Search results for: queer politics

Authors: Aparajita Santra

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In the context of the government's vision of turning Delhi into a green, privatized and slum free city, giving it a world-class image at par with the global cities of the world, this paper investigates into the various processes and politics of things that went behind defining spaces in the city and attributing an aesthetic image to it. The paper will explore two cases that were forged primarily through the forces of one particular type of power relation. One would be to look at the modernist movement adopted by the Nehruvian government post-independence and the next case will look at special periods like Emergency and Commonwealth games. The study of these cases will help understand the ambivalence embedded in the different rationales of the Government and different powerful agencies adopted in order to build world-classness. Through the study, it will be easier to discern how city spaces were reconfigured in the name of 'good governance'. In this process, it also became important to analyze the double nature of law, both as a protector of people’s rights and as a threat to people. What was interesting to note through the study was that in the process of nation building and creating an image for the city, the government’s policies and programs were mostly aimed at the richer sections of the society and the poorer sections and people from lower income groups kept getting marginalized, subdued, and pushed further away (These marginalized people were pushed away even geographically!). The reconfiguration of city space and attributing an aesthetic character to it, led to an alteration not only in the way in which citizens perceived and engaged with these spaces, but also brought about changes in the way they envisioned their place in the city. Ironically, it was found that every attempt to build any kind of facility for the city’s elite in turn led to an inevitable removal of the marginalized sections of the society as a necessary step to achieve a clean, green and world-class city. The paper questions the claim made by the government for creating a just, equitable city and granting rights to all. An argument is put forth that in the politics of redistribution of space, the city that has been designed is meant for the aspirational middle-class and elite only, who are ideally primed to live in world-class cities. Thus, the aim is to study city spaces, urban form, the associated politics and power plays involved within and understand whether segmented cities are being built in the name of creating sensible, inclusive cities.

Keywords: aesthetics, ambivalence, governmentality, power, World-class

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

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This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018 and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. The paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center (AKM) as a place of memory and space of politics from the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923) until today. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, one of the most important implementations in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of the Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to the 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the Republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists, and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed, it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while the Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period AKM was a representation of the cultural production of modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from the Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice, and Development Party, and the construction of the Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of the proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The paper narrates the existence and demolishment of the Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, Atatürk Cultural Center, Taksim square, collective memory

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Authors: Rai Mansoor Imtiaz

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Guardians in hybrid regimes fragment opposition parties and ban their political leaders, and disenfranchise their voters' political participation. When guardians in hybrid regimes are so powerful that they remain decisive on electoral politics of states, and have powers to ban political parties and their leadership, then "why do political parties backed by those powerful guardians lose elections" and "how do anti-establishment parties make electoral inroads at the local and national levels." These two questions are interrelated with the key research question of my research "why do people vote for political parties rejected by powerful guardians in establishmentarian democracies." Furthermore, this research question is important to be explored for two reasons. First, existing literature only reflects the electoral victories of opposition parties or defeats of military-sponsored parties (see Thailand and Turkey) but remains silent on political change that led the anti-military parties to win the elections. Second, why is it a case that people belonging to the countries where militaries remain popular among the public (see Turkey and Pakistan) have started putting their trust in anti-establishment politicians who criticise the military against their intervention in politics? For instance, in Pakistan, where commenting against the military is meant to comment against the state –– an anti-military narrative is getting popular support. The conceptual framework of hybrid states in this research relies on the concept of a 'reserved domain/tutelary body' (guardians of hybrid states). However, this research makes a case that hybrid states are not consolidated separate political entities but rather vacillated states that fluctuate between democratic and authoritarian practices. This paper, therefore, uses the term establishmentarian democracy as a subtype of the hybrid regime, which is more consolidated than a hybrid democracy.

Keywords: Guardians, Hybrid Regimes, Voters, Elections, Democracy, South Asia

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Authors: Joy Aworo-Okoroh

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Politics is about trust and trust is challenged by the speaker’s ability to manipulate language before the electorate. Critical discourse analysis investigates the role of language in constructing social relationships between a political speaker and his audience. This paper explores the linguistic choices made by President Muhammad Buhari that enshrines his ideologies as well as the socio-political relations of power between him and Nigerians in his speeches. Two speeches of President Buhari –inaugural and Independence Day speeches are analyzed using Norman Fairclough’s perspective on Halliday’s Systemic functional grammar. The analysis is at two levels. The first level of analysis is the identification of transitivity and modality choices in the speeches and how they reveal the covert ideologies. The second analysis is premised on Normal Fairclough’s model, the clauses are analyzed to identify elements of power, hesistation, persuasion, threat and religious statement. It was discovered that Buhari is a dominant character who manipulates the material processes a lot.

