Search results for: peace-building

Authors: Sisaye Tamrat Ayalew

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The study focuses on the nature of community relationships in Ethiopia, specifically the I-Thou and I-It relationships, and how they contribute to conflict resolution and peacebuilding. It highlights the importance of genuine dialogue and mutual understanding in creating a unified and peaceful society. It analyzes the nature of community relationships in Ethiopia and evaluate how these relationships either contribute to conflict resolution or exacerbate conflicts. It aims to understand the role of genuine dialogue (I-Thou relationship) versus monologue (I-It relationship) in building lasting peace in the country. The study adopts a qualitative approach, specifically hermeneutics, to explore and understand the nature of community relationships in Ethiopia. It involves analyzing the characteristics of both I-Thou and I-It relationships and examining how the political elites shape these relationships within the community. The findings of the study indicate that the predominant type of relationship in Ethiopian society is the I-It relationship, referred to as "com-animation". This relationship is characterized by mutual mistrust, prejudice, hostility, and misunderstanding. As a result, conflicts, mass killings, displacement, and human rights violations have occurred. The study emphasizes the importance of shifting from com-animation to communication (I-Thou relationship) in order to address conflicts and establish lasting peace.

Keywords: dialogue, I-thou relationship, peace building, I-It relationship

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Authors: Temitope Yetunde Bello

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Peacemaking through the television represents a symbiotic relationship between the media and the (Yoruba) society such that the functional role of the media has expanded. Studying the ‘new function’ of the television as it publicizes peacemaking, using Yoruba indigenous means, is yet to be adequately incorporated into academic discourse. Using the Social Responsibility Theory, the paper examines the essence of publicizing peacemaking, the Yoruba indigenous institutions, philosophy and language that are used on the programs as well as the effectiveness of publicity in the television-driven peacemaking. The paper is a qualitative case-study research where five peacemaking television programs from state-owned stations in South-West Nigeria are purposively selected and studied. Findings show that peacemaking publicity facilitates intervention processes as parties’ communication gap is bridged and social justice is attained. Also, Yoruba indigenous peacemaking elements are utilized and projected through the television. The paper concludes by affirming that publicizing culturally-induced interventions in civil conflicts, though with a number of challenges, is effective and that television-driven peacemaking is a modern extension of Yoruba indigenous peacemaking media. It consequently recommends that the programs incorporate the new media to enhance wider audience and faster feedbacks while simultaneously retaining Yoruba indigenous essence of peacebuilding in this modern time.

Keywords: peace intervention publicity, television, television-driven peacemaking, yoruba indigenous elements

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Authors: Dadang Gunawan, I. Dewa Ketut Kertawidana, Lufthi Noorfitriyani

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For the last 5 years, there is the never-ending violent act and increased cases regarding aggressive behavior among high school students in Bogor, Indonesia. Those cases caused harm to many people, even death, and lead to the continuation circle of violence. This research was conducted to evaluate the effect of using peace education and media literacy in enhancing student’s understanding about aggression, as an effort to prevent aggressive behavior. In terms of methodology, this research was done by quasi-experiment with one group pretest and post-test design. A number of 38 students who were at risk of aggressive behavior from 3 vocational high school were involved to receive a 10 learning session about peace and media literacy. The aggression questionnaire was used to identify participants, supported by student’s record in school. To collect data, the questionnaire for measuring understanding about aggression has been developed and was used after the validity and reliability of this questionnaire tested. Post-test was carried out after the session ended. Data were analyzed using t-test. The finding result showed that the mean score of student’s understanding of aggression was increased, therefore learning session of peace education and media literacy is significantly effective to enhance student’s understanding of aggression. It also showed a meaningful difference of understanding between male and female student’s whereas female students have a better understanding of aggression.

