Search results for: democracy ideology

Authors: Hafiz Sajjad Hussain, Asad Razzaq

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The study aims to explore the relationship between application of speech and discourse used by the political workers and their leaders for maintaining authoritative approach and dialog power. The representation of these relationships between ideology and language in the analysis of discourse and spoken text following Van Dijk Socio-Cognitive model. Media and political leaders are two pillars of a state and their role is so important for development and effects on the society. Media has become an industry in the recent years in the globe, and especially, the private sector developed a lot in the last decade in Pakistan. Media is the easiest way of communication with the large community in a short time and used discourse independently. The prime time of the news channels in Pakistan presents the political programs on most favorite story or incident of the day. The current program broadcasted by a private channel ARY News July 6, 2014 covered the most top story of the day. The son of Ex. CJ Arslan Iftikhar moves an application to Election Commission of Pakistan about the daughter of the most popular political leader and chairman PTI Imran Khan. This movement turns the whole scenario of the political parties and media got a hot issue form discussion. This study also shows that the ideology and meanings which are presented by the TV channels not always obvious for readers.

Keywords: electronic media, political discourse, ideology of media, power, authoritative approach

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Authors: Y.S. Lea

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This paper investigates the agricultural rituals in relation to the historical continuity of cultural ideology concerning the praxis of cultural sustenance of the indigenous Mayas. The praxis is delineated in two dimensions: 1) The ceremonial and quotidian rituals of the rural Q’eqchi’ Mayas in Lanquin, Guatemala; 2) The indigenous Maya resistance of 2014 against the legislation of the 'Law for the Protection of New Plant Varieties,' commonly known as 'the Monsanto Law' in Guatemala. Through the intersection of ideology in practice, the praxis of cultural sustenance is construed.

Keywords: Q'eqchi' Mayas, San Agustin Lanquin, Alta Verapaz, Guatemala, Maya animism, Q’eqchi' deities, Tzuultaq'as

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Authors: Amani Hassan Abu Atieh

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This study aims at examining the patterns of ideology reflected in the written discourse of women writers in the media of Jordan; Lana Mamkgh is taken as an example. This study critically analyzes the discursive, linguistic, and cognitive representations that she employs as an agent in the institutionalized discourse of the media. Grounded in van Dijk’s critical discourse analysis approach to Sociocognitive Discourse Studies, the present study builds a multilayer framework that encompasses van Dijk’s triangle: discourse, society, and cognition. Specifically, the study attempts to analyze, at both micro and macro levels, the underlying cognitive processes and structures, mainly ideology and discursive strategies, which are functional in the production of women’s discourse in terms of meaning, forms, and functions. Cognitive processes that social actors adopt are underlined by experience/context and semantic mental models on the one hand and social cognition on the other. This study is based on qualitative research and adopts purposive sampling, taking as an example a sample of an opinion article written by Lana Mamkgh in the Arabic Jordanian Daily, Al Rai. Taking her role as an agent in the public sphere, she stresses the National and feminist ideologies, demonstrating the use of assertive, evaluative, and expressive linguistic and rhetorical devices that appeal to the logic, ethics, and emotions of the addressee. Highlighting the agency of Jordanian writers in the media, the study sought to achieve the macro goal of dispensing political and social justice to the underprivileged. Further, the study seeks to prove that the voice of Jordanian women, viewed as underrepresented and invisible in the public arena, has come through clearly.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, sociocognitive theory, ideology, women discourse, media

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Authors: Puthsodary Tat

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Democracy has been categorially accepted and used as foreign and domestic policy agendas for the hope of peace, economic growth and prosperity for more than 25 years in Cambodia. However, the country is now in the grip of dictatorship, human rights violations, and prospective economic sanctions. This paper examines different perceptions and experiences of democratic assistance. In this study, the author employs discourse theory, idealism and realism as a theory-based methodology for debating and assessing the implications of democratization. Discourse theory is used to establish a platform for understanding discursive formations, body of knowledge and the games of truth of democracy. Idealist approaches give rational arguments for adopting key tenets that work well on the ground. In contrast, realism allows for some sweeping critiques of utopian ideal and offers particular views on why Western hegemonic missions do not work well. From idealist views, the research finds that Cambodian people still believe that democracy is a prima facie universality for peace, growth and prosperity. From realism, democratization is on the brink of death in three reasons. Firstly, there are tensions between Western and local discourses about democratic values and norms. Secondly, democratic tenets have been undermined by the ruling party-controlled courts, corruption, structural oppression and political patronage-based institutions. The third pitfall is partly associated with foreign aid dependency and geopolitical power struggles in the region. Finally, the study offers a precise mosaic of democratic principles that may be used to avoid a future geopolitical and economic crisis.

Keywords: corruption, democracy, democratic principles, discourse theory, discursive formations, foreign aid dependency, games of truth, geopolitical and economic crisis, geopolitical power struggle, hegemonic mission, idealism, realism, utopian ideal

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Authors: Nelvin Joseph, K. Krishna Milan Rao, Praveen Dwarakanath

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The explosive growth of Smart phones around the world has led to the shift of the primary engagement tool for entertainment from traditional consoles and music players to an all integrated device. Augmented Reality is the next big shift in bringing in a new dimension to the play. The paper explores the construct and working of the community engine in Delta T – an Augmented Reality game that allows users to evolve rules in the game basis collective bargaining mirroring democracy even in a gaming world.