Keywords: politics, critical discourse analysis, Norman Fairclough, systemic functional grammar

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Authors: Autumn Tooms Cypres

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Throughout the 2016 presidential campaign, Republican nominee Donald Trump, capitalizing on his reputation for blunt and brash comments, created a political brand based on unedited statements and sweeping promises. While he vowed to 'Make America Great Again,' for many, the candidate’s discourse invoked legacies of marginalization and exclusion. As a result, this discussion focuses on Trump’s anti-immigration discourse (one of the primary foci of his campaign platform) and its influence across educational settings. The purpose of this effort is to demonstrate the power of political discourses relative to educational settings and to discuss the resulting everyday leadership challenges and opportunities. Discourse analysis frameworks are used to unpack the socio-political implications of the presidential campaign. In particular, they examine a serious of emails that a university administrator received post-election. The discussion concludes that leaders in education have a critical role to maintaining democratic institutions and ensuring inclusivity and belonging for all educational stakeholders.

Keywords: educational managment, politics, immigration, discourse

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Authors: Vesile Evrim, Aliyu Awwal

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By the evolvement in technology, the way of expressing opinions switched the direction to the digital world. The domain of politics as one of the hottest topics of opinion mining research merged together with the behavior analysis for affiliation determination in text which constitutes the subject of this paper. This study aims to classify the text in news/blogs either as Republican or Democrat with the minimum number of features. As an initial set, 68 features which 64 are constituted by Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) features are tested against 14 benchmark classification algorithms. In the later experiments, the dimensions of the feature vector reduced based on the 7 feature selection algorithms. The results show that Decision Tree, Rule Induction and M5 Rule classifiers when used with SVM and IGR feature selection algorithms performed the best up to 82.5% accuracy on a given dataset. Further tests on a single feature and the linguistic based feature sets showed the similar results. The feature “function” as an aggregate feature of the linguistic category, is obtained as the most differentiating feature among the 68 features with 81% accuracy by itself in classifying articles either as Republican or Democrat.

Keywords: feature selection, LIWC, machine learning, politics

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Authors: Juan Sanmartín Bastida

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When a country experiences a period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, involving an earlier process of political liberalization and a later process of democratization, a cycle of protest usually outbreaks, as there is a reciprocal influence between that kind of political change and the frequency and scale of social protest events. That is what happened in Spain during the first years of its transition to democracy from the Francoist authoritarian regime, roughly between November 1975 and December 1978. Thus, the object of this study is to show and explain how that cycle of protest started, developed, and finished in relation to such a political change, and offer specific information about the main features of all protest cycles: the social movements that arose during that period, the number of protest events by month, the forms of collective action that were utilized, the groups of challengers that engaged in contentious politics, the reaction of the authorities to the action and claims of those groups, etc. The study of this cycle of protest, using the primary sources and analytical tools that characterize the model of research of protest cycles, will make a contribution to the field of contentious politics and its phenomenon of cycles of contention, and more broadly to the political and social history of contemporary Spain. The cycle of protest and the process of political liberalization of the authoritarian regime began around the same time, but the first concluded long before the process of democratization was completed in 1982. The ascending phase of the cycle and therefore the process of liberalization started with the death of Francisco Franco and the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain in November 1975; the peak of the cycle was around the first months of 1977; the descending phase started after the first general election of June 1977; and the level of protest stabilized in the last months of 1978, a year that finished with a referendum in which the Spanish people approved the current democratic constitution. It was then when we can consider that the cycle of protest came to an end. The primary sources are the news of protest events and social movements in the three main Spanish newspapers at the time, other written or audiovisual documents, and in-depth interviews; and the analytical tools are the political opportunities that encourage social protest, the available repertoire of contention, the organizations and networks that brought together people with the same claims and allowed them to engage in contentious politics, and the interpretative frames that justify, dignify and motivates their collective action. These are the main four factors that explain the beginning, development and ending of the cycle of protest, and therefore the accompanying social movements and events of collective action. Among those four factors, the political opportunities -their opening, exploitation, and closure-proved to be most decisive.