Keywords: aggressive behavior prevention, aggression, media literacy, peace education, peacebuilding

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Authors: Busra Nur Ozguler Aktel

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This research aims to understand the factors that affect the ways in which tribes perceive and respond to violent conflicts in fragile states, given that tribes are essential stakeholders in many conflict-ridden fragile states, whether Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, Somalia, Nigeria, or Yemen. It explores the primary questions of why some tribes align with extremist groups while others align with states during civil wars and why some tribes switch alignments. It argues that tribes form and switch alignments based on their perception of threats to their traditional tribal structure (internal dynamics) and clientelist relationships (external dynamics). Put differently; threat perceptions lead them to choose either the state or extremist groups that will more likely secure their traditional structure and patronage networks. This study focuses on Iraqi tribes as a case study. It builds a theory of tribal alignment formation based on ethnographic fieldwork in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Iraqi Sunni tribes living in the Kurdish region of Iraq and Jordan. As a result of the interviews with tribal leaders and members, local journalists, researchers, and politicians, it concludes that complex (re)alignments of tribes can determine the course and outcome of the conflicts, either mitigating or escalating violence. This study contributes to the larger body of conflict management and peacebuilding literature by introducing tribes as non-state actors and exploring their interactions with other actors in civil wars.

Keywords: civil wars, tribes, alignment formation, side-switching, Iraq

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Authors: Saint C. Nguedjip

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This paper is an analytical review a set of 20 literatures as required by the assignment prompt. The review centers on global peace and security. What role do international organizations play in global peace and security? The review centers around three main points. First, I examine global peace and security impacts on global governance. Secondly, it highlights the role traditional international community and security organizations such as the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and others play in providing the globe with peace and collective security. Third, it suggests a way forward as those institutions seek betterment and improvement. The review begins by defining some concepts and addressing the ambivalent meaning of peace and war. Scholars and researchers have conducted extensive research on the importance of international organizations. Yet, there is still a lot to consider if betterment and improvement are on the agenda. The review will shed light on the failures and challenges that these organizations. Those challenges are continuously undermining peacebuilding and peacekeeping actions of a great number among those institutions created with an ultimate mission of keeping the world order organized and coordinated for peace and security regardless of differences, cultures, and backgrounds. Women face violence on a daily basis, while racism and discrimination cause klm; ]]];inflammations worldwide. The chaotic situation in Ukraine is a wake-up call on scholarship and practitioners alike to come up with suggestions as well as recommendations that help mitigate insecurity while promoting peace and security, not only for Ukrainians but also for all countries facing wars and others issues. This paper will point the audience toward the right direction.

Keywords: security, peace, global governance, global peace and security, peacekeeping, international organizations, human rights, multilateralism, and unilateralism, gender, women

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Authors: Michael Fusi Ligaliga

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Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS), despite being a new pedagogical discipline, is a growing interdisciplinary academic field that has expanded its presence from the traditional lens of war, conflict, and violence to addressing various social issues impacting society. Family and domestic violence (FDV) has seldom been explored through the PACS lens despite some studies showing that “on average, nearly 20 people per minute are physically abused by an intimate partner in the United States. Over one year, this equates to more than 10 million women and men.” In the Pacific, FDV rates are some of the highest in the world. The friction caused by cultural practices reinforcing patriarchy and male impunity, compounded by historical colonial experiences, as well as the impact of Christianity on the Pacific region, creates a complex social landscape when thinking about and addressing FDV in the Pacific. This paper seeks to re-examine Johan Galtung’s violence triangle (GVT) theory and its application to understanding FDV in the Pacific. Galtung argues that there are three forms of violence – direct, structural, and cultural. Direct violence (DV) is behaviors that threaten life itself or diminishes the ability of a person to meet his or her basic needs. This form of violence is visible because it is manifested in behaviors such as killing, maiming, sexual assault, etc. Structural violence (SV) exists when people do not get equal access to goods and services (health, education, justice) that enable them to reach their full potential. When ideologies embedded in cultural norms and practices are used to justify and advocate acts of violence by shifting the moral parameters from being wrong to right or acceptable, this, according to Galtung, is referred to as Cultural violence (CV).

