Search results for: democratically elected councillors

Authors: Roberto Feltrero, Sara Osuna-Acedo

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Responsible Research and Innovation have to accomplish one fundamental aim: everybody has to participate in the benefits of innovation, but also innovation has to be democratic; that is to say, everybody may have the possibility to participate in the decisions in the innovation process. Particularly, a democratic and inclusive model of social participation and innovation includes persons with disabilities and people at risk of discrimination. Innovations on Artificial Intelligence for social development have to accomplish the same dual goal: improving equality for accessing fields of public interest like education, training and public services, as well as improving civic and democratic participation in the process of developing such innovations for all. This research aims to develop innovations, policies and policy recommendations to apply and disseminate such artificial intelligence and social model for making educational and administrative processes more accessible. First, designing a citizen participation process to engage citizens in the designing and use of artificial intelligence tools for public services. This will result in improving trust in democratic institutions contributing to enhancing the transparency, effectiveness, accountability and legitimacy of public policy-making and allowing people to participate in the development of ethical standards for the use of such technologies. Second, improving educational tools for lifelong learning with AI models to improve accountability and educational data management. Dissemination, education and social participation will be integrated, measured and evaluated in innovative educational processes to make accessible all the educational technologies and content developed on AI about responsible and social innovation. A particular case will be presented regarding access for all to educational tools and public services. This accessibility requires cognitive adaptability because, many times, legal or administrative language is very complex. Not only for people with cognitive disabilities but also for old people or citizens at risk of educational or social discrimination. Artificial Intelligence natural language processing technologies can provide tools to translate legal, administrative, or educational texts to a more simple language that can be accessible to everybody. Despite technological advances in language processing and machine learning, this becomes a huge project if we really want to respect ethical and legal consequences because that kinds of consequences can only be achieved with civil and democratic engagement in two realms: 1) to democratically select texts that need and can be translated and 2) to involved citizens, experts and nonexperts, to produce and validate real examples of legal texts with cognitive adaptations to feed artificial intelligence algorithms for learning how to translate those texts to a more simple and accessible language, adapted to any kind of population.

Keywords: responsible research and innovation, AI social innovations, cognitive accessibility, public participation

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Authors: Daniela Lamaison Sepulveda

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Critical media literacy teaches people to think analytically about the information they receive through the media. It is heavily influenced by Paulo Freire’s critical pedagogy and the necessity of becoming conscious of one’s reality in order to transform it. This qualitative research examines the case of Bolivia, which experienced dramatic political change after the first indigenous president, Evo Morales, was elected in 2006. In 2010, the government passed an education reform — the Avelino Siñani Elizardo Pérez (ASEP) —that draws heavily on decolonial thought and the Freirean notion of critical consciousness. The extent to which these theories were implemented in practice is evaluated in context of a media literacy project, run by an NGO, that trains secondary school teachers from public schools across Bolivia through yearly workshops ranging from producing media to identifying fake news. This context is examined against the backdrop of the highly contested general elections in October 2019. While there is plenty of literature that outlines the benefits of teaching media literacy in the classroom and different ways to apply it, little research has been done analysing implementation at an institutional level and how to best enable teachers who are motivated to teach the subject. Through semi-structured interviews, document analysis and naturalistic observations, this study aims to identify the struggles faced by teachers who are dedicated to teaching critical media literacy in their classrooms and how they navigate educational spaces while being subject to a demanding national curriculum that supposedly also seeks to promote critical thinking. The interplay between the aspirations of teachers and NGOs in contrast to the top-down discourse and policy of governmental institutions provides for a very enlightening case. By exploring these institutional, cultural, sociopolitical and economic barriers the teachers face, this research attempts to contribute to the debate in media literacy theories concerned with implementing the practice in schools.

Keywords: media literacy, critical pedagogy, teacher agency, misinformation, education reform, Bolivia

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Authors: Liz van Acker, Linda Colley

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Political processes are shaped by the gendered culture of parliaments. This paper examines how the institution of parliament has been affected by the changing number of women in politics. In order to understand how and why gender change occurs, the paper employs a feminist historical institutionalism approach. It argues that while it is difficult to change the gendered nature of political institutions, it is possible, from a gender perspective, to understand the processes of change both formally and informally. Increasing women’s representation has been a slow process which has not occurred without political struggles. A broadly defined ‘feminist historical institutionalism’ has critiqued existing approaches to institutions and combined historical institutional analysis with tools of gender to enhance our understanding of institutional processes and change. The paper examines the gendered rules, norms, and practices that influence institutional design choices and processes. Institutions such as Parliament often are able to adjust to women’s entry and absorb them without too much interruption. Exploring the hidden aspects to informal institutions involves identifying unspoken and accepted norms that may guide decision-making – exposing and questioning the gender status quo. This paper examines the representation of women in the Queensland Parliament, Australia. It places the Queensland experience in historical context, as well as in the national and international context. The study is interesting, given that its gender representation has rocketed from one of the worst performing states in 2012 to one of the best performing in 2015 with further improvements in 2017. The state currently has a re-elected female Premier, a female Deputy Premier and a female-dominated cabinet – in fact, Queensland was the first ministry in Australia to have a majority of women in its Cabinet. However, it is unnecessary to dig far below these headlines to see that this is uncharacteristic of its history: progress towards this current position has been slow and patchy. The paper finds that matters such as the glass ceiling and the use of quotas explain women’s recent success in Queensland politics.

Keywords: feminist historical institutional approach, glass ceiling, quotas, women’s participation in politics

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Authors: Ashraf Mohammadzadeh, Ahmad Shah Farhat, Azin Vaezi, Aradokht Vaezi

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Background & Aim: Preterm infants born at less than 34 weeks postconceptional age are not as neurologically mature as their term counterparts and thus have difficulty coordinating sucking, swallowing and breathing. As a result, they are traditionally gavage fed until they are able to oral feed successfully. The aim of study was to evaluate comparative effect of orogastric and breast feeding on oxygen saturation in very low birth weight infant (<1500gm). Patients and Methods: In this clinical trial all babies admitted in the Neonatal Research Center of Imamreza Hospital, Mashhad during a 4 months period were elected. Criteria for entrance to study included birth weight ≤ 1500 grams, exclusive breastfeeding, having no special problem after 48 hours, receivinge only routine care and intake of milk was 100cc/kg/day. Each neonate received two rounds of orogastric and breast feeding in the morning and in the afternoon, during which mean oxygen saturation was measured by pulse-oxymetry. During the study the heart rate and temperature of the neonates were monitored, and in case of hypothermia, bradycardia(less than 100 per minute) or apnea the feeding was discontinued and the study was repeated the following day. Data analysis was carried out using SPSS. Results: Fifty neonates were studied. The average birth weight was 1267.20±165.42 grams and average gestational age was 31.81±1.92 and female/male ratio was 1.2. There was no significant statistical difference in arterial oxygen saturation in orogastric and breast feeding in the morning and in the afternoon. (p=0.16 in the morning and p=0.6 in the afternoon). There was no complication of apnea, hypothermia or bradycardia. Conclusion: There was no significant statistical difference between the two methods in arterial oxygen saturation. It seems that oral feeding (which is a natural route) and skin contact between the mother and neonate causes a strong emotional bonding between the two and brings about better social adaptation for the neonate. Also shorter period of stay in hospital is more preferred, and breast feeding should be started at the earliest possible time after birth.

