Search results for: gender-military debates

Authors: Juan Du

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Climate change is one of the most crucial issues of this era, with contentious debates on it among scholars. But there are sparse studies on climate change discourse in China. Including China in the study of climate change is essential for a sociological understanding of climate change. China -- as a developing country and an essential player in tackling climate change -- offers an ideal case for studying climate change for scholars moving beyond developed countries and enriching their understandings of climate change by including diverse social settings. This project contrasts the macro- and micro-level understandings of climate change in China, which helps scholars move beyond a focus on climate skepticism and denialism and enriches sociology of climate change knowledge. The macro-level understanding of climate change is obtained by analyzing over 4,000 newspaper articles from various official outlets in China. State-controlled newspapers play an essential role in transmitting essential and high-quality information and promoting broader public understanding of climate change and its anthropogenic nature. Thus, newspaper articles can be seen as tools employed by governments to mobilize the public in terms of supporting the development of a strategy shift from economy-growth to an ecological civilization. However, media is just one of the significant factors influencing an individual’s climate change concern. Extreme weather events, access to accurate scientific information, elite cues, and movement/countermovement advocacy influence an individual’s perceptions of climate change. Hence, there are differences in the ways that both newspaper articles and the public frame the issues. The online forum is an informative channel for scholars to understand the public’s opinion. The micro-level data comes from Zhihu, which is China’s equivalence of Quora. Users can propose, answer, and comment on questions. This project analyzes the questions related to climate change which have over 20 answers. By open-coding both the macro- and micro-level data, this project will depict the differences between ideology as presented in government-controlled newspapers and how people talk and act with respect to climate change in cyberspace, which may provide an idea about any existing disconnect in public behavior and their willingness to change daily activities to facilitate a greener society. The contemporary Yellow Vest protests in France illustrate that the large gap between governmental policies of climate change mitigation and the public’s understanding may lead to social movement activity and social instability. Effective environmental policy is impossible without the public’s support. Finding existing gaps in understanding may help policy-makers develop effective ways of framing climate change and obtain more supporters of climate change related policies. Overall, this qualitative project provides answers to the following research questions: 1) How do different state-controlled newspapers transmit their ideology on climate change to the public and in what ways? 2) How do individuals frame climate change online? 3) What are the differences between newspapers’ framing and individual’s framing?

Keywords: climate change, China, framing theory, media, public’s climate change concern

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Authors: Elena Perepelova

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As the world approaches the 4th industrial revolution, income inequality has become one of the major societal concerns. Displacement of workers by technology becomes a reality, and in return, new skills and competencies are required. More important than ever, education needs to help individuals understand the wider world around them and make global connections. The author argues for the necessity to incorporate business, economics and finance studies as a part of primary education and offer access to business education to the general population with the primary objective to understand how the world functions. The paper offers a fresh look at existing business theory through an innovative program called 'Usefulnomics'. Realizing that the subject of Economics, Finance and Business are perceived as overwhelming for a large part of the population, the author has taken a holistic approach and created a program that simplifies the definitions of the existing concepts and shifts from the traditional breakdown into subjects and specialties to a teaching method that is based exclusively on real-life example case studies and group debates, in order to better grasp the concepts and put them into context. The paper findings are the result of a two-year project and experimental work with students from UK, USA, Malaysia, Russia, and Spain. The author conducted extensive research through on-line and in-person classes and workshops as well as in-depth interviews of primary and secondary grade students to assess their understanding of what is a business, how businesses operate and the role businesses play in their communities. The findings clearly indicate that students of all ages often understood business concepts and processes only in an intuitive way, which resulted in misconceptions and gaps in knowledge. While knowledge gaps were easier to identify and correct in primary school students, as students’ age increased, the learning process became distorted by career choices, political views, and the students’ actual (or perceived) economic status. While secondary school students recognized more concepts, their real understanding was often on par with upper primary school age students. The research has also shown that lack of correct vocabulary created a strong barrier to communication and real-life application or further learning. Based on these findings, each key business concept was practiced and put into context with small groups of students in order to design the content and format which would be well accepted and understood by the target group. As a result, the final learning program package was based on case studies from daily modern life and used a wide range of examples: from popular brands and well-known companies to basic commodities. In the final stage, the content and format were put into practice in larger classrooms. The author would like to share the key findings from the research, the resulting learning program as well as present new ideas on how the program could be further enriched and adapted so schools and organizations can deliver it.