Keywords: direct violence, cultural violence, structural violence, indigenous peacebuilding, samoa

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Authors: Sisaye Tamrat Ayalew

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In Ethiopia, the relationships between different communities have been characterized by mistrust, prejudice, and conflict, resulting in mass killings, displacement, and human rights violations. These relationships are mainly based on ethnic, religious, and linguistic lines, leading to a polarized society. The aim of this study is to appraise the nature of two major community relationships, namely the I-Thou relationship, characterized by genuine dialogue and mutual understanding, and the I-It relationship, characterized by a monologue and mutual suspicion. The study also aims to analyze how these two types of relationships contribute to either resolving or aggravating conflicts and building or deteriorating peace in Ethiopia. The study adopts a qualitative approach, specifically hermeneutics, to explore the nature of the I-Thou and I-It relationships in the Ethiopian context. It also examines how political elites shape these relationships within the community. The study finds that the dominant relationship in Ethiopian society is the I-It relationship, which is manifested as "com-animation." This relationship is characterized by mutual mistrust, prejudice, hostility, and misunderstanding. As a result, conflicts have arisen, leading to violence, displacement, and human rights violations. The study concludes that there is a need to shift from the I-It (com-animation) relationship to the I-Thou (communication) relationship in Ethiopian society. This shift would involve rethinking and readjusting societal relationships, especially among political elites, to foster genuine dialogue, mutual understanding, and lasting peace. It is imperative to overcome mutual mistrust, prejudice, and misunderstanding in order to resolve conflicts and build a harmonious society in Ethiopia. The study's findings and recommendations contribute to raising awareness among both Ethiopians and the international community on the potential for conflict resolution and peacebuilding through a shift in community relationships.

Keywords: dialogue, I-Thou relationship, I-It relationship, conflict resolution, building peace

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Authors: Florence Ncube

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This paper examines the military and post-military experiences of soldiers who deserted from the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) and tried to make a living in South Africa. Because they are deserters, they try to hide their military identity, yet it is simultaneously somewhat coercively ascribed to them by the Rwandan state and can put them in potential danger. The paper attends to the constructions, experiences, practices, and subjective understanding of the deserters’ being in exile to examine how, under circumstances of perceived threat, these men navigate real or perceived state-sponsored surveillance and threat in non-military settings in South Africa where they have become potential political and disciplinary targets. To make sense of the deserters’ experiences in these circumstances, the paper stitches together a number of useful theoretical concepts, including Bourdieu’s (1992) theory of practice and Vigh’s (2009; 2018) concept of social navigation because no single approach can coherently analyze the specificity of this study. Conventional post-military literature privileges an understanding of army desertion as a malignancy and somewhat problematic. Little is known about the military and post-military experiences of deserters who believe that army desertion is in fact a building block towards achieving subjective peace, even in the context of exile. The paper argues that the presence of Rwandan state agents in South Africa strips the context of the exile of its capacity to provide the deserters with peace, safety, and security. This paper recenters army desertion in analyses of militarism, soldiering, and transition in African contexts and complicates commonsense understandings of army desertion which assume that it is entirely problematic. This paper is drawn from an ethnography conducted among 30 junior-rank Rwandan army deserters exiled in Johannesburg and Cape Town. The researcher employed life histories, in-depth interviews, and deep hangouts to collect data.