Keywords: Very low birth weight (V.L.B.W), O2 Saturation, Breast Feeding, Tube Feeding

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Authors: Soumi Banerjee

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In this research paper we will go deep into understanding Benedict Anderson’s definition of the nation as an imagined community and we will analyze why and how national identities were created through long and complex processes, and how there can exist strong emotional bonds between people within an imagined community, given the fact that these people have never known each other personally, but will still feel some form of imagined unity. Such identity construction on the part of an individual or within societies are always in some sense in a state of flux as imagined communities are ever changing, which provides us with the ontological foundation for reaching on this paper. This sort of identity crisis among individuals living in the Western world, who are in search for psychological comfort and security, illustrates a possible need for spatially dislocated, ontologically insecure and vulnerable individuals to have a secure identity. To create such an identity there has to be something to build upon, which could be achieved through what may be termed as ‘homesteading’. This could in short, and in my interpretation of Kinnvall and Nesbitt’s concept, be described as a search for security that involves a search for ‘home’, where home acts as a secure place, which one can build an identity around. The next half of the paper will then look into how populism and identity have played an increasingly important role in the political elections in the so-called western democracies of the world, using the U.S. as an example. Notions of ‘us and them’, the people and the elites will be looked into and analyzed through a social constructivist theoretical lens. Here we will analyze how such narratives about identity and the nation state affects people, their personality development and identity in different ways by studying the U.S. President Donald Trump’s speeches and analyze if and how he used different identity creating narratives for gaining political and popular support. The reason to choose narrative analysis as a method in this research paper is to use the narratives as a device to understand how the perceived notions of 'us and them' can initiate huge identity crisis with a community or a nation-state. This is a relevant subject as results and developments such as rising populist rightwing movements are being felt in a number of European states, with the so-called Brexit vote in the U.K. and the election of Donald Trump as president are two of the prime examples. This paper will then attempt to argue that these mechanisms are strengthened and gaining significance in situations when humans in an economic, social or ontologically vulnerable position, imagined or otherwise, in a general and broad meaning perceive themselves to be under pressure, and a sense of insecurity is rising. These insecurities and sense of being under threat have been on the rise in many of the Western states that are otherwise usually perceived to be some of the safest, democratically stable and prosperous states in the world, which makes it of interest to study what has changed, and help provide some part of the explanation as to how creating a ‘them’ in the discourse of national identity can cause massive security crisis.

Keywords: identity crisis, migration, ontological security(in), nation-states

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Authors: Madeleine Cox

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Objective; analyse patient choices in management of first trimester miscarriage, rates of complications including repeat procedure. Design: all first trimester miscarriages from a tertiary institution on the Gold Coast in a 6 month time frame (July to December 2021) were reviewed, including choice of management, histopathology, any representations or admissions, and potential complications. Results: a total of 224 first trimester miscarriages were identified. Of these, 183 (81%) opted to have surgical management in the first instance. Of the remaining patients, 18 (8%) opted to have medical management, and 28 (12.5%) opted to have expectant management. In total, 33(15%) patients required a repeat treatment for retained products. 1 had medical management for a small volume PROC post suction curette. A significant number of these patients initially opted for medical management but then elected to have shorter follow up than usual and went on to have retained products noted. 5 women who had small volumes of RPOC post medical or surgical management had repeat suction curette, however, had very small volumes of products on scan and on curette and may have had a good result with repeated misoprostol administration. It is important to note that whilst a common procedure, suction curettes are not without risk. 2 women had significant blood loss of 1L and 1.5L. A third women had a uterine perforation, a rare but recognised complication, she went on to require a laparoscopy which identified a small serosal bowel injury which was closed by the colorectal team. Conclusion: Management of first trimester miscarriage should be guided by patient preference. It is important to be able to provide patients with their choice of management, however, it is also important to have a good understanding of the risks of each management choice, chances of repeated procedure, appropriate time frame for follow up. Women who choose to undertake medical or expectant management should be supported through this time, with appropriate time frame between taking misoprostol and repeat scan so that the true effects can be evaluated. Patients returning for scans within 2-3 days are more likely to be booked for further surgery, however, may reflect patients who did not have adequate counselling or simply changed their mind on their preferred management options.

Keywords: miscarriage, gynaecology, obstetrics, first trimester

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Authors: Marisa Catarina da Conceição Dinis

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The commercial companies’ management has suffered an important material and legal transformation in the last years, mainly related to the changes in the Portuguese legal framework and because of the fact they were recently object of great expansion. In fact, next to the smaller family businesses, whose management is regularly assumed by partners, companies with social investment highly scattered, whose owners are completely out from administration, are now arising. In those particular cases, the business transactions are much more complex and require from the companies’ managers a highly technical knowledge and some specific professionals’ skills and abilities. This kind of administration carries a high-level risk that can both result in great success or in great losses. Knowing that the administration performance can result in important losses to the companies, the Portuguese legislator has created a legal structure to impute them some responsibilities and sanctions. The main goal of this study is to analyze the Portuguese law and some jurisprudence about companies’ management rules and about the conflicts between the directors and the company. In order to achieve these purposes we have to consider, on the one hand, the legal duties directly connected to the directors’ functions and on the other hand the disrespect for those same rules. The Portuguese law in this matter, influenced by the common law, determines that the directors’ attitude should be guided by loyalty and honesty. Consequently, we must reflect in which cases the administrators should respond to losses that they might cause to companies as a result of their duties’ disrespect. In this way is necessary to study the business judgment rule wich is a rule that refers to a liability exclusion rule. We intend, in the same way, to evaluate if the civil liability that results from the directors’ duties disrespect can extend itself to those who have elected them ignoring or even knowing that they don´t have the necessary skills or appropriate knowledge to the position they hold. To charge directors’, without ruining entrepreneurship, charging, in the same way, those who select them reinforces the need for more responsible and cautious attitudes which will lead consequently to more confidence in the markets.