Keywords: contentious politics, cycles of protest, political opportunities, social movements, Spanish transition to democracy

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Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

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Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

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Authors: Dani Karmakar

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In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

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Authors: Lisa Mockli, Chelsea Sambells

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By combining the methodologies of history and translation studies, this study will explore the interplay between humanitarian action, politics, and translation within the advertising for a lesser-known Swiss child evacuation project of some 60.000 Belgium and French children to Switzerland for three month periods from 1940 to 1945. Inspired by Descriptive-Explanatory Translation Studies, this project compares Swiss speeches published between May and September 1942 (the termination of the evacuations). Radio broadcasts, leaflets and newspapers will triangulate the data. First, linguistic and content-related differences will be identified and described. Second, based on findings from the Swiss Federal Archives, the evidence from the comparative textual analysis will then be evaluated in order to explore how the speeches were modified, for what purpose, and which key issues were raised during their modification. By exploring these questions, this paper provides new insights into (I) Switzerland’s understanding of Swiss neutrality and humanitarianism during the Second World War, (II) the role of children in war and (III) the role of translation in shaping political discourse and humanitarian action. Moreover, this interdisciplinary approach also demonstrates how scholarly collaboration may help to make some elements of humanitarian action more self-reflexive and effective.

Keywords: children, history, humanitarianism, politics, translation

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Authors: Beth Vale

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Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Nura Suleiman

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The democratic dispensation in Nigeria witnessed allot of changes since its beginning up to the 2015 election. The issues of zoning formula, rigging, money politics, god fatherism, and political thuggery among the youths became the centre stage from 1999-2014. But 2015 came with new tune that brings about a little shift from the traditional politics mentioned above, the political socialisation and knowledge penetrated into the sense of electorate where people suddenly change and look for the better option. The paper will examine the democratic change in relation to the 2015 General election which brings General MohammaduBuhari on the mantle of leadership of Nigeria. Many reasons were attributed to the sudden change of government in Nigeria, but the major ones are lack of good governance, corruption, insecurity, political parties’ merger to formed APCand change in INEC leadership. Others are weakness of the leadership and undemocratic nature of PDP government at different level in the country. The glamor for change became necessary because People become more informs about the manifestation of good hope and better Nigeria from the major opposition party (APC). During 2015 election the electorate voted the incumbent government out and replaced it with their choice.

Keywords: democracy, election, insecurity, good governance

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

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This article seeks to access the democratic implication of new media in Malaysia through three important key points of deliberative democracy; information access, rational critical deliberation and mechanism of vertical accountability. The article suggests that the Internet is expanding political opportunity in which contributed to a more diverse discourse. It is depending on how users used it; for democratic or non-democratic outcome. The Internet has been a key instrument in exposing human rights abuse, corruption, organizing protests and mobilizing voters during election campaigns. It therefore pushes for transparency and accountability and thus increasing the rise of deliberative democracy in Malaysia. While there are some elements of an emerging deliberative politics, it is also clear that the Malaysian online political discourse is acting as moderate forms of discourse as the sphere increasingly exist in a chaotic and diversified online discourse. Yet, the online sphere still allows citizens to discuss public affairs. When the public opinion is strong enough, it can influence public policies to ensure that they reflect the public interest. It is suggesting an increased space of negotiation and contestation among the previously muzzled offline situation. This is a big step in the progress democracy in Malaysia.

Keywords: Keywords: New Media, democratization, deliberative democracy, Malaysian politics

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Monica Dantas

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At what socio-economic costs can the food industry offer products at low prices? This research seeks to understand and to explore how we attribute competence and meaning, what enables the outcomes of agriculture and what institutions provides validation regarding food production. This study objective is to explain and interpret conditions of the present state of agriculture in Brazil centring on two distinct segments, agribusiness and family farming, as the Brazilian, rapidly changing political environment unfolds. The approach is grounded in multidisciplinary literature drawing from the politics of development, the sociology of food, the sustainability framework and the conceptual differences between agribusiness and family farming regarding the innate purpose of the two segments. In addition, a quantitative portion of the research includes secondary data analysis from statistical measurements, economic indicators, federal budget information, and census data to compare the two segments, conveying a general snapshot of the conditions investigated. The results raised questions about the perceived image of the success of agribusiness, against some contradicting economic checks and balances. Analyzing how public funds are invested in agriculture shed light on what can enable or undermine the development of food systems in Brazil. It also revealed how politics, ideology, and corporations might influence the Brazilian Federal. In the 2000-2018 observed timeline of annual federal spending on agriculture in Brazil, there is variation in the amount invested in family farming that seems to 'coincide' with the ideological direction of the federal government in power. It was also observed that significant changes in the institutional framework and financial support either promoted or purposely undermined family farming importance using public institutions to validate support for agribusiness.