Keywords: augmented reality, artificial neural networks, mobile application, human computer interaction, community engine

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Authors: Mehrnoosh Pirhayati

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Translation can be affected by different meta-textual factors of target context such as ideology, politics, and culture. So, the rule of fidelity, or being faithful to the source text, can be ignored by the translator. On the other hand, critical discourse analysis, derived from applied linguistics, is entered into the field of translation studies and used by scholars for revealing hidden deviations and possible roots of manipulations. This study focused on the famous Persian translation of the bestseller book, “A**hole No More,” written by XavierCrement 1990, performed by Mahmud Farjami to comparatively and critically analyze it with its corresponding English original book. The researcher applied Pirhayati’s model and framework of translation criticism at the textual and semiotic levels for this qualitative study. It should be noted that Kress and Van Leeuwen’s semiotic model, along with Machin’s model of typographical analysis, was also used at the semiotic level. The results of the comparisons and analyses indicate thatthis Persian translation of the book is affected by the factors of ideology and economics and reveal that the Islamic attitude causes the translator to employ some strategies such as substitution and deletion. Those who may benefit from this research are translation trainers, students of translation studies, critics, and scholars.

Keywords: farjami (2013), Ideology, manipulation, pirhayati's (2013) model of translation criticism, Xavier crement (1990)

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Authors: Molly Meadows

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Following the presidency of Donald J. Trump, Americans have become hyperaware of ethnocentrisms that plague the culture. The president's egoist ethics encouraged a divide between what the citizens of the US identified as just or unjust. In the race for global supremacy and leading ideology, fears have arisen, exacerbated by the ethnocentricity of the country's leader, pointing to the possible harmful ethical standards of competing nations. Due to the concept of ethical absolutism, an international code of ethics would not be possible, and the changes needed to eliminate the stigma surrounding other cultures of thought would need to come from the governing body of the US. As the current leading global ideology, the US would need its government to embody a transformational leadership style in order to unite the motivations of the citizens and encourage intercultural tolerance.

Keywords: ethics, transformational leadership, American politics, egoism, cultural intelligence, ethical relativism

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Authors: Magdalena Musiał-Karg

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The expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of our times. The recent worldwide convergence of information and communication technologies (ICT) and dynamic development of the mass media is leading to noticeable changes in the functioning of contemporary states and societies. Currently, modern technologies play more and more important roles and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life. It results in the growth of online interactions that can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PCs and Internet access. The proof of it is undoubtedly the emergence and use of concepts such as e-society, e-banking, e-services, e-government, e-government, e-participation and e-democracy. The newly coined word e-democracy evidences that modern technologies have also been widely used in politics. Without any doubt in most countries all actors of political market (politicians, political parties, servants in political/public sector, media) use modern forms of communication with the society. Most of these modern technologies progress the processes of getting and sending information to the citizens, communication with the electorate, and also – which seems to be the biggest advantage – electoral procedures. Thanks to implementation of ICT the interaction between politicians and electorate are improved. The main goal of this text is to analyze electronic voting (e-voting) as one of the important forms of electronic democracy in terms of security aspects. The author of this paper aimed at answering the questions of security of electronic voting as an additional form of participation in elections and referenda.

Keywords: electronic democracy, electronic voting, security of e-voting, information and communication technology (ICT)

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Authors: Simon B.A. Egli, Katja Rost

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Literature on redistributive preferences has proliferated in past decades. A core assumption behind it is that variation in redistributive preferences can explain different levels of redistribution. In contrast, this paper considers the reverse. What if it is redistribution that changes redistributive preferences? The core assumption behind the argument is that if self-interest - which we label concrete preferences - and ideology - which we label abstract preferences - come into conflict, the former will prevail and lead to an adjustment of the latter. To test the hypothesis, data from a survey conducted in Switzerland during the first wave of the COVID-19 crisis is used. A significant portion of the workforce at the time unexpectedly received state money through the short-time working program. Short-time work was used as a proxy for self-interest and was tested (1) on the support given to hypothetical, ailing firms during the crisis and (2) on the prioritization of justice principles guiding state action. In a first step, several models using OLS-regressions on political orientation were estimated to test our hypothesis as well as to check for non-linear effects. We expected support for ailing firms to be the same regardless of ideology but only for people on short-time work. The results both confirm our hypothesis and suggest a non-linear effect. Far-right individuals on short-time work were disproportionally supportive compared to moderate ones. In a second step, ordered logit models were estimated to test the impact of short-time work and political orientation on the rankings of the distributive justice principles need, performance, entitlement, and equality. The results show that being on short-time work significantly alters the prioritization of justice principles. Right-wing individuals are much more likely to prioritize need and equality over performance and entitlement when they receive government assistance. No such effect is found among left-wing individuals. In conclusion, we provide moderate to strong evidence that unexpectedly finding oneself at the receiving end changes redistributive preferences if personal ideology is antithetical to redistribution. The implications of our findings on the study of populism, personal ideologies, and political change are discussed.