Keywords: army deserter, military, identity, exile, peacebuilding, South Africa

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Authors: Portia Muehlbauer

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This paper examines the evolving landscape of preventing and countering violent extremism (PCVE) by delving into the growing importance of integrating human rights principles into violence prevention strategies on the local, community level. This study sheds light on the underlying theoretical frameworks of violent extremism and the influence of gender while investigating the intersection between human rights preservation and violent extremism prevention. To gain practical insight, the research focuses on two prominent international non-governmental organizations, Women without Borders (WwB) and Hedayah, and their distinct PCVE initiatives. WwB adopts a gender-sensitive approach, implementing parental education programs that empower mothers in at-risk communities to prevent the spread of violent extremism. In contrast, Hedayah takes an indirect route, employing capacity building programs that enhance the capabilities of educators, social workers, and psychologists in early intervention, rehabilitation and reintegration efforts. Qualitative data for this comparative analysis was collected through an extensive four-month internship at WwB during the fall of 2020, a three-month internship at Hedayah in the spring of 2021, a thought-provoking semi-structured interview with the executive director of WwB, personal field notes, and a comprehensive discourse analysis of the prevailing literature on human rights considerations in PCVE practices. This study examines the merits and challenges of integrating human rights into PCVE programming through the lens of both organizations, WwB and Hedayah. The findings of this study will inform policymakers, practitioners, and researchers on the intricate relationship between human rights protection and effective PCVE strategies.

Keywords: preventing and countering violent extremism, human rights, counterterrorism, peacebuilding, capacity building programs, gender studies

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Authors: Julian Dario Castro Cifuentes

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In Colombia, the armed conflict has lasted for more than sixty years bringing poverty, internal displacement of people, deaths from both government and insurgent forces and other violence-related problems that has damaged its social fabric. In 2016, the peace process between the Colombian government and the FARC rebels brought the possibility of ending this war and a new set of challenges to Colombian society in order to achieve pacific coexistence and reconciliation. In this scenario, there have been different efforts from diverse social actors in order to build peace and reconciliation mainly within the victims of the armed conflict. In the case of music, there have been multiple programs for social transformation through music and pedagogical experiences. Nevertheless, the need to strengthen this initiative by giving ‘peace building oriented’ pedagogical tools to the musicians that lead this experiences and understanding which aspects make this practices ‘musically meaningful’, has been recognized. For this reason, the purpose of this study is to discuss the convergences and divergences of music, and educational experiences applied to peacebuilding in the context of Colombia’s post-conflict. In this research, the hermeneutic phenomenology paradigm is applied in a case study of a peace building music education experience in the department of Nariño, Colombia articulated with the program ‘Manos a la Paz’. Two particular experiences, one on musical practice and another on music education are taken as a unit of analysis to understand its essence and structure in order to find ways to articulate efforts in peace building actions from music. This study shows how the existent gap between music experience and its subjacent pedagogical knowledge, can be reduced through deconstruction of the music and pedagogical experience. The ‘Manos a la Paz’ program showed how a peace building approach to music education can make major contributions to Pacific Coexistence and Reconciliation in Colombia’s Post-Conflict.

Keywords: music education, music for peace, music pedagogy, peace building, social fabric

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Authors: Martha Lilia Del Rio Duque, Michelle Bonatti, Katharina Loehr, Marcos Lana, Tatiana Rodriguez, Stefan Sieber

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Nowadays, most agricultural practices can reduce the ability of ecosystems to provide goods and services. To enhance environmentally friendly food production and to maximize social and economic benefits, sustainable land use systems (SLUS) are one of the most critical strategies increasingly/strongly promoted by donors organizations, international agencies, and policymakers. This process involves the question of how SLUS can be scaled out also large-scale landscapes and not merely isolated experiments. As SLUS are context-specific strategies, diffusion and replication of successful SLUS in Colombia required the identification of main factors that facilitate this scaling out process. We applied a case study approach to investigate the scaling out process of SLUS in cocoa and livestock sector within peacebuilding territories in Colombia, specifically, in Cesar and Caqueta region. These two regions are contrasting, but both have a current trend of increasing land degradation. Presently in Colombia, Caqueta is one of the most deforested departments, and Cesar has some most degraded soils. Following a qualitative research approach, 19 semi-structured interviews and 2 focus groups were conducted with agroforestry experts in both regions to analyze (1) what does it mean a sustainable land use system in Cocoa/Livestock, specifically in Caqueta or Cesar and (2) to identify the key elements at the level of the following dimensions: biophysical, economic and profitability, market, social, policy and institutions that can explain how and why SLUS are replicated and spread among more producers. The Interviews were coded and analyzed using MAXQDA to identify, analyze and report patterns (themes) within data. As the results show, key themes, among which: premium market, solid regional markets and price stability, water availability and management, generational renewal, land use knowledge and diversification, producer organization and certifications are crucial to understand how the SLUS can have an impact across large-scale landscapes and how the scaling out process can be set up best in order to be successful across different contexts. The analysis further reveals which key factors might affect SLUS efficiency.