Keywords: business judgment rule, civil liability of directors, duty of care, duty of care, Portuguese legal framework

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Authors: Neslihan Demirci, Serdar Durdağı

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Mycobacterium tuberculosis is still a worldwide disease-causing agent that, according to WHO, led to the death of 1.5 million people from tuberculosis (TB) in 2020. The bacteria reside in macrophages located specifically in the lung. There is a known quadruple drug therapy regimen for TB consisting of isoniazid (INH), rifampin (RIF), pyrazinamide (PZA), and ethambutol (EMB). Over the past 60 years, there have been great contributions to treatment options, such as recently approved delamanid (OPC67683) and bedaquiline (TMC207/R207910), targeting mycolic acid and ATP synthesis, respectively. Also, there are natural compounds that can block the tryptophanyl-tRNA synthetase (TrpRS) enzyme, chuangxinmycin, and indolmycin. Yet, already the drug resistance is reported for those agents. In this study, the newly released TrpRS enzyme structure is investigated for potential inhibitor drugs from already synthesized molecules to help the treatment of resistant cases and to propose an alternative drug for the quadruple drug therapy of tuberculosis. Maestro, Schrodinger is used for docking and molecular dynamic simulations. In-house library containing ~8000 compounds among FDA-approved indole-containing compounds, a total of 57 obtained from the ChemBL were used for both ATP and tryptophan binding pocket docking. Best of indole-containing 57 compounds were subjected to hit expansion and compared later with virtual screening workflow (VSW) results. After docking, VSW was done. Glide-XP docking algorithm was chosen. When compared, VSW alone performed better than the hit expansion module. Best scored compounds were kept for ten ns molecular dynamic simulations by Desmond. Further, 100 ns molecular dynamic simulation was performed for elected molecules according to Z-score. The top three MMGBSA-scored compounds were subjected to steered molecular dynamic (SMD) simulations by Gromacs. While SMD simulations are still being conducted, ponesimod (for multiple sclerosis), vilanterol (β₂ adrenoreceptor agonist), and silodosin (for benign prostatic hyperplasia) were found to have a significant affinity for tuberculosis TrpRS, which is the propulsive force for the urge to expand the research with in vitro studies. Interestingly, top-scored ponesimod has been reported to have a side effect that makes the patient prone to upper respiratory tract infections.

Keywords: drug repurposing, molecular dynamics, tryptophanyl-tRNA synthetase, tuberculosis

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Authors: Alice V. Brown, Patrick Egan, Dorothy Bagshaw, Jackie Oakley, Emma Vieira, Louise Southalan, Duc Dau, Lucy Spanswick, Lindey Andrews, Mandy Wilson, Jocelyn Jones

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Western Australia has recently adopted a 10-year plan to end homelessness across its State, with sections of the plan focused particularly on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population. In 2022, we engaged with 70-90 Aboriginal people experiencing homelessness in Perth, Western Australia, through qualitative interviews and creative methods, listening to their experiences of homelessness and their views on how services, State plans, and policies could better support them. This research was driven by the Aboriginal community through a Community Ownership Group of 16 Aboriginal Elders, elected by Elders’ groups, from across the Perth metropolitan area. The Community Ownership Group met every six weeks across the 15-month project timeline to guide the research team, endorse methods chosen, and provide richer context to research findings to ensure they adequately represent the experiences of Aboriginal people. These meetings were audio-recorded when possible and documented through meeting notes, verbal and visual minutes, and film, providing insights into homelessness from the perspective of Aboriginal Elders. In this paper, we compare the views of those experiencing homelessness with the views of the Aboriginal Elders -many of whom have experienced homelessness firsthand- and literature regarding how those experiencing homelessness can be better supported. We detail the ‘survival-directed thinking’ of those we engaged with who was in the throes of homelessness, leading them to focus more on immediate solutions such as food and housing. We then compare these narratives to Elders’ views that have been more regularly focused on connection to culture and long-term plans for healing homelessness, alongside immediate outreach -views also reflected in the literature. Through these comparisons, we highlight the importance of engaging both with those currently experiencing homelessness as well as with Aboriginal Elders as important cultural caretakers and authorities. We demonstrate how these varied voices uncover both long and short-term perspectives on how homelessness can be better managed in policy and service provision. We also highlight the potential role Aboriginal Elders can play in supporting the Aboriginal homeless community and their transition into housing.

Keywords: Aboriginal and Torres strait islander peoples, aboriginal elders, homelessness, community-led research

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Authors: Victor V. Ribeiro, Thais C. Lopes, Rafael A. A. Monteiro

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The Albatroz, Baleia Jubarte, Coral Vivo, Golfinho Rotador and Tamar projects make up the Young Sea Network (YSN), part of the BIOMAR Network, which aims to integrate the environmental youths of the Brazilian coast. For this, three editions of the Young Sea Meeting (YSM) were performed. Seeking to stimulate belonging, self-knowledge, participation, autonomy and youth protagonism, the Albatroz Project hosted the III YSM, in Bertioga (SP), in April 2019 and aimed to collectively plan the meeting. Five pillars of Environmental Education were used: identity, community, dialogue, power to act and happiness, the OCA Method and the Young Educates Young; Young Chooses Young; and One Generation Learns from the Other principals. In December 2018, still in the II YSM, the participatory planning of the III YSM began. Two "representatives" of each group were voluntarily elected to facilitate joint decisions, propose, receive and communicate demands from their groups and coordinators. The Young Albatroz Collective (YAC) facilitated the organization process as a whole. The purpose of the meeting was collectively constructed, answering the following question: "What is the YSM for?". Only two of the five pairs of representatives responded. There was difficulty gathering the young people in each group, because it was the end of the year, with people traveling. Thus, due to the short planning time, the YAC built a pre-programming to be validated by the other groups, defining as the objective of the meeting the strengthening of youth protagonism within the YSN. In the planning process, the YAC held 20 meetings, with 60 hours of face-to-face work, in three months, and two technical visits to the headquarters of the III YSM. The participatory dynamics of consultation, when it occurred, required up to two weeks, evidencing the limits of participation. The project coordinations stated that they were not being included in the process by their young people. There is a need to work more to be able to aloud the participation, developing skills and understanding about its principles. This training must take place in an articulated way between the network, implying the important role of the five projects in jointly developing and implementing educator processes with this objective in a national dimension, but without forgetting the specificities of each young group. Finally, it is worth highlighting the great potential of the III YSM by stimulating the exercise of leading environmental youth in more than 50 young people from Brazilian coast, linked to the YSN, stimulating the learning and mobilization of young people in favor of coastal and marine conservation.