Keywords: COVID-19, ideology, redistribution, redistributive preferences, self-interest

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Authors: Sumaira Saleem, Sajjad Hussain, Asma Kashif Shahzad, Hina Shaheen

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This study aims at exploring the relationship between language and ideology and how such relationships are represented in the analysis of spoken texts, following Van Dijk’s Socio Cognitive Model (2002). In this study, it is tried to show that political Talk shows broadcast by Private TV channels are working apparatuses of ideology and store meanings which are not always obvious for readers. This analysis was about the situation created by Arslan Iftkhar, the son of ex-Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudry and PTI Chief Imran Khan. Arslan Iftikhar submitted an application against Imran Khan that he is not able to become a member of parliament of Pakistan. In the application, he demanded the documents, which are submitted by Imran Khan at the time of Election to the Election Commission of Pakistan. Murad Ali from PTI also submitted an application against PM Nawaz Sharif to the Election Commission of Pakistan for providing the copies. It also suggests that these talk shows mystify the agency of processes by using various strategies. In other words, critical text analyses reveal how these choices enable speakers to manipulate the realizations of agency and power in the representation of action to produce particular meanings which are not always explicit for all readers.

Keywords: ECP, CDA, socio cognitive model, ideology, TV channels, power

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Authors: Louay Safi

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The notion of secular society that evolved over the last two centuries was initially intended to free the public sphere from religious imposition, before it assumed the form a comprehensive ideology whose aim is to prevent any overt religious expression from the public space. The negative view of religious expression, and the desire by political elites to purge the public space from all forms of religious expressions were first experienced in the Middle East in the last decades of the twentieth century in relation to Islam, before it manifests itself in the twentieth century Europe. Arab regimes were encouraged by European democracies to marginalize all forms of religious expressions in the public as part of the secularization process that was deemed necessary for modernization and progress. The prohibition of Islamic symbols and outlawing the headscarf was first undertaken to Middle Eastern republics, such as Turkey in 1930s and Syria in 1970s, before it is implemented recently in France. Secularization has been perceived by European powers as the central aspect of social and political liberalization, and was given priority over democratization and human rights, so much so that European elites were willing to entrust the task of nurturing liberal democracy to Arab autocrats and dictators. Not only did the strategy of empowering autocratic regimes to effect liberal democratic culture failed, but it contributed to the rise of Islamist extremism and produced failed states in Syria and Iraq that undermine both national and global peace and stability. The paper adopts the distinction made by John Rawls between political and comprehensive liberalism to argue that the modernization via secularization in Muslim societies is counterproductive and has subverted early successful efforts at democratization and reform in the Middle East. Using case studies that illustrate the role of the secularization strategy in Syria, Iran, and Egypt in undermining democratic and reformist movements in those countries, the paper calls for adopting a different approach rooted in liberal and democratic values rather than cultural practices and lifestyle. The paper shows that Islamic values as articulated by reform movements support a democratic and pluralist political order, and emphasizes the need to legitimize and support social forces that advocate democracy and human rights. Such an alternative strategy allows for internal competition among social groups for popular support, and therefore enhances the chances that those with inclusive and forward-looking political principles and policies would create a democratic and pluralist political order more conducive to meaningful national and global cooperation, and respectful of human dignity.

Keywords: democracy, Islamic values, political liberalism, secularization

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Authors: Cetin Balanuye

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The present study aims to accomplish two tasks: First, it critically reinterprets the actual relationship between democracy and the modern state in order to show that it is responsible for most of our current political problems and dilemmas. Second, it is argued that this relationship can be reimagined for better, and Spinozistic notions such as ‘conatus’, ‘power’ and ‘virtue’ are crucial in this pursuit. The significance of the present study lies in several interrelated observations: The world has never been a more heterogeneous place than today. People from different religious, cultural and historical backgrounds do equally have 'good reasons' to hold that their world views are the best ones. We have almost no authority to be respected equally by all these different world views. We no longer have gods at once we had in our ancient times. We have three big monotheistic religions, yet the God of which is significantly different from each other. The worse is that the believers of these religions do not seem eager to perform a duet, but rather tend to fight a duel with each other. Thanks to post-modernism, neither reason nor science is any longer seen as universally value-neutral guide to be employed in our search for a common ground. In sum, the question 'how should I live?' has never generated this much diversity before in terms of answers and the answers have never been this much away from a fairly objective evaluation. Our so-called liberal democracies are supposed to perform against this heterogenous, antagonistic and self-sustained web of discursive background. It is argued that our conception of 'State' with a weak emphasis on democracy is not a solution, if not itself the source of this topsy-turvy. Weak emphasis on democracy should be understood here as a kind of liberal democracy which operates in a partisan State, one which takes sides among rivals either for this or against that world view. This conception of State rests on a misleading understanding of the concept of power, and it is argued that it can only be corrected by means of a Spinoza-informed ontology of politics. The role of State in such an ontology is no longer a partisanship of any kind, nor is it representative of all-encompassing authority to favor any world view. State in this Spinozistic ontology equally encourages world views and their discursive practices to let them increase the power of acting and have more power to affect rules and regulations. World views can enhance every medium -in the sense of nonviolence ethology- to increase their power of acting. The more active a world view is, the more powerful and the more virtuous it is in terms of its effective power on the State. Though Spinoza has provided us with a limited guideline to understand what kind of democracy, he actually had in his mind, his ontology developed in Ethics is rich enough to imagine and inspire a better democratic practice to help us sustain the modern State in our extremely pluralistic contemporary societies.