Keywords: food politics, sustainability, family farming, food system, public budget

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Authors: Xabier Barandiaran, Igone Guerra

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The economic and financial crisis that hit European countries in 2008 revealed the inability of governments to respond unilaterally to the so-called “wicked” problems that affect our societies. Closely linked to this, the increasing disaffection of citizens towards politics has resulted in growing distrust of the citizenry not only in the institutions in general but also in the political system, in particular. Precisely, these two factors provoked the action of the local government of Gipuzkoa (Basque Country) to move from old ways of “doing politics” to a new way of “thinking politics” based on a collaborative approach, in which innovative modes of public decision making are prominent. In this context, in 2015, the initiative Etorkizuna Eraikiz (Building the Future), a contemporary form of networked governance, was launched by the Provincial Government. The paper focuses on the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, a sound commitment from a local government to build jointly with the citizens the future of the territory. This paper will present preliminary results obtained from three different experiences of co-creation developed within Etorkizuna Eraikiz in which the formulation of networked governance is a mandatory pre-requisite. These experiences show how the network building approach among the different agents of the territory as well as the co-creation of public policies is the cornerstone of this challenging mission. Through the analysis of the information and documentation gathered during the four years of Etorkizuna-Eraikiz, and, specifically by delving into the strategy promoted by the initiative, some emerging analytical conclusions resulting from the promotion of this collaborative culture will be presented. For example, some preliminary results have shown a significant positive relationship between shared leadership and the formulation of the public good. In the period 2016-2018, a total of 73 projects were launched and funding by the Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa within the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, that indicates greater engagement of the citizenry in the process of policy-making and therefore improving, somehow, the quality of the public policies. These statements have been supported by the last survey about the perspectives of the citizens toward politics and policies. Some of the more prominent results show us that there is still a high level of distrust in Politics (78,9% of respondents) but a greater trust in institutions such the Political Government of Gipuzkoa (40,8% of respondents declared as “good” the performance of this provincial institution). Regarding the Etorkizuna Eraikiz Initiative, it is being more readily recognized by citizens over this period of time (25,4% of the respondents in June 2018 agreed to know about the initiative giving it a mark of 5,89 ) and thus build trust and a sense of ownership. Although, there is a clear requirement for further research on the linkages between collaborative governance and level of trust, the paper, based on these findings, will provide some managerial and theoretical implications for collaborative governance in the territory.

Keywords: network governance, collaborative governance, public sector innovation, citizen participation, trust

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Authors: K. C. Mujeebu Rahman

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Over the years, discussions in India regarding personal law in India have focused on its deficiencies, increasing involvement of the judiciary, and the pursuit of uniformity. However, little attention has been given to understanding how the law functions in a multicultural nation committed to political secularism. This paper addresses this gap by exploring the mahallu system in Malabar, shedding light on the decision-making process within Muslim personal law. It reveals that this process is deeply rooted in everyday micro-politics, sectarian dynamics, social pressure, and emotions. Through an in-depth examination of a triple talaq case, the paper demonstrates how love (or the lack of it), family expectations, and community authority intersect in resolving marital disputes. Instead of a straightforward legal interpretation, this process leads to a complex maze of micro-politics involving local religious factions and authorities. The paper underscores that the non-state quasi-legal institutions within the mahallu system represent a distinct form of legal pluralism characterized by intricate power dynamics at multiple levels. Moreover, it highlights the interplay between what is considered legally valid and what is deemed socially legitimate.