Keywords: agroforestry, cocoa sector, Colombia, livestock sector, sustainable land use system

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Authors: Anisah Ari

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Effects of organized crime permeate all facets of life, including public health, socio-economic endeavors, and human security. If any element of this is affected, it impacts large-scale national and global interest. Seeking to address terrorist networks through technical thinking is like trying to kill a weed by just cutting off its branches. It will re-develop and expand in proportions beyond one’s imagination, even in horrific ways that threaten human security. The continent of Africa has been bedeviled by this menace, with little or no solution to the problem. Nigeria is dealing with a protracted insurgency that is perpetrated by a sect against any form of westernization. Reimagining approaches to dealing with pressing issues like terrorism may require engaging the right set of people in the conversation for any sustainable change. These are people who have lived through the daily effects of the violence that ensues from the activities of terrorist activities. Effective leadership is required for an inclusive process, where spaces are created for diverse voices to be heard, and multiple perspectives are listened to, and not just heard, that supports a determination of the realistic outcome. Addressing insurgency in Nigeria has experienced a lot of disinformation and uncertainty. This may be in part due to poor leadership or an iteration of technical solutions to adaptive challenge peacemaking efforts in Nigeria has focused on behaviors, attitudes and practices that contribute to violence. However, it is important to consider the underlying issues that build-up, ignite and fan the flames of violence—looking at conflict as a complex system, issues like climate change, low employment rates, corruption and the impunity of discrimination due to ethnicity and religion. This article will be looking at an option of the more relational way of addressing insurgency through adaptive approaches that embody engagement and solutions with the people rather than for the people. The construction of a local turn in peacebuilding is informed by the need to create a locally driven and sustained peace process that embodies the culture and practices of the people in enacting an everyday peace beyond just a perennial and universalist outlook. A critical analysis that explores the socially identified individuals and situations will be made, considering the more adaptive approach to a complex existential challenge rather than a universalist frame. Case Study and Ethnographic research approach to understand what other scholars have documented on the matter and also a first-hand understanding of the experiences and viewpoints of the participants.

Keywords: terrorism, adaptive, peace, culture

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Authors: Lisa Tragbar

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In post-war scenarios, reconstruction is a principle towards creating a Just Peace in order to restore a stable post-war society. Just peace theorists explore normative behaviour after war, including the duties and responsibilities of different actors and peacebuilding strategies to achieve a lasting, positive peace. Environmental peace ethicists have argued for including the role of nature in the Ethics of War and Peace. This text explores the question of why and how to rethink the value of nature in post-war scenarios. The aim is to include the rights of nature within a maximalist account of reconstruction by highlighting sumak kawsay in the post-war period. Destruction of nature is usually considered collateral damage in war scenarios. Common universal standards for post-war reconstruction are restitution, compensation and reparation programmes, which is mostly anthropocentric approach. The problem of reconstruction in the aftermath of war is the instrumental value of nature. The responsibility to rebuild needs to be revisited within a non-anthropocentric context. There is an ongoing debate about a minimalist or maximalist approach to post-war reconstruction. While Michael Walzer argues for minimalist in-and-out interventions, Alex Bellamy argues for maximalist strategies such as the responsibility to protect, a UN-concept on how face mass atrocity crimes and how to reconstruct peace. While supporting the tradition of maximalist responsibility to rebuild, these normative post-Bellum concepts do not yet sufficiently consider the rights of nature in the aftermath of war. While reconstruction of infrastructures seems important and necessary, concepts that strengthen the intrinsic value of nature in post-bellum measures must also be included. Peace is not Just Peace without a thriving nature that provides the conditions and resources to live and guarantee human rights. Ecuador's indigenous philosophy of life can contribute to the restoration of nature after war by changing the perspective on the value of nature. The sumak kawsay includes the de-hierarchisation of humans and nature and the principle of reciprocity towards nature. Transferring this idea of life and interconnectedness to post-war reconstruction practices, post bellum perpetrators have restorative obligations not only to people but also to nature. This maximalist approach would include both a restitutive principle, by restoring the balance between humans and nature, and a retributive principle, by punishing the perpetrators through compensatory duties to nature. A maximalist approach to post-war reconstruction that takes into account the rights of nature expands the normative post-war questions to include a more complex field of responsibilities. After a war, Just Peace is restored once not only human rights but also the rights of nature are secured. A minimalist post-bellum approach to reconstruction does not locate future problems at their source and does not offer a solution for the inclusion of obligations to nature. There is a lack of obligations towards nature after a war, which can be changed through a different perspective: The indigenous philosophy of life provides the necessary principles for a comprehensive reconstruction of Just Peace.