Keywords: business, finance, economics, lifelong learning, XXI century skills

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Yobo Opare-Addo

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Ghana came under a military and democratic rule of the same leadership from 1981-2000. These were the Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military government and a democratic government, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) both under the leadership of Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings. Meanwhile the year 1985 marked a turning point in the development of the tourism industry in Ghana. Interest in tourism among African governments and for that matter the ‘PNDC cum NDC Government’ (PNDC/NDC) arose because of adverse developments in intangible exports and a corresponding decline in commodity export earnings. The ‘PNDC/NDC Government’ undertook measures and policies to improve the tourism industry and at the same time embarked on export diversification to reap the foreign exchange that the industry could generate in Ghana. The objective of this paper is to examine the measures and policies of the PNDC/NDC to improve the tourism industry in order to reap the foreign exchange. It specifically interrogates the role of the government as an agent of tourism development, through its deliberate creation of a conducive environment for tourism to flourish, the involvement of the private sector both foreign and local and the provision of tourism facilities and infrastructure and how these factors impacted on the tourism industry in Ghana. In the final analysis it evaluates the degree of success of the PNDC/NDC Government in this arena of Ghana’s socio-cultural and economic development. Introduction The Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military government under the leadership of Flt. Lt J.J. Rawlings overthrew a constitutionally elected government of People’s National Party in 1981. In 1992, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) won the general election conducted in December. Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings, the party’s leader became the President of the Fourth Republic from January 1993 to December 2000. It was refreshing to see Ghanaians embrace democracy with renewed energy, zeal, and enthusiasm. This paper takes a critical look at the efforts of the PNDC cum NDC Government (PNDC/NDC) to develop tourism in Ghana during the period from 1981-2000 Methodology: Qualitative method of research was adopted for the study. Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources, and analysis was done using descriptive analysis because descriptive analysis made it possible to describe or summarize the statistical data in the research. To gather data from primary sources, questionnaires, oral interviews, and semi-structured discussions were conducted. Respondents included public officials from Ghana Tourist Board, Ministry of Tourism, Hoteliers, restaurant operators and travel and tour operators in Accra. Secondary data sources included articles in journals, reports, magazines, bulletins, and books. The major findings included statistical data for tourism arrivals and receipts during the period and the status of the industry by the year 2000. Conclusion: The paper contributes to knowledge on political and historical aspects of tourism development in Ghana, which is almost non-existent, attitudes of the PNDC cum NDC government towards tourism development and the debates on the generation of foreign exchange to Ghana and third world countries.

Keywords: ghana, infrastructure, policies, privatization, tourism facilities

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Authors: A. Knezović

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21st century has transformed the labor market landscape in a way of posing new and different demands on university graduates as well as university lecturers, which means that the knowledge and academic skills students acquire in the course of their studies should be applicable and transferable from the higher education context to their future professional careers. Given the context of the Languages for Specific Purposes (LSP) classroom, the teachers’ objective is not only to teach the language itself, but also to prepare students to use that language as a medium to develop generic skills and competences. These include media and information literacy, critical and creative thinking, problem-solving and analytical skills, effective written and oral communication, as well as collaborative work and social skills, all of which are necessary to make university graduates more competitive in everyday professional environments. On the other hand, due to limitations of time and large numbers of students in classes, the frequently topic-centered syllabus of LSP courses places considerable focus on acquiring the subject matter and specialist vocabulary instead of sufficient development of skills and competences required by students’ prospective employers. This paper intends to explore some of those issues as viewed both by LSP lecturers and by business professionals in their respective surveys. The surveys were conducted among more than 50 LSP lecturers at higher education institutions in Croatia, more than 40 HR professionals and more than 60 university graduates with degrees in economics and/or business working in management positions in mainly large and medium-sized companies in Croatia. Various elements of LSP course content have been taken into consideration in this research, including reading and listening comprehension of specialist texts, acquisition of specialist vocabulary and grammatical structures, as well as presentation and negotiation skills. The ability to hold meetings, conduct business correspondence, write reports, academic texts, case studies and take part in debates were also taken into consideration, as well as informal business communication, business etiquette and core courses delivered in a foreign language. The results of the surveys conducted among LSP lecturers will be analyzed with reference to what extent those elements are included in their courses and how consistently and thoroughly they are evaluated according to their course requirements. Their opinions will be compared to the results of the surveys conducted among professionals from a range of industries in Croatia so as to examine how useful and important they perceive the same elements of the LSP course content in their working environments. Such comparative analysis will thus show to what extent the syllabi of LSP courses meet the demands of the employment market when it comes to the students’ language skills and competences, as well as transferable skills. Finally, the findings will also be compared to the observations based on practical teaching experience and the relevant sources that have been used in this research. In conclusion, the ideas and observations in this paper are merely open-ended questions that do not have conclusive answers, but might prompt LSP lecturers to re-evaluate the content and objectives of their course syllabi.

Keywords: languages for specific purposes (LSP), language skills, topic-centred syllabus, transferable skills