Keywords: Marine Conservation, Environmental Education, Youth, Participation, Planning

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Authors: Wayne Tarrant, Ethan Petersen

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The concept of a flat tax goes back to at least the Biblical tithe. A progressive income tax was first vociferously espoused in a small, but famous, pamphlet in 1848 (although England had an emergency progressive tax for war costs prior to this). Within a few years many countries had adopted the progressive structure. The flat tax was only reinstated in some small countries and British protectorates until Mart Laar was elected Prime Minister of Estonia in 1992. Since Estonia’s adoption of the flat tax in 1993, many other formerly Communist countries have likewise abandoned progressive income taxes. Economists had expectations of what would happen when a flat tax was enacted, but very little work has been done on actually measuring the effect. With a testbed of 21 countries in this region that currently have a flat tax, much comparison is possible. Several countries have retained progressive taxes, giving an opportunity for contrast. There are also the cases of Czech Republic and Slovakia, which have adopted and later abandoned the flat tax. Further, with over 20 years’ worth of economic history in some flat tax countries, we can begin to do some serious longitudinal study. In this paper we consider many economic variables to determine if there are statistically significant differences from before to after the adoption of a flat tax. We consider unemployment rates, tax receipts, GDP growth, Gini coefficients, and market data where the data are available. Comparisons are made through the use of event studies and time series methods. The results are mixed, but we draw statistically significant conclusions about some effects. We also look at the different implementations of the flat tax. In some countries there are equal income and corporate tax rates. In others the income tax has a lower rate, while in others the reverse is true. Each of these sends a clear message to individuals and corporations. The policy makers surely have a desired effect in mind. We group countries with similar policies, try to determine if the intended effect actually occurred, and then report the results. This is a work in progress, and we welcome the suggestion of variables to consider. Further, some of the data from before the fall of the Iron Curtain are suspect. Since there are new ruling regimes in these countries, the methods of computing different statistical measures has changed. Although we first look at the raw data as reported, we also attempt to account for these changes. We show which data seem to be fictional and suggest ways to infer the needed statistics from other data. These results are reported beside those on the reported data. Since there is debate about taxation structure, this paper can help inform policymakers of change the flat tax has caused in other countries. The work shows some strengths and weaknesses of a flat tax structure. Moreover, it provides beginnings of a scientific analysis of the flat tax in practice rather than having discussion based solely upon theory and conjecture.

Keywords: flat tax, financial markets, GDP, unemployment rate, Gini coefficient

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Authors: Homyr L. Garcia, Jr., Anne Margaret A. Rendon, Carla Michaela B. Taguinod

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Nothing is constant in this world but change. This is the reality wherein a lot of people fail to recognize and maybe, it is because of the fact that some see things that are happening with little value or no value at all until it’s gone. For the past years, Egypt was known for its stable government. It was able to withstand a lot of problems and crisis which challenged their country in ways which can never be imagined. In the present time, it seems like in just a snap of a finger, the said stability vanished and it was immediately replaced by a crisis which resulted to a failure in some parts of their government. In addition, this problem continued to worsen and the current situation of Egypt is just a reflection or a result of it. On the other hand, as the researchers continued to study the reasons why the government of Egypt is unstable, they concluded that there might be a possibility that they will be able to produce ways in which their country could be helped or improved. The instability of the government of Egypt is the product of combining all the problems which affects the lives of the people. Some of the reasons that the researchers found are the following: 1) unending doubts of the people regarding the ruling capacity of elected presidents, 2) removal of President Mohamed Morsi in position, 3) economic crisis, 4) a lot of protests and revolution happened, 5) resignation of the long term President Hosni Mubarak and 6) the office of the President is most likely available only to the chosen successor. Also, according to previous researches, there are two plausible scenarios for the instability of Egypt: 1) a military intervention specifically the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces or SCAF, resulting from a contested succession and 2) an Islamist push for political power which highlights the claim that religion is a hindrance towards the development of their country and government. From the eight possible reasons, the researchers decided that they will be focusing on economic crisis since the instability is more clearly seen in the country’s economy which directly affects the people and the government itself. In addition, they made a hypothesis which states that stable economy is a prerequisite towards a stable government. If they will be able to show how this claim is true by using the Social Autopsy Research Design for the qualitative method and Pearson’s correlation coefficient for the quantitative method, the researchers might be able to produce a proposal on how Egypt can stabilize their government and avoid such problems. Also, the hypothesis will be based from the Rational Action Theory which is a theory for understanding and modeling social and economy as well as individual behavior.

Keywords: Pearson’s correlation coefficient, rational action theory, social autopsy research design, supreme council of the armed forces (SCAF)

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Authors: Francesco Pisano

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Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

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Authors: Doreen Chemutai

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While women's parliamentary representation has increased over the years, most women contest the affirmative action seat (A.A). There is a lack of knowledge on why women prefer the affirmative seat vis- a- vis the open seat. This study argues that comparing women's path on the reserved and open seat to parliamentary representation enables us to pass judgment on why this trend continues. This paper provides a narrative analysis of women members of parliament's (MPs) trajectory in the open seat and Affirmative Action seat to parliamentary representation. Purposive sampling was used to select participants from the Northern Uganda districts of Kitgum, Pader, Oyam, Agago, and Gulu. The eight women MPs chosen for the study completed in-depth interviews exploring their qualifications, careers, and experiences before joining the political office, their party affiliation, and the kind of seat they currently occupy in the 10th parliament. Findings revealed similarities between women on the open and reserved to include; women generally irrespective of the seat they choose to contest for find it difficult to win elections because voters doubt women's effectiveness as leaders. All women as incumbents find it difficult to be re-elected because their evaluation is harsher than that for men. Findings also revealed that women representatives are motivated by their personal lived experiences, community work, educational leadership, and local leadership. The study establishes that the popularity of the party in a given geographical location and the opponents' quality will determine the success of the parliamentary candidate in question irrespective of whether one is contesting on the open or Affirmative seat. However, the study revealed differences between MPs' experiences in the quest for the parliamentary seat, females on the open seat are subjected to gender discrimination in elections by party leadership, stereotyped, and are victims of propaganda in the initial contesting stages. Women who win elections in the open seat have to be superior to their male opponents. In other circumstances where a woman emerges successful, she may be voted for due to other reasons beyond capability, such as physical appearance or sociability. On the other hand, MPs' revelations on affirmative action seats show that the political terrain is smoother despite larger constituencies. Findings show that women on the Affirmative Action seat do not move to the open seat because of the comfort associated with the seat and maintain consistency, since the constituencies doubt the motives of representatives who change from one seat to another. The study concludes that women MPs who contest on the open seat are likely to suffer structural barriers such as gender discrimination and political recruitment bias instead of women on the affirmative seat. This explains why the majority of women contest on the affirmative seat.