Keywords: normative ethics, peace, post-war, sumak kawsay, applied ethics

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Authors: Clara Voyvodic

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Transitions from conflict to peace are by no means smooth nor linear, particularly from the perspective of those living through them. Over the last few decades, the changing focus in peacebuilding studies has come to appreciate the everyday experience of communities and how that provides a lens through which the relative success or efficacy of these transitions can be understood. In particular, the demobilization of a significant conflict actor is not without consequences, not just for the macro-view of state stabilization and peace, but for the communities who find themselves without a clear authority of territorial control. In Colombia, the demobilization and disarmament of the FARC guerilla group provided a brief respite to the conflict and a major political win for President Manuel Santos. However, this victory has proven short-lived. Drawing from extensive field research in Colombia within the last year, including interviews with local communities and actors operating in these regions, field observations, and other primary resources, this paper examines the post-accord transitions in Colombia and the everyday security experiences of local communities in regions formerly controlled by the FARC. In order to do so, the research focused on a semi-ethnographic approach in the northern region of the department of Antioquia and the coastal area of the border department of Nariño that documented how individuals within these marginalized communities have come to understand and negotiate their security in the years following the accord and the demobilization of the FARC. This presentation will argue that the removal of the FARC as an informal governance actor opened a space for multiple actors to attempt to control the same territory, including the state. This shift has had a clear impact on the everyday security experiences of the local communities. With an exploration of the dynamics of local governance and its impact on lived security experiences, this research seeks to demonstrate how distinct patterns of armed group behavior are emerging not only from a vacuum of control left by the FARC but from an increase in state presence that nonetheless remains inconsistent and unpersuasive as a monopoly of force in the region. The increased multiplicity of actors, particularly the state, has meant that the normal (informal) rules for communities to navigate these territories are no longer in play as the identities, actions, and intentions of different competing groups have become frustratingly opaque. This research provides a prescient analysis on how the shifting dynamics of territorial control in a post-peace accord landscape produce uncertain realities that affect the daily lives of the local communities and endanger the long-term prospect of human-centered security.

Keywords: armed actors, conflict transitions, informal governance, post-accord, security experiences