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Authors: Mohua Dutta

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The primary aim of this research paper is to investigate the forced urban migration of Dalits in India who are fleeing caste persecution in rural areas. This paper examines the relationship between caste and rural-to-urban internal migration in India using a literary text, Rohinton Mistry’s A Fine Balance, highlighting the challenges faced by Dalits in rural areas that force them to migrate to urban areas. Despite the prevalence of such discussions in Dalit autobiographies written in vernacular languages, there is a lack of discussion regarding caste migration in Indian English Literature, including this present text, as evidenced by the existing critical interpretations of the novel, which this paper seeks to rectify. The primary research question is how urban migration affects caste system in India and why rural-to-urban caste migration occurs. The purpose of this paper is to better understand the reasons for Dalit migration, the challenges they face in rural and urban areas, and the lingering influence of caste in both rural and urban areas. The study reveals that the promise of mobility and emancipation provided by class operations drives rural-to-urban caste migration in India, but it also reveals that caste marginalization in rural areas is closely linked to class marginalization and other forms of subalternity in urban areas. Moreover, the caste system persists in urban areas as well, making Dalit migrants more vulnerable to social, political, and economic discrimination. The reason for this is that, despite changes in profession and urban migration, the trapped structure of caste capital and family networks exposes migrants to caste and class oppressions. To reach its conclusion, this study employs a variety of methodologies. Discourse analysis is used to investigate the current debates and narratives surrounding caste migration. Critical race theory, specifically intersectional theory and social constructivism, aids in comprehending the complexities of caste, class, and migration. Mistry's novel is subjected to textual analysis in order to identify and interpret references to caste migration. Secondary data, such as theoretical understanding of the caste system in operation and scholarly works on caste migration, are also used to support and strengthen the findings and arguments presented in the paper. The study concludes that rural-to-urban caste migration in India is primarily motivated by the promise of socioeconomic mobility and emancipation offered by urban spaces. However, the caste system persists in urban areas, resulting in the continued marginalisation and discrimination of Dalit migrants. The study also highlights the limitations of urban migration in providing true emancipation for Dalit migrants, as they remain trapped within caste and family network structures. Overall, the study raises awareness of the complexities surrounding caste migration and its impact on the lives of India's marginalised communities. This study contributes to the field of Migration Studies by shedding light on an often-overlooked issue: Dalit migration. It challenges existing literary critical interpretations by emphasising the significance of caste migration in Indian English Literature. The study also emphasises the interconnectedness of caste and class, broadening understanding of how these systems function in both rural and urban areas.

Keywords: rural-to-urban caste migration in india, internal migration in india, caste system in india, dalit movement in india, rooster coop of caste and class, urban poor as subalterns

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Authors: Jessica J. Gillies

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Human trafficking is a gross violation of human rights and thus invokes a strong response particularly throughout the global academic community. A longstanding tension throughout academic debate remains the question of a relationship between anti-trafficking policy and sex industry policy. In Australia, over the previous decade, many human trafficking investigations have related to the sexual exploitation of female victims, and convictions in Australia to date have often been for trafficking women from Thailand. Sex industry policy in Australia varies between states, providing a rich contextual landscape in which to explore this relationship. The purpose of this study was to deconstruct how meaning is constructed surrounding human trafficking throughout these supposedly related political discourses in Australia. In order to analyse the discursive construction of the problem of human trafficking in relation to sex industry policy, a discursive analysis was conducted. The methodology of the study was informed by a feminist theoretical framework, and included academic sources and grey literature such as organisational reports and policy statements regarding anti-trafficking initiatives. The scope of grey literature was restricted to Australian and Thai government and non-government organisation texts. The chosen methodology facilitated a qualitative exploration of the influence of feminist discourses over political discourse in this arena. The discursive analysis exposed clusters of active feminist debates interacting with sex industry policy within individual states throughout Australia. Additionally, strongly opposed sex industry perspectives were uncovered within these competing feminist frameworks. While the influence these groups may exert over policy differs, the debate constructs a discursive relationship between human trafficking and sex industry policy. This is problematic because anti-trafficking policy is drawn to some extent from this discursive construction, therefore affecting support services for survivors of human trafficking. The discursive analysis further revealed misalignment between government and non-government priorities, Australian government anti-trafficking policy appears to favour criminal justice priorities; whereas non-government settings preference human rights protections. Criminal justice priorities invoke questions of legitimacy, leading to strict eligibility policy for survivors seeking support following exploitation in the Australian sex industry, undermining women’s agency and human rights. In practice, these two main findings demonstrate a construction of policy that has serious outcomes on typical survivors in Australia following a lived experience of human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The discourses constructed by conflicting feminist arguments influence political discourses throughout Australia. The application of a feminist theoretical framework to the discursive analysis of the problem of human trafficking is unique to this study. The study has exposed a longstanding and unresolved feminist debate that has filtered throughout anti-trafficking political discourse. This study illuminates the problematic construction of anti-trafficking policy, and the implications in practice on survivor support services. Australia has received international criticism for the focus on criminal justice rather than human rights throughout anti-trafficking policy discourse. The outcome of this study has the potential to inform future language and constructive conversations contributing to knowledge around how policy effects survivors in the post trafficking experience.

Keywords: Australia, discursive analysis, government, human trafficking, non-government, Thailand

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Authors: Sara Saboonian, Pierre Filion