Keywords: affirmative action seats, open seats, parliamentary representation, pathways

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Authors: Rajasekhar Reddy Poonuru, Anusha Parnem

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Purpose: To formulate proliposome powder of agomelatine, an antipsychotic drug, and to evaluate physicochemical, in vitro characters and effect of surface charge on ex vivo intestinal permeation. Methods: Film deposition technique was employed to develop proliposomal powders of agomelatin with varying molar ratios of lipid Hydro Soy PC L-α-phosphatidylcholine (HSPC) and cholesterol with fixed sum of drug. With the aim to derive free flowing and stable proliposome powder, fluid retention potential of various carriers was examined. Liposome formation and number of vesicles formed for per mm3 up on hydration, vesicle size, and entrapment efficiency was assessed to deduce an optimized formulation. Sodium cholate added to optimized formulation to induce surface charge on formed vesicles. Solid-state characterization (FTIR, DSC, and XRD) was performed with the intention to assess native crystalline and chemical behavior of drug. The in vitro dissolution test of optimized formulation along with pure drug was evaluated to estimate dissolution efficiency (DE) and relative dissolution rate (RDR). Effective permeability co-efficient (Peff(rat)) in rat and enhancement ratio (ER) of drug from formulation and pure drug dispersion were calculated from ex vivo permeation studies in rat ileum. Results: Proliposomal powder formulated with equimolar ratio of HSPC and cholesterol ensued in higher no. of vesicles (3.95) with 90% drug entrapment up on hydration. Neusilin UFL2 was elected as carrier because of its high fluid retention potential (4.5) and good flow properties. Proliposome powder exhibited augmentation in DE (60.3 ±3.34) and RDR (21.2±01.02) of agomelation over pure drug. Solid state characterization studies demonstrated the transformation of native crystalline form of drug to amorphous and/or molecular state, which was in correlation with results obtained from in vitro dissolution test. The elevated Peff(rat) of 46.5×10-4 cm/sec and ER of 2.65 of drug from charge induced proliposome formulation with respect to pure drug dispersion was assessed from ex vivo intestinal permeation studies executed in ileum of wistar rats. Conclusion: Improved physicochemical characters and ex vivo intestinal permeation of drug from charge induced proliposome powder with Neusilin UFL2 unravels the potentiality of this system in enhancing oral delivery of agomelatin.

Keywords: agomelatin, proliposome, sodium cholate, neusilin

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Authors: P. Viduthalai, A. K. Divakar, V. Natarajan

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Media is one of the powerful tools that manipulate the world in numerous aspects especially in the form of a communication process. For instance, the concept of the public sphere, which was earlier represented by landlords and elites has now transformed into a virtual public sphere, which is also represented by marginalized people. Unfortunately, this acquisition is still paradoxical. Though the media proliferation and its effects are humongous, still it has not been the same throughout the world. Inequality in access to media has created a technological divide among people. Finally, globalization and approach by the government towards using media for development communication has significantly changed the way in which the media reaches every nook and corner. Monarchy, oligarchy, republic and democracy together form the basis of most governments of the world. Of which, democracy is the one with the highest involvement and participation of the people. Ideally, the participation of the people is what, that keeps the democracy running. A healthy democracy is possible only when people are able to access information that makes citizens responsible and serves to check the functioning of their elected representatives. On one side the media consumption of people plays a crucial role in the formation of the public sphere, and on the other side, big media conglomerates are a serious threat to community participation, which is a goal that the media should strive for in a country like India. How different people consume these different media, differs greatly from length and breadth of the country. Another aspect of this media consumption is that it isn’t passive. People usage and consumption of media are related with the gratification that they derive from the particular media. This aspect varies from person to person and from society to society according to both internal and external factors. This article sets out from the most underlying belief that Malayali Tribes have adopted television and becomes a part of daily life and a day never passes without it especially after the introduction of Free Television Scheme by the past state government. Though they are living in hilly and socially isolated places, they too have started accessing media for understanding about the people of the plains and their culture, dictated by their interest. Many of these interests appear to have a social and psychological origin. The present research attempts to study how gratification of these needs lead Malayali Tribes to form such a virtual public sphere where they could communicate with people of the plains. Data was collected through survey method, from 300 respondents on “Exposure towards Television and their perception”. Conventional anthropological methods like unstructured interviews were also used to supplement the data collection efforts in the three taluks namely Yercaud, Pethanayankkanpalayam and Panamaraththuppatty in Salem district of TamilNadu. The results highlight the role of Television in gratifying needs of the Malayali Tribes.

Keywords: democracy, gratification, Malayali Tribes and television, virtual public sphere

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Authors: Emily Simone Doffing, Danielle Kohfeldt

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Disabled students are underrepresented in graduate-level degree enrollment and completion. There is limited research on disabled students' progression during the pandemic. Disabled graduate students (DGS) face unique interpersonal and institutional barriers, yet, limited research explores these barriers, buffering facilitators, and aids to academic persistence. This study adopts an asset-based, embodied disability approach using the critical pedagogy theoretical framework instead of the deficit research approach. The Participatory Action Research (PAR) paradigm, the critical pedagogy theoretical framework, and emancipatory disability research share the same purpose -creating a socially just world through reciprocal learning. This study is one of few, if not the first, to center solely on DGS’ lived understanding using a Participatory Action Research (PAR) epistemology. With a PAR paradigm, participants and investigators work as a research team democratically at every stage of the research process. PAR has individual and systemic outcomes. PAR lessens the researcher-participant power gap and elevates a marginalized community’s knowledge as expertise for local change. PAR and critical pedagogy work toward enriching everyone involved with empowerment, civic engagement, knowledge proliferation, socio-cultural reflection, skills development, and active meaning-making. The PAR process unveils the tensions between disability and graduate school in policy and practice during the pandemic. Likewise, institutional and ideological tensions influence the PAR process. This project is recruiting 10 DGS until September through purposive and snowball sampling. DGS will collectively practice praxis during four monthly focus groups in the fall 2023 semester. Participant researchers can attend a focus group or an interview, both with field notes. September will be our orientation and first monthly meeting. It will include access needs check-ins, ice breakers, consent form review, a group agreement, PAR introduction, research ethics discussion, research goals, and potential research topics. October and November will be available for meetings for dialogues about lived experiences during our collaborative data collection. Our sessions can be semi-structured with “framing questions,” which would be revised together. Field notes include observations that cannot be captured through audio. December will focus on local social action planning and dissemination. Finally, in January, there will be a post-study focus group for students' reflections on their experiences of PAR. Iterative analysis methods include transcribed audio, reflexivity, memos, thematic coding, analytic triangulation, and member checking. This research follows qualitative rigor and quality criteria: credibility, transferability, confirmability, and psychopolitical validity. Results include potential tension points, social action, individual outcomes, and recommendations for conducting PAR. Tension points have three components: dubious practices, contestable knowledge, and conflict. The dissemination of PAR recommendations will aid and encourage researchers to conduct future PAR projects with the disabled community. Identified stakeholders will be informed of DGS’ insider knowledge to drive social sustainability.

