Search results for: legislative

Authors: Zofia Romanowska

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Recently there have been significant changes in the Polish energy market. Due to the government's decision to strengthen energy security as well as to strengthen the implementation of the European Union common energy policy, the Polish energy market has been undergoing significant changes. In the face of these, it is necessary to answer the question about the direction the Polish energy rationing sector is going, how wide apart the powers of the state are and also whether the real regulator of energy projects in Poland is not in fact the European Union itself. In order to determine the role of the state as a regulator of the energy market, the study analyses the basic instruments of regulation, i.e. the licenses, permits and permissions to conduct various activities related to the energy market, such as the production and sale of liquid fuels or concessions for trade in natural gas. Bearing in mind that Polish law is part of the widely interpreted European Union energy policy, the legal solutions in neighbouring countries are also being researched, including those made in Germany, a country which plays a key role in the shaping of EU policies. The correct interpretation of the new legislation modifying the current wording of the Energy Law Act, such as obliging the entities engaged in the production and trade of liquid fuels (including abroad) to meet a number of additional requirements for the licensing and providing information to the state about conducted business, plays a key role in the study. Going beyond the legal framework for energy rationing, the study also includes a legal and economic analysis of public and private goods within the energy sector and delves into the subject of effective remedies. The research caused the relationships between progressive rationing introduced by the legislator and the rearrangement rules prevailing on the Polish energy market to be taken note of, which led to the introduction of greater transparency in the sector. The studies refer to the initial conclusion that currently, despite the proclaimed idea of liberalization of the oil and gas market and the opening of market to a bigger number of entities as a result of the newly implanted changes, the process of issuing and controlling the conduction of the concessions will be tightened, guaranteeing to entities greater security of energy supply. In the long term, the effect of the introduced legislative solutions will be the reduction of the amount of entities on the energy market. The companies that meet the requirements imposed on them by the new regulation to cope with the profitability of the business will in turn increase prices for their services, which will be have an impact on consumers' budgets.

Keywords: license, energy law, energy market, public goods, regulator

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Authors: Edward Shizha

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Citizenship is not only political, but it is also a socio-cultural expectation that naturalized immigrants desire for. However, the outcomes of citizenship desirability are determined by forces outside the individual’s control based on legislation and laws that are designed at the macro and exosystemic levels by politicians and policy makers. These laws are then applied to determine the status (permanency or temporariness) of citizenship for immigrants and refugees, but the same laws do not apply to non-immigrant citizens who attain it by birth. While theoretically, citizenship has generally been considered an irrevocable legal status and the highest and most secure legal status one can hold in a state, it is not inviolate for immigrants. While Article 8 of the United Nations Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness provides grounds for revocation of citizenship obtained by immigrants and refugees in host countries, nation-states have their own laws tied to the convention that provide grounds for revocation. Ever since the 9/11 attacks in the USA, there has been a rise in conditional citizenship and the state’s withdrawal of citizenship through revocation laws that denaturalize citizens who end up not merely losing their citizenship but also the right to reside in the country of immigration. Because immigrants can be perceived as a security threat, the securitization of citizenship and the legislative changes have been adopted to specifically allow greater discretionary power in stripping people of their citizenship.The paper ‘Do We Really Belong Here?’ Transnationalism and the Temporality of Naturalized Citizenship examines literature on the temporality of naturalized citizenship and questions whether citizenship, for newcomers (immigrants and refugees), is a protected human right or a privilege. The paper argues that citizenship in a host country is a well sought-after status by newcomers. The question is whether their citizenship, if granted, has a permanent or temporary status and whether it is treated in the same way as that of non-immigrant citizens. The paper further argues that, despite citizenship having generally been considered an irrevocable status in most Western countries, in practice, if not in law, for immigrants and refugees, citizenship comes with strings attached because of policies and laws that control naturalized citizenship. These laws can be used to denationalize naturalized citizens through revocations for those stigmatized as ‘undesirables’ who are threatened with deportation. Whereas non-immigrant citizens (those who attain it by birth) have absolute right to their citizenship, this is seldom the case for immigrants.This paper takes a multidisciplinary approach using Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, the macrosystem and exo-system, to examine and review literature on the temporality of naturalized citizenship and questions whether citizenship is a protected right or a privilege for immigrants. The paper challenges the human rights violation of citizenship revocation and argues for equality of treatment for all citizens despite how they acquired their citizenship. The fragility of naturalized citizenship undermines the basic rights and securities that citizenship status can provide to the person as an inclusive practice in a diverse society.

