examining whether there is any consistency in decision between one HC Bench and another HC Bench, explores whether HCD can per incuriam its previous decision. In doing so, the Death Reference (DR) Cases are contemplated. Furthermore, the paper shall examine whether the Court of Session follows the decision of the HCD while using their discretion to make the choice between death and imprisonment for life under section 302 of PC. The paper argues due to the absence of any specific direction for sentencing and inconsistency in jurisprudence among the HCD; the subordinate courts are in a dilemma.

Keywords: death reference, sentencing factor, sentencing guideline, criminal justice system and constitution

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Authors: Hafsat Iyabo Sa'adu

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A salient feature of the Nigerian Tax Law is the right of the taxpayer to demand for a refund where excess tax is paid. Section 23 of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, 2007 vests Federal Inland Revenue Services with the power to make tax refund as well as set guidelines and requirements for refund process from time to time. In addition, Section 61 of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, 2007, empowers the Federal Inland Revenue Services to issue information circular to acquaint stakeholders with the policy on the refund process. A Circular was issued to that effect to correct the position that until after the annual audit of the Service before such excess can be paid to the claimant/taxpayer. But it is amazing that such circular issuance does not feature under the states’ laws. Hence, there is an inconsistencies in the tax paying system in Nigeria. This study, therefore, sets an objective, to examine the trending concept of tax refund in Nigeria. In order to achieve this set objective, a doctrinal study went under way, wherein both federal and states laws were consulted including journals and textbooks. At the end of the research, it was revealed that the law should be specific as to the time frame within which to make the refund. It further revealed that it is essential to put up a legal framework for the tax system to recognize excess payment as debt due from the state. This would provide a foundational framework for the relationship between taxpayers and Federal Inland Revenue Service as well as promote effective tax administration in all the states of the federation. Several Recommendations were made especially relating to legislative passage of ‘’Refund Circular Bill at the states levels’ pursuant to the Federal Inland Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, 2007.

Keywords: claim, Nigeria, refund, right

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Authors: Amrisha Pandey

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Indian constitution has distributed the powers to govern and legislate between the centre and the state governments based on the list of subject-matter provided in the seventh schedule. By that schedule, the states are authorized to regulate the water resource within their territory. However, the centre/union government is authorized to regulate the inter-state water disputes. The powers entrusted to the union government mainly deals with the sharing of river water which flows through the territory of two or more states. For that purpose, a provision enumerated in Article 262 of the Constitution of India which empowers the parliament to resolve any such inter-state river water dispute. Therefore, the parliament has enacted the - ‘Inter-State River Water Dispute Tribunal, Act’, which allows the central/union government to constitute the tribunal for the adjudication of the disputes and expressly bars the jurisdiction of the judiciary in the concerned matter. This arrangement was intended to resolve the dispute using political or diplomatic means, without deliberately interfering with the sovereign power of the states to govern the water resource. The situation in present context is complicated and sensitive. Due to the change in climatic conditions; increasing demand for the limited resource; and the advanced understanding of the freshwater cycle, which is missing from the existing legal regime. The obsolete legal and political tools, the existing legislative mechanism and the institutional units do not seem to accommodate the rising challenge to regulate the resource. Therefore, resulting in the rise of the politicization of the inter-state water disputes. Against this background, this paper will investigate the inter-state river water dispute in India and will critically analyze the ability of the existing constitutional, and institutional units involved in the task. Moreover, the competence of the tribunal as the adjudicating body in present context will be analyzed using the long ongoing inter-state water dispute in India – The Cauvery Water Dispute, as the case study. To conduct the task undertaken in this paper the doctrinal methodology of the research is adopted. The disputes will also be investigated through the lens of sovereignty, which is accorded to the states using the theory of ‘separation of power’ and the ‘grant of internal sovereignty’, to its federal units of governance. The issue of sovereignty in this paper is discussed in two ways: 1) as the responsibility of the state - to govern the resource; and 2) as the obligation of the state - to govern the resource, arising from the sovereign power of the state. Furthermore, the duality of the sovereign power coexists in this analysis; the overall sovereign authority of the nation-state, and the internal sovereignty of the states as its federal units of governance. As a result, this investigation will propose institutional, legislative and judicial reforms. Additionally, it will suggest certain amendments to the existing constitutional provisions in order to avoid the contradictions in their scope and meaning in the light of the advanced hydrological understanding.

Keywords: constitution of India, federalism, inter-state river water dispute tribunal of India, sovereignty

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Authors: Elvin Lim

Abstract:

This article integrates the debate about presidential powers with the debate about federalism, arguing that there are two ways of exercising presidential powers, one working in tandem with expanding federal powers, and the other working against it. Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson—the former a Federalist and the latter echoing the views of many Anti-Federalists—disagreed not only on the constitutional basis of prerogative, but also on the ends for which it should be deployed. This tension has always existed in American politics, and is reproduced today. Modern Democrats and Republicans both want a strong executive, but the Democrats who want a strong executive to pass legislation to expand the reach of the federal government; naturally, they must rely on an equally empowered Congress to do so. Republicans generally do not want an intrusive federal government, which is why their defense of a strong presidency does not come alongside a call for a strong Congress. This distinction cannot be explained without recourse to foundational yet opposing views about the appropriate role of federal power. When we bring federalism back in, we see that there are indeed two presidencies; one neo-Federalist, in favor of moderate presidential prerogative alongside a robust Congress directed collectively to a national state-building agenda and expanding the federal prerogative; another, neo-Anti-Federalist, in favor of expansive presidential prerogative and an ideologically sympathetic Congress equally suspicious of federal power to retard or roll back national state-building in favour of states rights.

Keywords: US presidency, federalism, prerogative, anti-federalism

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