Keywords: participatory action research, graduate school, disability, higher education

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Authors: Marthinus Conradie

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The conversational dynamics of democratically orientated deliberation continue to stimulate critical scholarship for its potential to bolster robust engagement between different sections of pluralist societies. Several axes of deliberation that have attracted academic attention include face-to-face vs. online interaction, and citizen-to-citizen communication vs. engagement between citizens and political elites. In all these areas, numerous researchers have explored deliberative procedures aimed at achieving instrumental goals such a securing consensus on policy issues, against procedures that prioritise expressive outcomes such as broadening the range of argumentative repertoires that discursively construct and mediate specific political issues. The study that informs this paper, works in the latter stream. Drawing its data from the reader-comments section of a South African broadsheet newspaper, the study investigates online, citizen-to-citizen deliberation by analysing the discursive practices through which competing understandings of social problems are articulated and contested. To advance this agenda, the paper deals specifically with user-generated comments posted in response to news stories on questions of race and racism in South Africa. The analysis works to discern and interpret the various sets of discourse practices that shape how citizens deliberate contentious political issues, especially racism. Since the website in question is designed to encourage the critical comparison of divergent interpretations of news events, without feeding directly into national policymaking, the study adopts an analytic framework that traces how citizens articulate arguments, rather than the instrumental effects that citizen deliberations might exert on policy. The paper starts from the argument that such expressive interactions are particularly crucial to current trends in South African politics, given that the precise nature of race and racism remain contested and uncertain. Centred on a sample of 2358 conversational moves in 814 posts to 18 news stories emanating from issues of race and racism, the analysis proceeds in a two-step fashion. The first stage conducts a qualitative content analysis that offers insights into the levels of reciprocity among commenters (do readers engage with each other or simply post isolated opinions?), as well as the structures of argumentation (do readers support opinions by citing evidence?). The second stage involves a more fine-grained discourse analysis, based on a theorisation of argumentation that delineates it into three components: opinions/conclusions, evidence/data to support opinions/conclusions and warrants that explicate precisely how evidence/data buttress opinions/conclusions. By tracing the manifestation and frequency of specific argumentative practices, this study contributes to the archive of research currently aggregating around the practices that characterise South Africans’ engagement with provocative political questions, especially racism and racial inequity. Additionally, the study also contributes to recent scholarship on the affordances of Web 2.0 software by eschewing a simplistic bifurcation between cyber-optimist vs. pessimism, in favour of a more nuanced and context-specific analysis of the patterns that structure online deliberation.

Keywords: online deliberation, discourse analysis, qualitative content analysis, racism

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Authors: C. Shekhar Parajulee

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Nepal practiced a centralized unitary governing system for a long and has gone through the federal system after the promulgation of the new constitution on 20 September 2015. There is a big paradigm shift in terms of governance after it. Now, there are three levels of governments, one federal government in the center, seven provincial governments and 753 local governments. Federalism refers to a political governing system with multiple tiers of government working together with coordination. It is preferred for self and shared rule. Though it has opened the door for rights of the people, political stability, state restructuring, and sustainable peace and development, there are many prospects and challenges for its proper implementation. This research analyzes the discourses of federalism implementation in Nepal with special reference to one of seven provinces, Gandaki. Federalism is a new phenomenon in Nepali politics and informed debates on it are required for its right evolution. This research will add value in this regard. Moreover, tracking its evolution and the exploration of the attitudes and behaviors of key actors and stakeholders in a new experiment of a new governing system is also important. The administrative and political system of Gandaki province in terms of service delivery and development will critically be examined. Besides demonstrating the performances of the provincial government and assembly, it will analyze the inter-governmental relation of Gandaki with the other two tiers of government. For this research, people from provincial and local governments (elected representatives and government employees), provincial assembly members, academicians, civil society leaders and journalists are being interviewed. The interview findings will be analyzed by supplementing with published documents. Just going into the federal structure is not the solution. As in the case of other provincial governments, Gandaki had also to start from scratch. It gradually took a shape of government and has been functioning sluggishly. The provincial government has many challenges ahead, which has badly hindered its plans and actions. Additionally, fundamental laws, infrastructures and human resources are found to be insufficient at the sub-national level. Lack of clarity in the jurisdiction is another main challenge. The Nepali Constitution assumes cooperation, coexistence and coordination as the fundamental principles of federalism which, unfortunately, appear to be lacking among the three tiers of government despite their efforts. Though the devolution of power to sub-national governments is essential for the successful implementation of federalism, it has apparently been delayed due to the centralized mentality of bureaucracy as well as a political leader. This research will highlight the reasons for the delay in the implementation of federalism. There might be multiple underlying reasons for the slow pace of implementation of federalism and identifying them is very tough. Moreover, the federal spirit is found to be absent in the main players of today's political system, which is a big irony. So, there are some doubts about whether the federal system in Nepal is just a keepsake or a substantive.

Keywords: federalism, inter-governmental relations, Nepal, provincial government

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Elkington S. Mnguni

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Water and sanitation services in South Africa are characterized by both achievements and challenges. After the end of apartheid in 1994 the newly elected government faced the challenge of eradicating backlogs with respect to access to basic services, including water and sanitation. Capital investment made in the development of new water and sanitation infrastructure to provide basic services to previously disadvantaged communities has grown, to a certain extent, at the expense of investment in the operation and maintenance of new and existing infrastructure. Challenges resulting from aging infrastructure and poor plant performance highlight the need for investing in the maintenance, rehabilitation, and replacement of existing infrastructure to optimize the return on investment. Advanced water infrastructure asset management (IAM) is key to achieving adequate levels of service, particularly with regard to reliable and high quality drinking water supply, prevention of urban flooding, efficient use of natural resources and prevention of pollution and associated risks. Against this backdrop, this paper presents an appraisal of water and sanitation IAM systems in South Africa’s three utilities, being metropolitan cities in the Gauteng Province. About a quarter of the national population lives in the three rapidly urbanizing cities of Johannesburg, Ekurhuleni and Tshwane, located in a semi-arid region. A literature review has been done and field visits to some of the utility facilities are being conducted. Semi-structured interviews will be conducted with the three utilities. The following critical factors are being analysed in terms of compliance with the national Water Services IAM Strategy (2011) and other applicable legislation: asset registers; capacity of assets; current and predicted demand; funding availability / budget allocations; plans: operation & maintenance, renewal & replacement, and risk management; no-drop status (non-revenue water levels); blue drop status (water quality); green drop status (effluent quality); and skills availability. Some of the key challenges identified in the literature review include: funding constraints, Skills shortage, and wastewater treatment plants operating beyond their design capacities. These challenges will be verified during field visits and research interviews. Gaps between literature and practice will be identified and relevant recommendations made if necessary. The objective of this study is to contribute to the resolution of the challenges brought about by the backlogs in the operation and maintenance of water and sanitation assets in the country in general, and in the three cities in particular, thus improving the sustainability thereof.