Keywords: democracy, Islam, power, Spinoza

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Authors: Pedro Cardoso Alves, Ana Lucia Galinkin, José Carlos Ribeiro

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Political participation, can be a somewhat tricky subject to define, not in small part due to the constant changes in the concept fruit of the effort to include new forms of participatory behavior that go beyond traditional institutional channels. With the advent of the internet and mobile technologies, defining political participation has become an even more complicated endeavor, given de amplitude of politicized behaviors that are expressed throughout these mediums, be it in the very organization of social movements, in the propagation of politicized texts, videos and images, or in the micropolitical behaviors that are expressed in daily interaction. In fact, the very frontiers that delimit physical and digital spaces have become ever more diluted due to technological advancements, leading to a hybrid existence that is simultaneously physical and digital, not limited, as it once was, to the temporal limitations of classic communications. Moving away from those institutionalized actions of traditional political behavior, an idea of constant and fluid participation, which occurs in our daily lives through conversations, posts, tweets and other digital forms of expression, is discussed. This discussion focuses on the factors that precede more direct forms of political participation, interpreting the relation between informational habits, ideology, and political efficacy. Though some of the informational habits can be considered political participation, by some authors, a distinction is made to establish a logical flow of behaviors leading to participation, that is, one must gather and process information before acting on it. To reach this objective, a quantitative survey is currently being applied in Brazilian social media, evaluating feelings of political efficacy, social and economic issue-based ideological stances and informational habits pertaining to collection, fact-checking, and diversity of sources and ideological positions present in the participant’s political information network. The measure being used for informational habits relies strongly on a mix of information literacy and political sophistication concepts, bringing a more up-to-date understanding of information and knowledge production and processing in contemporary hybrid (physical-digital) environments. Though data is still being collected, preliminary analysis point towards a strong correlation between information habits and political efficacy, while ideology shows a weaker influence over efficacy. Moreover, social ideology and economic ideology seem to have a strong correlation in the sample, such intermingling between social and economic ideals is generally considered a red flag for political polarization.

Keywords: political efficacy, ideology, information literacy, cyberpolitics

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Authors: J. Scott Kenney

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Not all pain is created equal. In recent decades, the concept of Illegitimate pain has begun to shed light on the phenomena of emotional and physical pain that is misunderstood, neglected, or stigmatized, broadly conceptualized along dimensions of relative legitimation and physicality. Yet, beyond a pioneering study of the suffering of closeted LGBTQ + individuals, along with an analysis of the pains experienced by students at a religious boarding school, there has been insufficient attention to what lies behind such marginalized suffering beyond the original claim that it relates to broad interpretive standards and structured power relations, mediated through interaction in various groups/settings. This paper seeks to delve theoretically into this underdeveloped terrain. Building on earlier work, it takes direct aim at the definitional aspect that lies analytically prior to such matters, theoretically unpacking the role of ideology. Following a general introduction focused on theoretical relationships between social structure, power, and ideas, the paper reviews a range of sociological literature on relevant matters. After condensing the insights from these various literatures into a series of theoretical statements, the paper analytically engages with these to articulate a series of theoretical and methodological elaborations intended to practically assist researchers in empirically examining such matters in today's complex social environment.

Keywords: deviance, ideology, illegitimate pain, social theory, victimization

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Authors: Shatha Khuzaee

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The study develops multimodal stylistic approach to analyse a number of BBC online news articles reporting some key events from the so called ‘Arab Uprisings’. Critical stylistics (CS) and visual grammar (VG) provide insightful arguments to the ways ideology is projected through different verbal and visual modes, yet they are mode specific because they examine how each mode projects its meaning separately and do not attempt to clarify what happens intersemiotically when the two modes co-occur. Therefore, it is the task undertaken in this research to propose multimodal stylistic approach that addresses the issue of ideology construction when the two modes co-occur. Informed by functional grammar and social semiotics, the analysis attempts to integrate three linguistic models developed in critical stylistics, namely, transitivity choices, prioritizing and hypothesizing along with their visual equivalents adopted from visual grammar to investigate the way ideology is constructed, in multimodal text, when text/image participate and interrelate in the process of meaning making on the textual level of analysis. The analysis provides comprehensive theoretical and analytical elaborations on the different points of integration between CS linguistic models and VG equivalents which operate on the textual level of analysis to better account for ideology construction in news as non-literary multimodal texts. It is argued that the analysis well thought out a plan that would remark the first step towards the integration between the well-established linguistic models of critical stylistics and that of visual analysis to analyse multimodal texts on the textual level. Both approaches are compatible to produce multimodal stylistic approach because they intend to analyse text and image depending on whatever textual evidence is available. This supports the analysis maintain the rigor and replicability needed for a stylistic analysis like the one undertaken in this study.