Keywords: citizenship, citizenship revocation, dual citizenship, human rights, naturalization, naturalized citizenship

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Authors: Carol Howells, Edwin Parks

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This paper explores the existing and evolving constitutional arrangements within the United Kingdom and within the wider international context of the EU. It considers the nature of an ‘English’ constitution and internal colonialism that underpins it. The debates over the UK’s exit from the EU have been many however the constitutional position of the devolved nations (Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales) is little understood or explored. Their constitutional position has been touched upon in academic debate (but not widely) and is only now beginning to receive attention. The paper considers the constitutional role of the legislatures within the UK; the UK Parliament Bill for exiting the European Union and provides a commentary on the Brexit process in relation to constitutional arrangements within the UK and EU. Questions arise over the constitutional framework and, whether, having delegated competencies, the UK Parliament can now legislate in relation to delegated competencies without the consent. The Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly are a permanent and a fixed feature of the UK’s constitution, but their position is set within the traditional concept of the ‘English’ constitution. The current situation is opaque and complex and raises significant constitutional questions. In relation to exit from the EU two of the nations did not vote in favour of Brexit and the third is in receipt of an inequitable funding settlement. Questions arise as to whether the work of modernising the UK’s constitution over the past twenty years in recognising the Nations and governments within those nations is now being unpicked and whether the piecemeal and unequal process of devolution and new constitutional arrangements hold weight. Questions of democratic legitimacy arise throughout. An advisory referendum (where no definition of the EU was provided) in which two of the four nations voted to leave the EU and two voted to remain has led the UK Government negotiating a wholesale exit from the EU based on ‘English’ constitutional law principles. Previous constitutional referendums in relation to devolution within the UK have been treated differently. Within the EU questions are being raised in relation to the focus on member states. The goals of the EU mention member countries and its purpose is seen as being to promote greater social, political and economic harmony among the nations of Europe. The emphasis on member states is proving challenging and has led flawed processes. Scrutiny of legislative proposals, historical developments, and social commentary reveal distinct national identities within the UK. Analysis of the debate, legislation and case law surrounding the exiting process from the EU reveal a muddled picture of a constitution in crisis and significant challenges to principles underpinning the rule of law. Suggestions are made for future reforms and a move towards new constitutional arrangements beyond the current ‘English’ constitution.

Keywords: English, constitution, parliament, devolved

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Authors: Kari Björn, Mikael Soini

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Higher Education system reforms, especially Finnish system of Universities of Applied Sciences in 2014 are discussed. The new steering model is based on major legislative changes, output-oriented funding and open information. The governmental steering reform, especially the financial model and the resulting institutional level responses, such as a curriculum reforms are discussed, focusing especially in engineering programs. The paper is motivated by management need to establish objective steering-related performance indicators and to apply them consistently across all educational programs. The close relationship to governmental steering and funding model imply that internally derived indicators can be directly applied. Metropolia University of Applied Sciences (MUAS) as a case institution is briefly introduced, focusing on engineering education in Information and Communications Technology (ICT), and its related programs. The reform forced consolidation of previously separate smaller programs into fewer units of student application. New curriculum ICT students have a common first year before they apply for a Major. A framework of parallel and longitudinal comparisons is introduced and used across Majors in two campuses. The new externally introduced performance criteria are applied internally on ICT Majors using data ex-ante and ex-post of program merger.  A comparative performance of the Majors after completion of joint first year is established, focusing on previously omitted Majors for completeness of analysis. Some new research questions resulting from transfer of Majors between campuses and quota setting are discussed. Practical orientation identifies best practices to share or targets needing most attention for improvement. This level of analysis is directly applicable at student group and teaching team level, where corrective actions are possible, when identified. The analysis is quantitative and the nature of the corrective actions are not discussed. Causal relationships and factor analysis are omitted, because campuses, their staff and various pedagogical implementation details contain still too many undetermined factors for our limited data. Such qualitative analysis is left for further research. Further study must, however, be guided by the relevance of the observations.

Keywords: engineering education, integrated curriculum, learning outcomes, performance measurement

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Authors: Raju K. Thadikkaran