Keywords: asset management, backlogs, levels of service, sustainability, water and sanitation infrastructure

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Authors: Lilian Nantume Wampande

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Group-based strategies in the delivery of HIV care have opened up new avenues not only for meaningful participation for HIV positive people but also platforms for deconstruction and reconstruction of knowledge about living with the virus. Yet the contributions of such strategies among patients who live in high risk areas are still not explored. This case study research assessed the impact of HIV support networks on sexual health outcomes of HIV positive out-of-school adolescents residing in fishing islands of Kalangala in Uganda. The study population was out-of-school adolescents living with HIV and their sexual partners (n=269), members of their households (n=80) and their health service providers (n=15). Data were collected via structured interviews, observations and focus group discussions between August 2016 and March 2017. Data was then analyzed inductively to extract key themes related to the approaches and outcomes of the groups’ activities. The study findings indicate that support groups unite HIV positive adolescents in a bid for social renegotiation to achieve change but individual constraints surpass the groups’ intentions. Some adolescents for example reported increased fear which led to failure to cope, sexual violence, self-harm and denial of status as a result of the high expectations placed on them as members of the support groups. Further investigations around this phenomenon show that HIV networks play a monotonous role as information sources for HIV positive out-of-school adolescents which limit their creativity to seek information elsewhere. Results still indicate that HIV adolescent groups recognize the complexity of long-term treatment and stay in care leading to improved immunity for the majority yet; there is still scattered evidence about how effective they are among adolescents at different phases in the disease trajectory. Nevertheless, the primary focus of developing adolescent self-efficacy and coping skills significantly address a range of disclosure difficulties and supports autonomy. Moreover, the peer techniques utilized in addition to the almost homogeneous group characteristics accelerates positive confidence, hope and belongingness. Adolescent HIV-support groups therefore have the capacity to both improve and/or worsen sexual health outcomes for a young adolescent who is out-of-school. Communication interventions that seek to increase awareness about ‘self’ should therefore be emphasized more than just fostering collective action. Such interventions should be sensitive to context and gender. In addition, facilitative support supervision done by close and trusted health care providers, most preferably Village Health Teams (who are often community elected volunteers) would help to follow-up, mentor, encourage and advise this young adolescent in matters involving sexuality and health outcomes. HIV/AIDS prevention programs have extended their efforts beyond individual focus to those that foster collective action, but programs should rekindle interpersonal level strategies to address the complexity of individual behavior.

Keywords: adolescent, HIV, support groups, Uganda

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Authors: Yobo Opare-Addo

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Ghana came under a military and democratic rule of the same leadership from 1981-2000. These were the Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military government and a democratic government, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) both under the leadership of Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings. Meanwhile the year 1985 marked a turning point in the development of the tourism industry in Ghana. Interest in tourism among African governments and for that matter the ‘PNDC cum NDC Government’ (PNDC/NDC) arose because of adverse developments in intangible exports and a corresponding decline in commodity export earnings. The ‘PNDC/NDC Government’ undertook measures and policies to improve the tourism industry and at the same time embarked on export diversification to reap the foreign exchange that the industry could generate in Ghana. The objective of this paper is to examine the measures and policies of the PNDC/NDC to improve the tourism industry in order to reap the foreign exchange. It specifically interrogates the role of the government as an agent of tourism development, through its deliberate creation of a conducive environment for tourism to flourish, the involvement of the private sector both foreign and local and the provision of tourism facilities and infrastructure and how these factors impacted on the tourism industry in Ghana. In the final analysis it evaluates the degree of success of the PNDC/NDC Government in this arena of Ghana’s socio-cultural and economic development. Introduction The Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military government under the leadership of Flt. Lt J.J. Rawlings overthrew a constitutionally elected government of People’s National Party in 1981. In 1992, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) won the general election conducted in December. Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings, the party’s leader became the President of the Fourth Republic from January 1993 to December 2000. It was refreshing to see Ghanaians embrace democracy with renewed energy, zeal, and enthusiasm. This paper takes a critical look at the efforts of the PNDC cum NDC Government (PNDC/NDC) to develop tourism in Ghana during the period from 1981-2000 Methodology: Qualitative method of research was adopted for the study. Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources, and analysis was done using descriptive analysis because descriptive analysis made it possible to describe or summarize the statistical data in the research. To gather data from primary sources, questionnaires, oral interviews, and semi-structured discussions were conducted. Respondents included public officials from Ghana Tourist Board, Ministry of Tourism, Hoteliers, restaurant operators and travel and tour operators in Accra. Secondary data sources included articles in journals, reports, magazines, bulletins, and books. The major findings included statistical data for tourism arrivals and receipts during the period and the status of the industry by the year 2000. Conclusion: The paper contributes to knowledge on political and historical aspects of tourism development in Ghana, which is almost non-existent, attitudes of the PNDC cum NDC government towards tourism development and the debates on the generation of foreign exchange to Ghana and third world countries.

Keywords: ghana, infrastructure, policies, privatization, tourism facilities

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Authors: Ashish Kumar Dwivedi