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The dispersed-suburban model has been the dominant one across North America for the past seventy years, characterized by automobile reliance, low density, and land-use specialization. Two planning models have emerged as possible alternatives to address the ills inflicted by this development pattern. First, there is intensification, which promotes efficient infrastructure by connecting high-density, multi-functional, and walkable nodes with public transit services within the suburban landscape. Second is green infrastructure, which provides environmental health and human well-being by preserving and restoring ecosystem services. This research studies incompatibilities and the possibility of amalgamating the two alternatives in an attempt to develop a comprehensive alternative to suburban model that advocates density, multi-functionality and transit- and pedestrian-conduciveness, with measures capable of mitigating the adverse environmental impacts of compactness. The research investigates three Canadian urban growth centers, where intensification is the current planning practice, and the awareness of green infrastructure benefits is on the rise. However, these three centers are contrasted by their development stage, the presence or absence of protected natural land, their environmental approach, and their adverse environmental consequences according to the planning cannons of different periods. The methods include reviewing the literature on green infrastructure planning, criticizing the Ontario provincial plans for intensification, surveying residents’ preferences for alternative models, and interviewing officials who deal with the local planning for the centers. Moreover, the research draws on recalling debates between New Urbanism and Landscape/Ecological Urbanism. The case studies expose the difficulties in creating urban growth centres that accommodate green infrastructure while adhering to intensification principles. First, the dominant status of intensification and the obstacles confronting intensification have monopolized the planners’ concerns. Second, the tension between green infrastructure and intensification explains the absence of the green infrastructure typologies that correspond to intensification-compatible forms and dynamics. Finally, the lack of highlighted social-economic benefits of green infrastructure reduces residents’ participation. Moreover, the results from the research provide insight into predominating urbanization theories, New Urbanism and Landscape/Ecological Urbanism. In order to understand political, planning, and ecological dynamics of such blending, dexterous context-specific planning is required. Findings suggest the influence of the following factors on amalgamating intensification and green infrastructure. Initially, producing ecosystem services-based justifications for green infrastructure development in the intensification context provides an expert-driven backbone for the implementation programs. This knowledge-base should be translated to effectively imbue different urban stakeholders. Moreover, due to the limited greenfields in intensified areas, spatial distribution and development of multi-level corridors such as pedestrian-hospitable settings and transportation networks along green infrastructure measures are required. Finally, to ensure the long-term integrity of implemented green infrastructure measures, significant investment in public engagement and education, as well as clarification of management responsibilities is essential.

Keywords: ecosystem services, green infrastructure, intensification, planning

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Authors: Adam J. Bowen

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Abstract— Should robots have rights or legal protections. Often debates concerning whether robots and AI should be afforded rights focus on conditions of personhood and the possibility of future advanced forms of AI satisfying particular intrinsic cognitive and moral attributes of rights-holding persons. Such discussions raise compelling questions about machine consciousness, autonomy, and value alignment with human interests. Although these are important theoretical concerns, especially from a future design perspective, they provide limited guidance for addressing the moral and legal standing of current and near-term AI that operate well below the cognitive and moral agency of human persons. Robots and AI are already being pressed into service in a wide range of roles, especially in healthcare and biomedical contexts. The design and large-scale implementation of robots in the context of core societal institutions like healthcare systems continues to rapidly develop. For example, we bring them into our homes, hospitals, and other care facilities to assist in care for the sick, disabled, elderly, children, or otherwise vulnerable persons. We enlist surgical robotic systems in precision tasks, albeit still human-in-the-loop technology controlled by surgeons. We also entrust them with social roles involving companionship and even assisting in intimate caregiving tasks (e.g., bathing, feeding, turning, medicine administration, monitoring, transporting). There have been advances to enable severely disabled persons to use robots to feed themselves or pilot robot avatars to work in service industries. As the applications for near-term AI increase and the roles of robots in restructuring our biomedical practices expand, we face pressing questions about the normative implications of human-robot interactions and collaborations in our collective worldmaking, as well as the moral and legal status of robots. This paper argues that robots operating in public and private spaces be afforded some protections as either moral patients or legal agents to establish prohibitions on robot abuse, misuse, and mistreatment. We already implement robots and embed them in our practices and institutions, which generates a host of human-to-machine and machine-to-machine relationships. As we interact with machines, whether in service contexts, medical assistance, or home health companions, these robots are first encountered in relationship to us and our respective roles in the encounter (e.g., surgeon, physical or occupational therapist, recipient of care, patient’s family, healthcare professional, stakeholder). This proposal aims to outline a framework for establishing limiting factors and determining the extent of moral or legal protections for robots. In doing so, it advocates for a relational approach that emphasizes the priority of mapping the complex contextually sensitive roles played and the relations in which humans and robots stand to guide policy determinations by relevant institutions and authorities. The relational approach must also be technically informed by the intended uses of the biomedical technologies in question, Design History Files, extensive risk assessments and hazard analyses, as well as use case social impact assessments.

Keywords: biomedical robots, robot ethics, robot laws, human-robot interaction

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Authors: Bensaid A., Mostephaoui T., Nedjai R.