Keywords: islamic law, sharia, fatwa, muslim personal law

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Authors: Jummai Aliyu Mohammed

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The Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis postulates that the structure of a language determines the way in which species of that language view the world. It also states that the culture of a people finds reflection in their language. Consequently language becomes a vehicle of thought; a channel through which negative stereotypes of women is created and also one through which such images are dispelled. Women are generally portrayed as weaker vessels and inferior to men; a position which draws a counter reaction from women through their writings. In their writings, they attempt to reinvent womanhood and liberate the woman from the hitherto negative light they were portrayed. This position best describes the term feminism which argues that women be given equal rights in all spheres of life as men. This paper attempts to evaluate Ba’s ‘So Long a Letter’ and Alkali’s ‘The Stillborn’ with the view to identify the relationship between language and feminism. In evaluating this relationship, the paper concludes that there are several factors responsible for the variation in the speech pattern of male and female. All of these factors favour the male gender and further condemns the woman to oppression. Although the writers come from two different cultural backgrounds, the works amplify feminism and captured them as apostles of feminism.

Keywords: feminism, language, politics, Sapir-Whorfian hypothesis

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Authors: Ly Quyet Tien

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The object of this paper is to study Vietnamese Les Rap as art to promote rights and gender in the twenty-first century. The author analyzed Vietnamese Les Rap from the point of view of a contemporary person who has witnessed the tumultuous destiny of the most suffering minority group in Vietnam’s LGBT community. He reviewed scholarly studies, and reputable newspapers on the topic and conducted face to face interviews for qualitative data. The study found that Vietnamese lesbians have composed and used rap as an effective tool to express their fight for visibility, identity, and sensibility. Research reveals that these songs did not only touch the heart of the LGBT community but also the larger public, marking the rising queer voice, contributing to a flourishing of LGBT culture, and revolutionizing the colors of Vietnamese hip hop music in the twenty-first century.

Keywords: culture, lesbian, rap, Vietnam

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Social media is among the most important means of communication. Social media offers individuals and groups with an opportunity for participatory socialization over the internet, which is free of any time and place restrictions. Social media is a kind of interactive communication and bilateral social network. Various communication contents can be shared and put into mass circulation easily and quickly through social media. These sharings are not only limited to individuals but also happen to groups, institutions, and different constitutions. Their contents consist of any type of written message, audio and video files. We are living in the social media era now. It is not surprising that social media which has extensive communication facilities and massive prevalence is used in politics. Therefore, the use of social media (Facebook) by political parties during the Turkish general elections held on June 7, 2015, has been chosen as our research subject. Four parties namely, AKP, CHP, MHP and HDP who have the majority of votes in Turkey and participate in elections in Konya have been selected for our study. Their provincial centers’ and parliamentary candidates` use of social media (Facebook) on the last three days prior to the election have been examined and subjected to a qualitative analysis by means of content analysis.

Keywords: social media, June 7 general elections, politics, Facebook

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Authors: Firmanda Taufiq

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Turkey as a country with great political power and political dynamics that occurred in Turkey shows symptoms that make this country interesting enough to be studied. In addition, there is also Post-Islamism phenomenon that causes fluctuations and changes in Turkish politics. In this regard, Turkey carved out history by holding a referendum that changed the state system from a parliamentary system with a presidential system. This change has major implications in the life of Turkish society and politics. The condition is not only influenced by the government of Recep Tayyib Erdogan alone, but actually there is also anxiety middle class Turkish (Middle Class Anatolia). So there was a Turkish referendum held on 16 April 2017. This research using descriptive-analysis method to analyzing problems of research, that's how the post-Islamism situation in Turkey and Anatolian Middle Class impact to Turkish referendum. Actually, the political process that took place in Turkey is inseparable from Post-Islamism which became an important part in the change and transition of government system. The AKP Party as the basis of the Erdogan government movement became an important actor in the political and policy dynamics produced by the Erdogan government. It is then why the Turkish referendum took place.

Keywords: post-Islamism, Turkish politic, AKP, middle class Anatolia

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Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

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This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities, and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, Indonesia

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Authors: Nefi Aris Ambar Asmara

Abstract:

This paper discusses gender equality and career opportunities among female civil servants for better public services in a regency in West Java, Indonesia. Those two areas have not been considered comprehensively in terms of the goals of gender equality and career opportunities. The purposes of this paper are to describe (1) the number of available positions in relation to the number of female civil servants, (2) the socio-cultural outlook on female civil servants in relation to gender equality and career opportunities and (3) socio-cultural views on gender equality and a career in politics. To achieve these three objectives, this paper used a qualitative approach with survey and interview techniques. The results showed that (1) only 37% of the official positions were presided by female civil servants. In contrast, male civil servants occupy 63% of the available positions, (2) the sociocultural view of female civil servants affirms that they are still regarded as male companions; (3) in addition, female civil servants do not need to compete with gender opponents, including the fact that women enter politics because the political world is considered dirty for women.