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Uttar Pradesh is largest part of Indian Federal system encapsulating twenty two million populations and has huge cultural, economic and religious diversity. The newly elected 18 months old state leadership of Uttar Pradesh has envisaged and initiated various proactive strides for the public grievance redressal and inclusive development schemes for all the sections of population from its very day of assumption of the office by Hon’ble Chief Minster Shri Yogi Adtiyanath. These initiatives also include Departmental responses via social media handles as Twitter, Facebook Page, and Web interaction. In the same course, every department of state government has been guided for the correct usage of verified social media handle separately and in co-ordination with other departments. These guidelines included making new WhatsApp groups to connect technocrats and politicians to communicate on common platform. Minister for Department of Infrastructure and Industrial Development, Shri Satish Mahana is a very popular leader and very intuitive statesman, has thousands of followers on social media and his accounts receive almost three hundred individually mentioned notifications from the various parts of Uttar Pradesh. These notifications primarily include problems related to livelihood and grievances concerned to department. To address these communications, a body of five experts has been set who are actively responding on various levels and increase bureaucratic engagements with marginalized sections of society. With reference to above background, this piece of research was conducted to analyze, categorize and derive effective implementation of public policies via social media platforms. This act of responsiveness has brought positive change in the mindset of population for the government, which was missed earlier. Department of Industrial Development in the Government is also inclined to attract investors aiming to become first trillion-dollar economy of India henceforth department also organized two major successful events in last one year. These events were also frame worked on social media platform to update 2.5 million population of state who is actively using social media in many ways. To analyze change scientifically, this study has been conducted and big data has been collected from October 2017 to September 2018 from the departmental social media handles as Twitter, Facebook, and emails. For this data, a statistical study has been conducted to analyze sentiments and expectations, specific and common requirement of communities, nature of grievances and their effective elucidation fitted into government policies. The control sample has also been taken from previous government activities to analyze the change. The statistical study used tools such as correlation study and principal component analysis. Also in this research communication, the modus operandi of grievance redressal, proliferation of government policies, connections to their beneficiaries and quick response procedure will be discussed.

Keywords: correlation study, principal component analysis, bureaucratic engagements, social media

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Authors: Reggie Chandra

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Trafficaccidents and traffic signal optimization are correlated. However, 70-90% of the traffic signals across the USA are not synchronized. The reason behind that is insufficient resources to create and implement timing plans. In this work, we will discuss the use of a breakthrough Artificial Intelligence (AI) technology to optimize traffic flow and collect 24/7/365 accurate traffic data using a vehicle detection system. We will discuss what are recent advances in Artificial Intelligence technology, how does AI work in vehicles, pedestrians, and bike data collection, creating timing plans, and what is the best workflow for that. Apart from that, this paper will showcase how Artificial Intelligence makes signal timing affordable. We will introduce a technology that uses Convolutional Neural Networks (CNN) and deep learning algorithms to detect, collect data, develop timing plans and deploy them in the field. Convolutional Neural Networks are a class of deep learning networks inspired by the biological processes in the visual cortex. A neural net is modeled after the human brain. It consists of millions of densely connected processing nodes. It is a form of machine learning where the neural net learns to recognize vehicles through training - which is called Deep Learning. The well-trained algorithm overcomes most of the issues faced by other detection methods and provides nearly 100% traffic data accuracy. Through this continuous learning-based method, we can constantly update traffic patterns, generate an unlimited number of timing plans and thus improve vehicle flow. Convolutional Neural Networks not only outperform other detection algorithms but also, in cases such as classifying objects into fine-grained categories, outperform humans. Safety is of primary importance to traffic professionals, but they don't have the studies or data to support their decisions. Currently, one-third of transportation agencies do not collect pedestrian and bike data. We will discuss how the use of Artificial Intelligence for data collection can help reduce pedestrian fatalities and enhance the safety of all vulnerable road users. Moreover, it provides traffic engineers with tools that allow them to unleash their potential, instead of dealing with constant complaints, a snapshot of limited handpicked data, dealing with multiple systems requiring additional work for adaptation. The methodologies used and proposed in the research contain a camera model identification method based on deep Convolutional Neural Networks. The proposed application was evaluated on our data sets acquired through a variety of daily real-world road conditions and compared with the performance of the commonly used methods requiring data collection by counting, evaluating, and adapting it, and running it through well-established algorithms, and then deploying it to the field. This work explores themes such as how technologies powered by Artificial Intelligence can benefit your community and how to translate the complex and often overwhelming benefits into a language accessible to elected officials, community leaders, and the public. Exploring such topics empowers citizens with insider knowledge about the potential of better traffic technology to save lives and improve communities. The synergies that Artificial Intelligence brings to traffic signal control and data collection are unsurpassed.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, convolutional neural networks, data collection, signal control, traffic signal

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Authors: Pedro M. Rodrigues, Claudia Raposo, Denise Schrama, Marco Cerqueira

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Farmed fish welfare is a very recent concept, widely discussed among the scientific community. Consumers’ interest regarding farmed animal welfare standards has significantly increased in the last years posing a huge challenge to producers in order to maintain an equilibrium between good welfare principles and productivity, while simultaneously achieve public acceptance. The major bottleneck of standard aquaculture is to impair considerably fish welfare throughout the production cycle and with this, the quality of fish protein. Welfare assessment in farmed fish is undertaken through the evaluation of fish stress responses. Primary and secondary stress responses include release of cortisol and glucose and lactate to the blood stream, respectively, which are currently the most commonly used indicators of stress exposure. However, the reliability of these indicators is highly dubious, due to a high variability of fish responses to an acute stress and the adaptation of the animal to a repetitive chronic stress. Our objective is to use comparative proteomics to identify and validate a fingerprint of proteins that can present an more reliable alternative to the already established welfare indicators. In this way, the culture conditions will improve and there will be a higher perception of mechanisms and metabolic pathway involved in the produced organism’s welfare. Due to its high economical importance in Portuguese aquaculture Gilthead seabream will be the elected species for this study. Protein extracts from Gilthead Seabream fish muscle, liver and plasma, reared for a 3 month period under optimized culture conditions (control) and induced stress conditions (Handling, high densities, and Hipoxia) are collected and used to identify a putative fish welfare protein markers fingerprint using a proteomics approach. Three tanks per condition and 3 biological replicates per tank are used for each analisys. Briefly, proteins from target tissue/fluid are extracted using standard established protocols. Protein extracts are then separated using 2D-DIGE (Difference gel electrophoresis). Proteins differentially expressed between control and induced stress conditions will be identified by mass spectrometry (LC-Ms/Ms) using NCBInr (taxonomic level - Actinopterygii) databank and Mascot search engine. The statistical analysis is performed using the R software environment, having used a one-tailed Mann-Whitney U-test (p < 0.05) to assess which proteins were differentially expressed in a statistically significant way. Validation of these proteins will be done by comparison of the RT-qPCR (Quantitative reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction) expressed genes pattern with the proteomic profile. Cortisol, glucose, and lactate are also measured in order to confirm or refute the reliability of these indicators. The identified liver proteins under handling and high densities induced stress conditions are responsible and involved in several metabolic pathways like primary metabolism (i.e. glycolysis, gluconeogenesis), ammonia metabolism, cytoskeleton proteins, signalizing proteins, lipid transport. Validition of these proteins as well as identical analysis in muscle and plasma are underway. Proteomics is a promising high-throughput technique that can be successfully applied to identify putative welfare protein biomarkers in farmed fish.

Keywords: aquaculture, fish welfare, proteomics, welfare biomarkers

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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