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Authors: Eric Awich Ochen

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The end of the conflict in Northern Uganda in 2006 brought about an opportunity for the youth to return to their original home and contribute to the peace building and development process of their communities. Post-conflict is used here to refer to the post-armed conflict situation and activities of rebels of Joseph Kony in northern Uganda. While the rebels remain very much active in the Sudan and Central African Republic, in Uganda the last confrontations occurred around 2006 or earlier, and communities have returned to their homes and began the process of rebuilding their lives. It is argued that socio-economic reconstruction is at the heart of peacebuilding and sustenance of positive peace in the aftermath of conflict, as it has a bearing on post-conflict stability and good governance. We recognize that several post-conflict interventions within Northern Uganda have targeted women and children with a strong emphasis on family socio-economic empowerment and capacity building, including access to micro finance. The aim of this study was to examine the participation of the youth in post-conflict peace building and development in Northern Uganda by assessing the breadth and width of their engagement and the stages of programming cycle that they are involved in, interrogating the space for participation and how they are facilitating or constraining participation. It was further aimed at examining the various dimensions of participation at play in Northern Uganda and where this fits within the conceptual debates on peace building and development in the region. Supporting young people emerging out of protracted conflict to re-establish meaningful socio-economic engagements and livelihoods is fundamental to their participation in the affairs of the community. The study suggests that in the post-conflict development context of Northern Uganda, participation has rarely been disaggregated or differentiated by sectors or groups. Where some disaggregation occurs, then the main emphasis has always been on either women or children. It appears therefore that little meaningful space has thus been created for young people to engage and participate in peace building initiatives within the region. In other cases where some space is created for youth participation, this has been in pre-conceived programs or interventions conceived by the development organizations with the youth or young people only invited to participate at particular stages of the project implementation cycle. Still within the implementation of the intervention, the extent to which young people participate is bounded, with little power to influence the course of the interventions or make major decisions. It is thus visible that even here young people mainly validate and legitimize what are predetermined processes only act as pawns in the major chess games played by development actors (dominant peace building partners). This paper, therefore, concludes that the engagement of the youth in post-conflict peace building has been quite problematic and tokenistic and has not given the adequate youth space within which they could ably participate and express themselves in the ensuing interventions.

Keywords: youth, conflict, peace building, participation

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Authors: Miyoko Taniguchi

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Conflict and violence have prevailed over the last four decades in conflict-affected areas in Muslim Mindanao, despite the signing of several peace agreements between the Philippine government and Islamic separatist insurgents (the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)), and peacebuilding activities on the ground. In the meantime, the peace talks had been facilitated and mediated by international actors such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and its member countries such as Indonesia, and Malaysia, and Japan. In 2014, both the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the MILF finally reached a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CAB) in 2014 under the Aquino III administration, though a Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) based on the CAB was not enacted at the Catholic-majority of the Philippine Congress. After a long process of deliberations at the Congress, Republic Act 11054, known as the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL), was enacted in 2018 under the Duterate administration. In the beginning, President Duterte adopted an 'inclusive approach' that involves the MILF, all factions of the MNLF, non-Islamized indigenous peoples, and other influential clan leaders to align all peace processes under a single Bangsamoro peace process. A notable difference from past administrations, there is an explicit recognition of all agreements and legislations based on the rights of each stakeholder. This created a new identity as 'Bangsamoro', the residents of Muslim Mindanao, enhancing political legitimacy. Besides, it should be noted an important role of 'insider mediators' -a platform for the Bangsamoro from diverse sectors attempting to work within their respective organizations in Moro society. Give the above background, this paper aims at probing the effectiveness of insider mediation as one of the alternative approaches for mediation in the peace process. For the objectives, this research uses qualitative methods such as process-tracing and semi-structured interviews from diverse groups of stakeholders at from the state to the regional level, including the government officials involved in peace process under the Presidential Office, rebels (MILF and MNLF), civil society organizations involved in lobbying and facilitating peace process, especially in the legislative process. The key outcomes and findings are that the Insider Mediators Group, formed in 2016, had taken on a significant role in facilitating the achievement of a wider consensus among stakeholders on major Moro issues such as BBL’s passing during the last administration to call for unity among the Bangsamoro. Most of its members are well-educated professionals affiliated with the MILF, the MNLF, and influential clans. One of the group’s biggest achievements has been the lobbying and provision of legal advice to legislators who were not necessarily knowledgeable about the peace process during the deliberation of the bicameral conference of the BBL, which eventually led to its passage. It can be concluded that in the long run, strengthening vertical and horizontal relations between the Moro society and the State and among the Moro peoples that can be viewed as a means to sustainable peace.

Keywords: insider mediation, Mindanao, peace process, Moro Islamic liberation front

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