Keywords: gender equality, career opportunities, female civil servants, indonesia

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Authors: Kowit Pimpuang

Abstract:

Through analysis of the Pali-Sanskrit (PL-SKT) terms and their uses in reflecting political society of Thailand, the objectives of this study were to explore PL-SKT word formation and its semantic changes employed in the political society of Thailand and to explore the political reflection of Thai society through their uses. Conceptual framework of this study consists of (1) use of PL-SKT word formation namely, primary derivative (Kitaka), secondary derivative (Tathita), compound (Samasa) and prefix (Upasagga), (2) semantic changes namely; widening, narrowing and transferring of meaning, and (3) political reflection of Thai society. Qualitative method was employed in this study and data were collected from Thai Newspapers. It was found that there were uses of the four kinds of word formation in formatting the new political terms concerned namely, primary derivative, secondary derivative, compound and prefix leading by compound through the following three semantic changes; widening, narrowing and transferring, in order to make clear in understanding. Furthermore, PL-SKT terms were employed in reflecting Thai politics caused by democratic conflicts through the bureaucracy, plutocracy, businessocracy and juristocracy respectively. Later, there have been political business groups and their corruption problems in political society of Thailand.

Keywords: Pali, Sanskrit, reflection, politics, Thailand

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Authors: Priyanka Dutta Chowdhury

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A globalized connected world, calling loud for a composite culture, was still not able to erase the pain of a desired nationalism based on cultural identity. In the South Asian region, the random drawing of the boundaries without taking the ethnic aspect into consideration have always challenged the very basis of the existence of certain groups. The urge to reunify with the fellow brothers on both sides of the border have always called for a chaos and schism in the countries of this region. Sometimes this became a tool to bargain with the state and find a favorable position in the power structure on the basis of cultural identity. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Pakhtuns who are divided across the border of the two countries, from the inception of creation of Pakistan have posed various challenges and hampered the growth of a consolidated nation. The Pakhtuns or Pashtuns of both Pakistan and Afghanistan have a strong cultural affinity which blurs their physical distancing and calls for a nationalism based on this ethnic affiliation. Both the sides wanted to create Pakhtunistan unifying all the Pakhtuns of the region. For long, this group have denied to accept the Durand line separating the two. This was an area of concern especially for the Pakhtuns of Pakistan torn between the decision either to join Afghanistan, create a nation of their own or be a part of Pakistan. This ethnic issue became a bone of contention between the two countries. Later, though well absorbed and recognized in the respective countries, they have fought for their identity and claimed for a dominant position in the politics of the nations. Because of the porous borders often influx of refugees was seen especially during Afghan Wars and later many extremists’ groups were born from them especially the Taliban. In the recent string of events, when the Taliban, who are mostly Pakhtuns ethnically, came in power in Afghanistan, a wave of sympathy arose in Pakistan. This gave a strengthening position to the religious Pakhtuns across the border. It is to be noted here that a fragmented Pakhtun identity between the religious and seculars were clearly visible, voicing for their place in the political hierarchy of the country with a vision distinct from each other especially in Pakistan. In this context the paper tries to evaluate the reasons for this cultural turmoil between the countries and this ethnic group. It also aims to analyze the concept of how the identity politics still holds its relevance in the contemporary world. Additionally, the recent trend of fragmented identity points towards instrumentalization of this ethnic groups, who are engaged in the bargaining process with the state for a robust position in the power structure. In the end, the paper aims to deduct from the theoretical conditions of identity politics, whether this is a primordial or a situational tool to have a visibility in the power structure of the contemporary world.