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Nowadays, wetlands are the subject of contradictory debates opposing scientific, political and administrative meanings. Indeed, given their multiple services (drinking water, irrigation, hydrological regulation, mineral, plant and animal resources...), wetlands concentrate many socio-economic and biodiversity issues. In some regions, they can cover vast areas (>100 thousand ha) of the landscape, such as the Camargue area in the south of France, inside the Rhone delta. The high biological productivity of wetlands, the strong natural selection pressures and the diversity of aquatic environments have produced many species of plants and animals that are found nowhere else. These environments are tremendous carbon sinks and biodiversity reserves depending on their age, composition and surrounding environmental conditions, wetlands play an important role in global climate projections. Covering more than 3% of the earth's surface, wetlands have experienced since the beginning of the 1990s a tremendous revival of interest, which has resulted in the multiplication of inventories, scientific studies and management experiments. The geographical and physical characteristics of the wetlands of the central region conceal a large number of natural habitats that harbour a great biological diversity. These wetlands, one of the natural habitats, are still influenced by human activities, especially agriculture, which affects its layout and functioning. In this perspective, decision-makers need to delimit spatial objects (natural habitats) in a certain way to be able to take action. Thus, wetlands are no exception to this rule even if it seems to be a difficult exercise to delimit a type of environment as whose main characteristic is often to occupy the transition between aquatic and terrestrial environment. However, it is possible to map wetlands with databases, derived from the interpretation of photos and satellite images, such as the European database Corine Land cover, which allows quantifying and characterizing for each place the characteristic wetland types. Scientific studies have shown limitations when using high spatial resolution images (SPOT, Landsat, ASTER) for the identification and characterization of small wetlands (1 hectare). To address this limitation, it is important to note that these wetlands generally represent spatially complex features. Indeed, the use of very high spatial resolution images (>3m) is necessary to map small and large areas. However, with the recent evolution of artificial intelligence (AI) and deep learning methods for satellite image processing have shown a much better performance compared to traditional processing based only on pixel structures. Our research work is also based on spectral and textural analysis on THR images (Spot and IRC orthoimage) using two object-oriented approaches, the nearest neighbour approach (k-NN) and the Super Vector Machine approach (SVM). The k-NN approach gave good results for the delineation of wetlands (wet marshes and moors, ponds, artificial wetlands water body edges, ponds, mountain wetlands, river edges and brackish marshes) with a kappa index higher than 85%.

Keywords: land development, GIS, sand dunes, segmentation, remote sensing

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Authors: Faten Khazaei

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More than being turning points in history, crises are moments of acceleration of processes that are already in place. The current pandemic, as one such crisis, has triggered and exacerbated conversations about who belongs and who does not, within different European nation states, whose lives should be protected, to the detriment of whom and to what cost. In the face of the outbreak of the coronavirus, the unity of the European Union, at least at the beginning of the crisis, started to crumble. Nation-states reappeared as the main actors, and nationalistic responses spread in Europe. By closing their borders and introducing a travel ban for the Schengen Area, European countries have retreated into national fortresses. Additionally, government after government restored to war metaphors, in some cases even granting the military a visible role in the management and communication of the crisis. Mobility restrictions became a powerful tool for discrimination when their primary target was nationals of particular countries, regardless of their presence in the contaminated areas. These initial policies, measures and the recent vaccine-related management of the pandemic show the role nationalism plays in the context of public health responses to emergencies. While many scholars since last year started to document the impact of these measures on citizens', migrants', human rights and so on, almost no attention has been paid to examine and compare configurations of different European national identities that were generated in the course of the management of the pandemic, and to a sociohistorical perspective to investigate the possible links between those nationalistic and war-related discourse, on the one hand, and the exclusionary policies and practices that surged in Europe and beyond, on the other. EUROSICK's objective is to combine the sociology of migration and nationalism with research on historical disasters to fill this gap. Filling these gaps is urgent as it allows us to understand the reifications of nationalisms and the ‘us’ versus ‘them’ distinctions they produce, the ways in which they lead to regressive patterns of policy-making, and to stigmatization of entire communities and exclusionary policies even against European citizens. EUROSICK’s objective will thus positively impact the capacity of Europe to tackle the future crises, such as that of climate, in a more collective and efficient way and to avoid falling back to these understudied but historically repetitive reactions in the face of emergencies. EUROSICK examines the media coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic and the related policy documents in three European countries (Belgium, Italy, and Switzerland) at different points in time: before the outbreak in Europe, at the time of the outbreak, and the spring of 2021 following the discovery and implementation of vaccination programmes in Europe. The paper will analyse how the current pandemic crisis is reconfiguring pre-existing tensions and social divisions related to national identity within European debates. It will look at the ways in which this global threat got domesticated by comparing three different European nation states and investigates further what can be learnt from the effects of the pandemic in three different nationalist discourses and traditions. The analysis will be carried out thanks to my expertise in the analysis of discourse-practice nexus. This analytical strategy helps to better understand the development of policies to combat the pandemic, by focusing on the discursive conceptualizations of the crisis and the framing of the problems to be later addressed in practice.