Keywords: multimodality, stylistics, visual grammar, social semiotics, functional grammar

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Authors: Edwin Onwuka, Segun Omidiora, Eugenia Abiodun-Eniaiyekan

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The Nigerian military is often the subject of active critical inquiries having played significant roles in Nigeria’s national development. However, the soldier is one of the most vilified characters in Nigeria’s imaginative literature, be it in poetry, drama or prose fiction. In the main, the characterization of soldiers is predictable because of their entrenched stereotype as oppressors, tyrants, bullies, rapists, despots, killers or at best law-breakers subject to no authority outside the military institution. In most novels, the soldier’s personality is associated with force and violence; still, few have defied the norm to portray soldiers that go against the grain of notoriety. Such novels have characterized the Nigerian soldier positively as a civil, thinking and human personality in relating to civil society. To a great extent, two major impetuses that influence literary representation of characters and institutions in African literature are ideology and commitment, and one necessarily impacts on the other in shaping the artistic vision of the writer. Using two war novels therefore as templates, this paper argues that the ideology that drives the Nigerian writer’s socio-cultural commitment to national development shapes their portrayal of the Nigerian soldier in imaginative literature. A major objective of this study, therefore, is to show through close textual analysis that the writers’ ideologies influence their perception and characterization of the Nigerian soldier in Isidore Okpewho’s The Last Duty and Festus Iyayi’s Heroes, two representative novels of both persuasions described above. New Historicism is the critical framework applied in this study and its conclusion is that the Nigerian writer’s characterization of the soldier is influenced by his ideological perception of the military in the policy against the backdrop of their past socio-political activities.

Keywords: commitment, ideology, national development, new historicism, Nigerian soldier

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Authors: Chuenaarom Chantimachaiamorn

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This study is an analysis of the roles of the Thai monks i.e. the Sangha in the development of the civil society, democracy and politics in Thailand. This study may be significant for determining the relation of Buddhism and its Sangha to the Thai society and polity. This study is based upon the documentary research from the sources of Pali Scripture, historical documents, and other publications and related matter, including with the interviews concerning political thought and role of high senior monk, scholarly monks and Dhamma-espousing monk who are well known and accepted by people in general for their political role in contemporary Thai society.

Keywords: Buddhism, role, monk, Sangha, civil society, politics

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Authors: Hsiao-Yung Wang

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This paper aims to elaborate the rhetorical strategies and its inherent dialectical tensions between transgender movement and gay movement in Taiwan; thereby, a radical/populist democratic model will be reproblematized for theorizing the internal dialogicity of the 'umbrella metaphor' of the so-called 'LGBT' label. Firstly, it examined how the representative gay community in Taiwan defined the category of 'LGBT' by its visual rhetoric of pride parade during the last two decades, and how the imaginary of 'transgender' was systematically precluded or even silenced by 'cisgender privilege' or 'cisnormativity' of the gay community in general. Secondly, it employed Laclau & Mouffe’s (1985) perspective of 'empty signifier' which derives from their radical democratic theorization and populist reason, to explore the rhetorical strategies and language tactics on which transgender activists relied for arguing or mapping both the cooperative and competitive relationship with cisgender allies intentionally. Based on research findings, this paper argued that a relationship between rather than an amalgamation of sexual orientation and gender identity should be recognized. Moreover, that resisting defining transgender as other and everyone else as normal could be the critical issue of LGBT community as a whole, especially while it proceeds toward to a radical/populist democracy.

Keywords: empty signifier, LGBT, populist reason, radical democracy, rhetoric, transgender

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Authors: Merle Talvik, Taimi Tulva, Kristi Puusepp, Ülle Ernits

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Background data. In 1940–1941 and 1945–1991 Estonia was occupied by Soviet Union. Paternalism was a common principle in Soviet social policy, including health care. The Soviet government, not the individuals themselves, decided on achieving a person’s quality of life. With the help of Soviet ideology, the work culture of nurses was constructed and the education system was also reshaped according to the ideology. The “new period of awakening” was initiated under Gorbachev’s perestroika and glasnost (1985–1991), leading to democratization. Aim. The qualitative study aimed to analyze nursing education in Soviet Estonia in the conditions of paternalistic orientation and ideological pressure. Method. The research was conducted in 2021 and 2023. Senior nurses (aged 69–87) who had worked for at least 20 years during the Soviet era were surveyed. Thematic interviews were conducted in written form and orally (13 interviewees), followed by a focus group interview (8 interviewees). A thematic content analysis was performed. Results. Nursing is part of society’s culture and in this sense, in - terviews with nurses provide us with critical information about the functioning of society and cultural identity at a given time. During the Soviet era the training of nurses occured within vocational training institutions. The curricula underwent a shift towards a Soviet-oriented approach. A significant portion of lessons were dedicated to imparting knowledge on the principles and tenets of Communist-Marxist ideology. Therefore, practical subjects and nursing theory were frequently allocated limited space. A paternalistic orientation prevailed in health care: just as the state regulated how to cure, spread hygiene, and healthy lifestyles propaganda, training was also determined by the management of the institution, thereby limiting the person´s autonomy to decide what kind of training was needed. The research is of significant value in the context of the history of nursing, as it helps to understand the difficulties and complexity of the development of nursing on the timeline. The Soviet era still affects Estonian society today and will continue to do so in the future. The same type of developments occurred in other post-Soviet countries.