Keywords: cultural identity, identity politics, instrumentalization of identity pakhtuns, power structure

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Authors: Paul J. McKay

Abstract:

Large-scale genome-wide association studies (GWAS) investigating genetic contributions to sexual orientation and gender identity are largely lacking and may reduce stigma experienced in the LGBTQ+ community by providing an underlying biological explanation for queerness. While there is a growing consensus within the scientific community that genetic makeup contributes – at least in part – to sexual orientation and gender identity, there is a marked lack of genomics research exploring polygenic contributions to queerness. Based on recent (2019) findings from a large-scale GWAS investigating the genetic architecture of same-sex sexual behavior, and various additional peer-reviewed publications detailing novel insights into the molecular mechanisms of sexual orientation and gender identity, we hypothesize that sexual orientation and gender identity are complex, multifactorial, and polygenic; meaning that many genetic factors contribute to these phenomena, and environmental factors play a possible role through epigenetic modulation. In recent years, large-scale GWAS studies have been paramount to our modern understanding of many other complex human traits, such as in the case of autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Despite possible benefits of such research, including reduced stigma towards queer people, improved outcomes for LGBTQ+ in familial, socio-cultural, and political contexts, and improved access to healthcare (particularly for trans populations); important risks and considerations remain surrounding this type of research. To mitigate possibilities such as invalidation of the queer identities of existing LGBTQ+ individuals, genetic discrimination, or the possibility of euthanasia of embryos with a genetic predisposition to queerness (through reproductive technologies like IVF and/or gene-editing in utero), we propose a community-engaged research (CER) framework which emphasizes the privacy and confidentiality of research participants. Importantly, the historical legacy of scientific research attempting to pathologize queerness (in particular, falsely equating gender variance to mental illness) must be acknowledged to ensure any future research conducted in this realm does not propagate notions of homophobia, transphobia or stigma against queer people. Ultimately, in a world where same-sex sexual activity is criminalized in 69 UN member states, with 67 of these states imposing imprisonment, 8 imposing public flogging, 6 (Brunei, Iran, Mauritania, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Yemen) invoking the death penalty, and another 5 (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Qatar, Somalia, United Arab Emirates) possibly invoking the death penalty, the importance of this research cannot be understated, as finding a biological basis for queerness would directly oppose the harmful rhetoric that “being LGBTQ+ is a choice.” Anti-trans legislation is similarly widespread: In the United States in 2022 alone (as of Oct. 13), 155 anti-trans bills have been introduced preventing trans girls and women from playing on female sports teams, barring trans youth from using bathrooms and locker rooms that align with their gender identity, banning access to gender affirming medical care (e.g., hormone-replacement therapy, gender-affirming surgeries), and imposing legal restrictions on name changes. Understanding that a general lack of knowledge about the biological basis of queerness may be a contributing factor to the societal stigma faced by gender and sexual orientation minorities, we propose the initiation of large-scale GWAS studies investigating the genetic basis of gender identity and sexual orientation.

Keywords: genome-wide association studies (GWAS), sexual and gender minorities (SGM), polygenicity, community-engaged research (CER)

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Authors: Kunle Oparinde, Ernestina Maleshoane Rapeane-Mathonsi, Gift Mheta

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Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA), the research seeks to deconstruct politically-motivated discourse as observed from Nigerian politics. This is intended to be achieved by analysing linguistic (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political settings, drawing from instances of language use as observed from different political campaigns. Since language in itself is generally meaningless without context, it is therefore paramount to analyse the (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political sceneries within their contextual basis. The study focuses on political language used by Nigerian politicians emanating from printed and social media forms such as posters, pamphlets, speeches, billboards, and internet sources purposely selected across Nigeria. The research further aims at investigating the discursive strategies used by politicians to gain more audience, and, as a result, shape opinions that result in votes. The study employs a qualitative approach. Two parties are intentionally selected because they have been essentially strong at the national level namely: All Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The study finds out that politicians in Nigeria, as in many parts of the world, use language to manipulate the electorate. Comprehensive discussion of these instances of political manipulation remains the thrust of this paper.

Keywords: communication, discourse, manipulation, misrepresentation

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Alapa Peters Odugbo

Abstract:

The remarkable but fascinatingly intricate book 'The Lives of Jessie Sampter', by Sarah Imhoff, which describes Jessie Sampter's three different lives as a queer, a disabled person, and a Zionist, served as the main inspiration for this work. Her second chapter of Imhoff, which covers disability in-depth, inspired the focus of my study. This paper critically explores how culture, religion, and medicine contribute to and sustain discriminatory practices against people with disabilities in Nigeria. These practices include continued and often unchallenged stigmatization, unequal treatment, and denial of basic social services, employment prospects, and fundamental human rights. The paper makes crucial recommendations to help combat and eliminate these practices and negative perceptions toward people with disabilities in Nigeria, as well as to safeguard and promote their interests and rights.

Keywords: disability, culture, religion, medicine

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