Keywords: public health emergencies, nationalism, COVID politics, International solidarity

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Authors: Sachoiba Inkah

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The Northeast region has not been a major factor in India’s foreign policy calculation since independence. Instead, the region was ignored and marginalized even to the extent of using force and repressive Acts such as AFSPA(Armed Forces Special Powers Act) to suppress the voices of both states and non-state actors. The liberalization of the economy in the 90s in the wake of globalization gave India a new outlook and the Look East Policy (LEP) was a paradigm shift in India’s engagement with the Southeast Asian nations as it seeks to explore the benefits of the ASEAN. The reorienting of India’s foreign policy to ‘Neighborhood First” is attributed to the present political dispensation, which is further widened to include ‘Extended Neighborhood.’ As a result, the Northeastern states have become key players in India’s participation in regional groupings such as SAARC, BIMSTEC, and BCIM. The need for external balancing, diplomacy and development has reset India’s foreign policy priorities as the Northeast states lie in the confluence of South Asia, Southeast and East Asia, and a stakeholder in Act East Policy. The paper will explore the role of Northeastern states in the framework of Indian foreign policy as it shares international boundaries with China, Bhutan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar and most importantly, study the case of Nagas who are spread across Manipur, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh bordering Myanmar. The Indo-Myanmar border is an area of conflict and various illegal activities such as arms trafficking, illegal migrants, drug, and human trafficking are still being carried out and in order to address this issue, both India and Myanmar need to take into consideration the various communities living across the border. And conflict and insurgency should not be a yardstick to curtailed development of infrastructures such as roads, health facilities, transport, and communication in the contested region. The realities, perceptions, and contentions of the Northeastern states and the different communities living in the border areas need a wider discourse as the region the potential to drive India’s diplomatic relations with its neighbors and extended neighborhood. The methods employed are analytical and more of a descriptive analysis on India’s foreign policy framework with a focus on Nagas in Myanmar, drawing from both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include official documents, data, and statistics released by various governmental agencies, parliamentary debates, political speeches, press releases, treaties and agreements, historical biographies and organizational policy papers, protocols and procedures of government conferences, regional organization study reports etc. The paper concludes that the recent proactive engagement between India and Myanmar on trade, defense, economic, and infrastructure development are positive signs cementing bilateral ties, but there is not much room for the people-to-people connect, especially for people living in the borderland. The Freedom of Movement Regime that is in place is limited and there is more scope for improvement as people in the borderland looks towards trade and commerce to not only uplift the border economy but also act as a catalyst for robust engagement between the two countries, albeit with more infrastructure such as road, healthcare, education, a tourist hotspot, trade centers, mobile connectivity, etc.

Keywords: foreign policy, infrastructure development, insurgency, people to people connect

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Authors: Andrea Scapolo, Zaya Rustamova, Arturo Matute Castro

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The “Voices in Dissent” initiative aims at collecting and making available in a digital format, testimonies, letters, and other narratives produced by victims of political oppression from different geographical spaces across the Atlantic. By recovering silenced voices behind the official narratives, this open-access online database will provide indispensable tools for rewriting the history of authoritarian regimes from the margins as memory debates continue to provoke controversy among academic and popular transnational circles. In providing an extensive database of non-hegemonic discourses in a variety of political and social contexts, the project will complement the existing European and Latin-American studies, and invite further interdisciplinary and trans-national research. This digital resource will be available to academic communities and the general audience and will be organized geographically and chronologically. “Voices in Dissent” will offer a first comprehensive study of these personal accounts of persecution and repression against determined historical backgrounds and their impact on collective memory formation in contemporary societies. The digitalization of these texts will allow to run metadata analyses and adopt comparatist approaches for a broad range of research endeavors. Most of the testimonies included in our archive are testimonies of trauma: the trauma of exile, imprisonment, torture, humiliation, censorship. The research on trauma has now reached critical mass and offers a broad spectrum of critical perspectives. By putting together testimonies from different geographical and historical contexts, our project will provide readers and scholars with an extraordinary opportunity to investigate how culture shapes individual and collective memories and provides or denies resources to make sense and cope with the trauma. For scholars dealing with the epistemological and rhetorical analysis of testimonies, an online open-access archive will prove particularly beneficial to test theories on truth status and the formation of belief as well as to study the articulation of discourse. An important aspect of this project is also its pedagogical applications since it will contribute to the creation of Open Educational Resources (OER) to support students and educators worldwide. Through collaborations with our Library System, the archive will form part of the Digital Commons database. The texts collected in this online archive will be made available in the original languages as well as in English translation. They will be accompanied by a critical apparatus that will contextualize them historically by providing relevant background information and bibliographical references. All these materials can serve as a springboard for a broad variety of educational projects and classroom activities. They can also be used to design specific content courses or modules. In conclusion, the desirable outcomes of the “Voices in Dissent” project are: 1. the collections and digitalization of political dissent testimonies; 2. the building of a network of scholars, educators, and learners involved in the design, development, and sustainability of the digital archive; 3. the integration of the content of the archive in both research and teaching endeavors, such as publication of scholarly articles, design of new upper-level courses, and integration of the materials in existing courses.