Keywords: Estonian SSR, nursing education, paternalism, senior nurse, Soviet ideology

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Authors: J. Tochukwu Omenma

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Buzzword in Nigeria is that democracy has “come to stay”. Politicians in their usual euphoria consider democracy as already consolidated in the country. Politicians linked this assumption to three fundamental indicators – (a) multiparty system; (b) regular elections and (c) absence of military coup after 15 years of democracy in Nigeria. Beyond this assumption, we intend to empirically verify these claims and assumptions, by relying on Huntington’s conceptualization of democratic consolidation. Though, Huntington asserts that multipartism, regular elections and absence of any major obstacle leading to reversal of democracy are significant indicators of democratic consolidation, but the presence of those indicators must result to alternation of executive power for democratic consolidation to occur. In other words, regular conduct of election and existence of multiple political parties are not enough for democratic consolidation, rather free and fair elections. Past elections were characterized of massive fraud and irregularities casting doubts on integrity of electoral management body (EMB) to conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria. There are three existing perspectives that have offered responses to the emasculation of independence of EMB. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, influence the EMB activities with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that weakening of EMB power is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent; and the last, is that godfather(s) are in direct control of EMB members thereby controlling the process of electoral process to the advantage of the godfather(s). With empirical evidence sourced from the reports of independent election monitors, (European Union, Election Observation Mission in Nigeria) this paper shows at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent and godfather have been more associated with influencing election results than the opposition. The existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent’s overbearing influence thereby limiting opportunity for free and fair elections and by extension undermining the process of democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

Keywords: political party, democracy, democratic consolidation, election, godfatherism

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Authors: Izabela Kapsa

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Civic participation is an important aspect of democracy. The contemporary model of democracy is based on citizens' participation in political decision-making (deliberative democracy, participatory democracy). This participation takes many forms of activities like display of slogans and symbols, voting, social consultations, political demonstrations, membership in political parties or organizing civil disobedience. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 are characterized by great social, economic and political diversity. Civil society is also part of the process of democratization. Civil society, funded by the rule of law, civil rights, such as freedom of speech and association and private ownership, was to play a central role in the development of liberal democracy. Among the many interpretations of concepts, defining the concept of contemporary democracy, one can assume that the terms civil society and democracy, although different in meaning, nowadays overlap. In the post-communist countries, the process of shaping and maturing societies took place in the context of a struggle with a state governed by undemocratic power. State fraud or repudiation of the institution is a representative state, which in the past was the only way to manifest and defend its identity, but after the breakthrough became one of the main obstacles to the development of civil society. In Central and Eastern Europe, there are many obstacles to the development of civil society, for example, the elimination of economic poverty, the implementation of educational campaigns, consciousness-related obstacles, the formation of social capital and the deficit of social activity. Obviously, civil society does not only entail an electoral turnout but a broader participation in the decision-making process, which is impossible without direct and participative democratic institutions. This article considers such broad forms of civic participation and their characteristics in Central and Eastern Europe. The paper is attempts to analyze the functioning of electronic forms of civic participation in Central and Eastern European states. This is not accompanied by a referendum or a referendum initiative, and other forms of political participation, such as public consultations, participative budgets, or e-Government. However, this paper will broadly present electronic administration tools, the application of which results from both legal regulations and increasingly common practice in state and city management. In the comparative analysis, the experiences of post-communist bloc countries will be summed up to indicate the challenges and possible goals for further development of this form of citizen participation in the political process. The author argues that for to function efficiently and effectively, states need to involve their citizens in the political decision-making process, especially with the use of electronic tools.

Keywords: Central and Eastern Europe, e-participation, e-government, post-communism

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Authors: Brang Mai Lazing

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The central argument of this paper proposes that while democracy cannot guarantee transparency, authentic transparency within the hierarchy of the Church can be pursued as a means of dealing with cases of clergy sexual abuse. Amid the recent global scandal of clergy sexual abuse cases, a previous study has argued that a democratic rule should be applied to the administration of the Church so that, while a democratic Church could be compelled to exercise greater transparency when handling such cases, the Church might thereby regain credibility. Using the methodology of literature analysis, this paper explores the necessity for hierarchy and finds that democracy cannot be a guarantee for transparency. Further, through a dialogue between the theological insights of Benedict XVI and Edward Schillebeeckx, this paper argues that transparency practices are possible within the hierarchy of the Catholic Church in dealing with clergy sexual abuse cases. Finally, three implications of transparency in dealing with clergy sexual abuse cases are proposed, viz.: (a) that the harm which is ultimately done to the sacred faith of believers and to the sacred origin of the hierarchy through clergy sexual abuse cases should be given greater emphasis, (b) that the removal of unnecessary layers within the Church hierarchy or replacement with layers empowered with the authority to effect change might help implement accountability and transparency practices, and (c) that any changes made to enhance transparency should be made in terms of ‘adaptability’.

Keywords: Benedict XVI, clergy sexual abuses, democracy, Edward Schillebeeckx, hierarchy, transparency

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Authors: Dina Tawfic, Robert Hassan

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The current chapter addresses Al-Azhar's strategy to counter extremism in tandem with reflecting on the ideology of the Islamic establishment itself. The topic is motivated by the fact that some of the Western governments have been relying on Al-Azhar to counter the ideology of Islamist radicalism and violent extremism, in particular during the rise of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (known as ISIS/ ISIL/ Daesh) in 2014/2015. In his visit to Egypt in June 2016, Brett McGurk, the then U.S. envoy for the global coalition to counter ISIS, commended Al-Azhar’s “intellectual and reforming role” in refuting the ideology of extremism. On the other hand, Egyptian liberal intellectuals, such as Farag Fouda (1945- 1992) and Nasr Hamed Abu Zeid (1943-2010), had always questioned the ideological capability of Al-Azhar to counter extremism, citing the rigidity and resistance of the Islamic establishment to carry out genuine reformation. This chapter aims to discuss the following research questions: what is the strategy of Al-Azhar to counter extremism? Does Al-Azhar have a solid strategy to combat online propaganda produced by violent extremist groups? Is it applicable to identify Al-Azhar ideological identity? and is it capable of countering extremism? To answer these questions, I conducted intensive interviews with seven senior scholars and officials at Al-Azhar and the Endowments ministry from September to December 2020. Using a qualitative approach as a backdrop, this project uses semi-structured interviews to collect data. Participants were briefed on the purpose of the study and consented to be interviewed and to record their interviews. Some of the participants chose to conceal their names. All the interviews were conducted in Arabic via Zoom. The researcher then transcribed and translated the interviews into English. A purposive sample is used to select the seven interviewees, based on their prominence and experience in the field of counter-extremism and Al-Azhar affairs. The researcher uses a snowball sample to select the sample, in which a personal contact recommends other officials within the establishment.

Keywords: Al-Azhar, Egypt, Counter-Extremism, Political Islam, Ideology

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Authors: Ada Yurman

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Social reactions to deviant groups with political goals follow two central patterns; one that associates personal characteristics with deviant behavior, and the other that claims that society is to be blamed for deviant behavior. The establishment usually tends towards the former notion and thus disclaims any responsibility for the distress of the underprivileged, while it is usually those who oppose government policies who believe that the fault lies with society. The purpose of the present research was to examine social reactions to the Wadi Salib riots that occurred in Haifa in 1959. These riots represented the first ethnic protest within Israeli society with its ideology of the ingathering of the exiles. The central question was whether this ideology contributed to the development of a different reaction when compared to reactions to similar events abroad. This question was examined by means of analyzing articles in the Israeli press of that period. The Israeli press representing the views of the establishment was at pains to point out that the rioters were criminals, their object being to obstruct the development of society. Opposition party leaders claimed that the rioters lived in poor circumstances, which constituted a direct result of government policies. An analysis of press reports on the Wadi Salib riots indicates a correspondence between the reaction to these events and similar events abroad. Nevertheless, the reaction to the Wadi Salib riots did not only express a conflict between different political camps, but also different symbolic universes. Each group exploited the events at Wadi Salib to prove that their ideology was the legitimate one.

Keywords: riots, media, political deviance, symbolic universe

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Authors: Shu Hui

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From 2013 to 2015, Tiny Times series gained huge commercial success. However, compared with the successful box office, these films received severe public criticism. Some scholars refer to these films as trash (lan pian) because of the fragment narrative, the non-professional photographing, and advocating money warship. Differing from other popular films, the popularity of Tiny Times series is actually generated from the fantasy that presented on screen instead of good stories or photographs. The fantasy is desired by the public and then formulates its popularity. Based on Jacques Lacan’s fantasy theory, the paper aims to explain what kind of fantast the films present. Then, according to hegemony theory, the paper will illustrate why the public desires such a fantasy and how the fantasy causes the criticism as well. The dominant ideology (patriarchy) conspires with or manipulates consumerism, which brings about the female's fantasy in Tiny Times. Because consumerism interrogates Confucianism, the film received public criticism for highlighting the former.

Keywords: fantasy, desire, ideology, popularity

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Authors: Lorenzo Buti

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This paper investigates the nature of democratic action through a critical reading of Claude Lefort’s notion of the democratic ‘regime’. Lefort provides one of the most innovative accounts of the essential features of a democratic regime. According to him, democracy is a political regime that acknowledges the indeterminacy of a society and stages it as a contestation between competing political actors. As such, democracy provides the symbolic markers of society’s openness towards the future. However, despite their democratic features, the recent decades in late capitalist societies attest to a sense of the future becoming fixed and predetermined. This suggests that Lefort’s conception of democracy harbours a misunderstanding of the character and experience of democratic action. This paper examines this underlying tension in Lefort’s work. It claims that Lefort underestimates how a democratic regime, next to its symbolic function, also takes a materially constituted form with its particular dynamics of power relations. Lefort’s systematic dismissal of this material dimension for democratic action can lead to the contemporary paradoxical situation where democracy’s symbolic markers are upheld (free elections, public debate, dynamic between government and opposition in parliament,…) but the room for political decision-making is constrained due to a myriad of material constraints (e.g., market pressures, institutional inertias). The paper draws out the implications for the notion of democratic action. Contra Lefort, it argues that democratic action necessarily targets the material conditions that impede the capacity for decision-making on the basis of equality and liberty. This analysis shapes our understanding of democratic action in two ways. First, democratic action takes an asymmetrical, insurgent form, as a contestation of material power relations from below. Second, it reveals an ambivalent position vis-à-vis the political regime: democratic action is symbolically made possible by the democratic dispositive, but it contests the constituted form that the democratic regime takes.