Keywords: digital archive, dissent, open educational resources, testimonies, transatlantic studies

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Authors: Heejin Song

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Employing a critical action research approach that rejects essentialist onto-epistemological orientations to research in English language teaching (ELT) and interrogates the hegemonic relations in the knowledge construction and reconstruction processes, this study illuminates how an action research-informed pedagogical practice can transform the English for academic purposes (EAP) teaching to be more culturally and linguistically inclusive and critically oriented for English language learners’ advancement in academic literacies skills. More specifically, this paper aims to showcase the action research-informed pedagogical innovations that emphasize multilingual learners’ multiliteracies engagement and experiential education-oriented learning to facilitate the development of learners’ academic literacies, intercultural communicative competence, and inclusive global citizenship in the context of Canadian university EAP classrooms. The pedagogical innovations through action research embarked in response to growing discussions surrounding pedagogical possibilities of plurilingualism in ELT and synchronous online teaching. The paper is based on two iterations of action research over the pandemic years between 2020 and 2022. The data includes student work samples, focus group interviews, anonymous surveys, teacher feedback and comments on student work and teaching reflections. The first iteration of the action research focused on the affordances of multimodal expressions in individual learners’ academic endeavors for their literacy skills development through individual online activities such as ‘my language autobiography,’ ‘multimodal expression corner’ and public speeches. While these activities help English language learners enhance their knowledge and skills of English-spoken discourses, these tasks did not necessarily require learners’ team-based collaborative endeavors to complete the assigned tasks. Identifying this area for improvement in the instructional design, the second action research cycle/iteration emphasized collaborative performativity through newly added performance/action-based innovative learning tasks, including ‘situational role-playing’, ‘my cooking show & interview’, and group debates in order to provide learners increased opportunities to communicate with peers who joined the class virtually from different parts of the world and enhance learners’ intercultural competence through various strategic and pragmatic communicative skills to collaboratively achieve their shared goals (i.e., successful completion of the given group tasks). The paper exemplifies instances wherein learners’ unique and diverse linguistic and cultural strengths were amplified, and critical literacies were further developed through learners’ performance-oriented multiliteracies engagement. The study suggests that the action research-informed teaching practice that advocates for collaborative multiliteracies engagement serves to facilitate learners’ activation of their existing linguistic and cultural knowledge and contributes to the development of learners’ academic literacy skills. Importantly, the study illuminates that such action research-informed pedagogical initiatives create an inclusive space for learners to build a strong sense of connectedness as global citizens with increased intercultural awareness in their community of language and cultural practices, and further allow learners to actively participate in the construction of ‘collaborative relations of power’ with their peers.

Keywords: action research, EAP, higher education, multiliteracies

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Authors: Wafaa Hasan

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In May of 2022, Palestinian parents in Toronto, Canada, became aware that educators and staff in the Toronto District School Board were attempting to include the International Holocaust and Remembrance Definition of Antisemitism (IHRA) in The Child Abuse and Neglect Policy of the largest school board in Canada, The Toronto District School Board (TDSB). The idea was that if students were to express any form of antisemitism, as defined by the IHRA, then an investigation could follow with Child Protective Services (CPS). That is, the student’s parents could be reported to the state and investigated for custodial rights to their children. The TDSB has set apparent goals for “Decolonizing Pedagogy” (“TDSB Equity Leadership Competencies”), Culturally Responsive and Relevant Practices (CRRP) and inclusive education. These goals promote the centering of colonized, racialized and marginalized voices. CRRP cannot be effective without the application of anti-racist and settler colonial analyses. In order for CRRP to be effective, school boards need a comprehensive understanding of the ways in which the vilification of Palestinians operates through anti-indigenous and white supremacist systems and logic. Otherwise, their inclusion will always be in tension with the inclusion of settler colonial agendas and worldviews. Feminist maternalism frames racial mothering as degenerate (viewing the contributions of racialized students and their parents as products of primitive and violent cultures) and also indirectly inhibits the actualization of the tenets of CRRP and inclusive education through its extensions into the welfare state and public education. The contradiction between the tenets of CRRP and settler colonial systems of erasure and repression is resolved by the continuation of tactics to 1) force assimilation, 2) punish those who push back on that assimilation and 3) literally fragment familial and community structures of racialized students, educators and parents. This paper draws on interdisciplinary (history, philosophy, anthropology) critiques of white feminist “maternalism” from the 19th century onwards in North America and Europe (Jacobs, Weber), as well as “anti-racist education” theory (Dei), and more specifically,” culturally responsive learning,” (Muhammad) and “bandwidth” pedagogy theory (Verschelden) to make its claims. This research contributes to vibrant debates about anti-racist and decolonial pedagogies in public education systems globally. This paper also documents first-hand interviews and experiences of diasporic Palestinian mothers and motherhoods and situates their experiences within longstanding histories of white feminist maternalist (and eugenicist) politics. This informal qualitative data from "participatory conversations" (Swain) is situated within a set of formal interview data collected with Palestinian women in the West Bank (approved by the McMaster University Humanities Research Ethics Board) relating to white feminist maternalism in the peace and dialogue industry.