Keywords: Claude Lefort, democratic action, material constitution, political regime

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Authors: Kaida Kobylka

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Museum education policy can be developed through the lens of radical democracy and radically democratic relational aesthetics to provoke a more wholistic, agonistic, and utopian educational experiences that expand a viewer’s experiences and knowledge of artwork in a museum’s permanent collection to encourage a deeper understanding of art and the community of a museum’s connections to equity, diversity, inclusion, and decolonization. Practices used by the museum will create cohesive and engaging informal education that utilizes community-based, alternative knowledge and create dignity-safe spaces for viewers to engage critically with the visual objects.

Keywords: museum education, radical democracy, Canadian policy, community-based knowledge

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Authors: Amit Syal, Madeline Grade, Alister Martin

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Background: Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies demonstrate an association between health and voting. Furthermore, voting enables populations to support policies that impact their health via social determinants like income, education, housing, and healthcare access. Unfortunately, many barriers exist which disproportionately affect the civic participation of certain minority groups. Health professionals have an important role to play in addressing the civic health of all patients and empowering underrepresented communities. Description: Vot-ER is a non-partisan, nonprofit organization that aims to reduce barriers to civic participation by helping patients register to vote while in healthcare settings. The initial approach involved iPad-based kiosks in the emergency department waiting rooms, allowing patients to register themselves while waiting. After the COVID-19 pandemic began, Vot-ER expanded its touchless digital approaches. Vot-ER provides healthcare workers across the country with “Healthy Democracy Kits” consisting of badge backers, posters, discharge paperwork, and other resources. These contain QR and text codes that direct users to an online platform for registering to vote or requesting a mail-in ballot, available in English or Spanish. Outcomes: From May to November 2020, Vot-ER helped prepare 46,320 people to vote. 13,192 individual healthcare providers across all 50 states signed up for and received Healthy Democracy Kits. 80 medical schools participated in the Healthy Democracy Campaign competition. Over 500 institutions ordered site-based materials. Conclusions: A healthy democracy is one in which all individuals in a community have equal and fair opportunities for their voices to be heard. Healthcare settings, such as hospitals, are appropriate and effective venues for increasing both voter registration and education.

Keywords: civic health, enfranchisement, physician, voting

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Authors: Anton Andreev

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of a large part of the socialist regimes, left-wing parties all over the world entered the space of crisis, of problems with ideology, identity, with the definition of its goals and objectives. First of all, we can say that the communist parties actually lost their foundation. In 1992, despite the victory of left-wing forces, a Broad Front in which was the winner in the struggle against dictatorship plunged into a deep crisis, the nature of which is looking for a new platform, a new foundation, new goals. Thus, in the late 20th century, the party has revised theoretical beliefs and positions. Radical communist ideology was moderated to social reformism. Modern leftist movement in Uruguay is a movement of moderate reform. Left forces suggest going through successive changes. Changes in ideology and ideas have influenced to the understanding of foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union Broad Front has changed the direction of its diplomacy from the orientation to the Soviet state to support the USA policy. Government formed by Broad Front, supported the integration processes in the South America. Uruguay was developing the cooperation in the framework of MERCOSUR and began to create relationship with the new centers of power in world political space. Uruguay in the early 21st century is a country that starts to play important role in the international arena. Elections of 26 October 2014 should answer the question of support of internal policy of a Broad Front, as well as of the support of the diplomatic work of the "Left" governments of the country.

Keywords: Uruguay, broad front, Vazquez, international dimensions

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Authors: Alphan Telek

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Political secularism is different from philosophical secularism in terms of its inclusionary, peaceful, liberal and democratic aspects. Secularism as a political principle not only takes the separation of state and religion as a basis but also it aims to exclude any kind of ethnic, religious, racial, gender domination at the state level. Thus, although political secularism does not see any problem with the visibility and implementation of religious views and symbols in the public sphere, it stands against the fusion of political power and religious views or more generally any kind of identity. Iranian context especially the post-reformist period, which starts in 2005, shows religious and/or reformist intellectuals try to put forward the political secularism and make it attractable to the large masses. Three prominent figures of reformist intellectualism Abdolkarim Soroush, Mohsen Kadivar and Akbar Ganji form the basic vocabulary of political secularism in the post-reformist period of Iran. Their intellectual and political struggle against the Islamic regime’s anti-democratic policies and actions do carry significance not only for Iranian democracy but also for all Muslim people around the world that demand a more equal, free, and just society. The political and intellectual discourses of Iranian intellectuals indicate that political secularism is a requirement of democratic state and society. In this paper, it is discussed the relationship between political secularism, state, society, and Islam. Thus, it will be argued that secularism as a political principle is increasingly held by Iranian intellectuals to show the relation between secularism and democracy.

Keywords: political secularism, Iranian intellectuals, democracy, Middle East

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