Keywords: decolonial feminism, maternal feminism, anti-racist pedagogies, settler colonial studies, motherhood studies, pedagogy theory, cultural theory

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Authors: Sophy Joseph

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The study uses the concept of ‘Settler city’ to understand the nature of peripheralization that a neoliberal city initiates. The settler city designs powerless communities without inherent rights, title and sovereignty. Kathputli Colony, home to generations of artists/craftsmen, who have kept heritage of arts/crafts alive, has undergone eviction of its population from urban space. The proposed study, ‘Neoliberal Settler City: Socio-spatial segregation and livelihood of artists/craftsmen in Delhi’ would problematize the settler city as a colonial technology. The colonial regime has ‘erased’ the ‘unwanted’ as primitive and swept them to peripheries in the city. This study would also highlight how structural change in political economy has undermined their crafts/arts by depriving them from practicing/performing it with dignity in urban space. The interconnections between citizenship and In-Situ Private Public Partnership in Kathputli rehabilitation has become part of academic exercise. However, a comprehensive study connecting inherent characteristics of neoliberal settler city, trajectory of political economy of unorganized workers - artists/craftsmen and legal containment and exclusion leading to dispossession and marginalization of communities from the city site, is relevant to contextualize the trauma of spatial segregation. This study would deal with political, cultural, social and economic dominant behavior of the structure in the state formation, accumulation of property and design of urban space, fueled by segregation of marginalized/unorganized communities and disowning the ‘footloose proletariat’, the migrant workforce. The methodology of study involves qualitative research amongst communities and the field work-oral testimonies and personal accounts- becomes the primary material to theorize the realities. The secondary materials in the forms of archival materials about historical evolution of Delhi as a planned city from various archives, would be used. As the study also adopt ‘narrative approach’ in qualitative study, the life experiences of craftsmen/artists as performers and emotional trauma of losing their livelihood and space forms an important record to understand the instability and insecurity that marginalization and development attributes on urban poor. The study attempts to prove that though there was a change in political tradition from colonialism to constitutional democracy, new state still follows the policy of segregation and dispossession of the communities. It is this dispossession from the space, deprivation of livelihood and non-consultative process in rehabilitation that reflects the neoliberal approach of the state and also critical findings in the study. This study would entail critical spatial lens analyzing ethnographic and sociological data, representational practices and development debates to understand ‘urban otherization’ against craftsmen/artists. This seeks to develop a conceptual framework for understanding the resistance of communities against primitivity attached with them and to decolonize the city. This would help to contextualize the demand for declaring Kathputli Colony as ‘heritage artists village’. The conceptualization and contextualization would help to argue for right to city of the communities, collective rights to property, services and self-determination. The aspirations of the communities also help to draw normative orientation towards decolonization. It is important to study this site as part of the framework, ‘inclusive cities’ because cities are rarely noted as important sites of ‘community struggles’.

Keywords: neoliberal settler city, socio-spatial segregation, the livelihood of artists/craftsmen, dispossession of indigenous communities, urban planning and cultural uprooting

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Authors: Tatiana Rizova

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The migrant crisis, which peaked in 2015-2016, posed an unprecedented challenge to the European Union’s (EU) newest member states, including Bulgaria and Hungary. Their governments had to formulate sound migration policies with expediency and sensitivity to the needs of millions of people fleeing violent conflicts in the Middle East and failed states in North Africa. Political leaders in post-communist countries had to carefully coordinate with other EU member states on joint policies and solutions while minimizing the risk of alienating their increasingly anti-migrant domestic constituents. Post-communist member states’ governments chose distinct policy responses to the crisis, which were dictated by factors such as their governments’ partisan stances on migration, their views of the European Union, and the decision to frame the crisis as a security or a humanitarian issue. This paper explores how two Bulgarian governments (Boyko Borisov’s second and third government formed during the 43rd and 44th Bulgarian National Assembly, respectively) navigated the processes of EU migration policy making and managing the expectations of their electorates. Based on a comparative analysis of refugee policies in Bulgaria and Hungary during the height of the crisis (2015-2016) and a temporal analysis of refugee policies in Bulgaria (2015-2018), the paper advances the following conclusions. Drawing on insights of the Copenhagen school of security studies, the paper argues that cultural concerns dominated domestic debates in both Bulgaria and Hungary; both governments framed the issue predominantly as a matter of security rather than humanitarian disaster. Regardless of the similarities in issue framing, however, the two governments sought different paths of tackling the crisis. While the Bulgarian government demonstrated its willingness to comply with EU decisions (such as the proposal for mandatory quotas for refugee relocation), the Hungarian government defied EU directives and became a leading voice of dissent inside the EU. The current Bulgarian government (April 2017 - present) appears to be committed to complying with EU decisions and accepts the strategy of EU burden-sharing, while the Hungarian government has continually snubbed the EU’s appeals for cooperation despite the risk of hefty financial penalties. Hungary’s refugee policies have been influenced by the parliamentary representation of the far right-wing party Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), which has encouraged the majority party (FIDESZ) to adopt harsher anti-migrant rhetoric and more hostile policies toward refugees. Bulgaria’s current government is a coalition of the center-right Citizens for a European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) and its far right-wing junior partners – the United Patriots (comprised of three nationalist political parties). The parliamentary presence of Jobbik in Hungary’s parliament has magnified the anti-migrant stance, rhetoric, and policies of Mr. Orbán’s Civic Alliance; we have yet to observe a substantial increase in the anti-migrant rhetoric and policies in Bulgaria’s case. Analyzing responses to the migrant/refugee crisis is a critical opportunity to understand how issues of cultural identity and belonging, inclusion and exclusion, regional integration and disintegration are debated and molded into policy in Europe’s youngest member states in the broader EU context.

Keywords: Copenhagen School, migrant crisis, refugees, security

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