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Introduction: The IPR have come to the centre stage of development discourse today for a variety of reasons: It ranges from the arbitrariness in the enforcement, overlapping and mismatch with various international agreements and conventions, divergence in the definition, nature and content and the duration as well as severe adverse consequences to technologically weak developing countries. In turn, the IPR have acquired prominence in the foreign policy making as well as in the relations among nations. Quite naturally, there is ample scope for an examination of the correlation between Technology, IPR and International Relations in the contemporary world. Nature and Scope: A cursory examination of the realm of IPR and its protection shall reveals the acute divergence that exists in the perspectives, on all matters related to the very definition, nature, content, scope and duration. The proponents of stronger protection, mostly technologically advanced countries, insist on a stringent IP Regime whereas technologically weak developing countries seem to advocate for flexibilities. From the perspective of developing countries like India, one of the most crucial concerns is related to the patenting of life forms and the protection of TK and BD. There have been several instances of Bio-piracy and Bio-prospecting of the resources related to BD and TK from the Bio-rich Global South. It is widely argued that many provisions in the TRIPS are capable of offsetting the welcome provisions in the CBD such as the Access and Benefit Sharing and Prior Informed Consent. The point that is being argued out is as to how the mismatch between the provisions in the TRIPS Agreement and the CBD could be addressed in a healthy manner so that the essential minimum legitimate interests of all stakeholders could be secured thereby introducing a new direction to the international relations. The findings of this study reveal that the challenges roused by the TRIPS Regime over-weigh the opportunities. The mismatch in the provisions in this regard has generated various crucial issues such as Bio-piracy and Bio-prospecting. However, there is ample scope for managing and protecting IP through institutional innovation, legislative, executive and administrative initiative at the global, national and regional levels. The Indian experience is quite reflective of the same and efforts are being made through the new national IPR policy. This paper, employing Historical Analytical Method, has Three Sections. The First Section shall trace the correlation between the Technology, IPR and international relations. The Second Section shall review the issues and potential concerns in the protection and management of IP related to the BD and TK in the developing countries in the wake of the TRIPS and the CBD. The Final Section shall analyze the Indian Experience in this regard and the experience of the bio-rich Kerala in particular.

Keywords: IPR, technology and international relations, bio-diversity, traditional knowledge

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Authors: Evelyn Asante Yeboah, Kwabena O. Asubonteng, Justice Camillus Mensah, Christine Furst

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Smallholder-dominated mosaic landscapes in rural Africa are relevant for food production, biodiversity conservation, and climate regulation. Land-use transitions threaten the multifunctionality of such landscapes, especially the production capacity of arable lands resulting in food security challenges. Using land-cover maps derived from maximum likelihood classification of Landsat satellite images for the years 2002, 2015, and 2020, post-classification change detection, landscape metrics, and key informant interviews, the study assessed the implications of rubber plantation expansion and oil business development on the food production capacity of Ahanta West District, Ghana. The analysis reveals that settlement and rubber areas expanded by 5.82% and 10.33% of the landscape area, respectively, between 2002 and 2020. This increase translates into over twice their initial sizes (144% in settlement change and 101% in rubber change). Rubber plantation spread dominates the north and southwestern areas, whereas settlement is widespread in the eastern parts of the landscape. Rubber and settlement expanded at the expense of cropland, palm, and shrublands. Land-use transitions between cropland, palm, and shrubland were targeting each other, but the net loss in shrubland was higher (-17.27%). Isolation, subdivision, connectedness, and patch adjacency indices showed patch consolidation in the landscape configuration from 2002 to 2015 and patch fragmentation from 2015 to 2020. The study also found patches with consistent increasing connectivity in settlement areas indicating the influence of oil discovery developments and fragmentation tendencies in rubber, shrubland, cropland, and palm, indicating springing up of smaller rubber farms, the disappearance of shrubland, and splitting up of cropland and palm areas respectively. The results revealed a trend in land-use transitions in favor of smallholder rubber plantation expansion and oil discovery developments, which suggest serious implications on food production systems and poses a risk for food security and landscape multifunctional characteristics. To ensure sustainability in land uses, this paper recommends the enforcement of legislative instruments governing spatial planning and land use in Ghana as embedded in the 2016 land-use and spatial planning act.

Keywords: food production systems, food security, Ghana’s west coast, land-use transitions, multifunctional rural landscapes

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Authors: Iyad Jadalhaq, Mohammed El Hadi El Maknouzi

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The place of Islamic law in the legal system of the UAE is best understood by introducing a differentiation between its role as a formal source of law and its influence as a material source of law. What this differentiation helps clarify is that the corpus of Islamic law constitutes a much deeper influence on adjudication, law-making and the legal profession in the UAE, than it might appear at first sight, by considering its formal position in the division of labor between courts, or legislative lists of sources of law. This paper aims to examine the role of Shariah in the UAE private law system by determining the comprehensiveness of Sharia in the legal system as a whole, and not in a limited way related to it as a source of law according to Article 1 of the Civil Transactions Law. Turning to the role of the Shariah as a formal source of law, it is useful to start from Article 1 of the UAE Civil Code. This provision lays out the formal hierarchy of sources of UAE private law, these being legislation, Islamic law, and custom. Hence, when deciding a civil dispute, a judge should first refer to positive legislation in force in the UAE. Lacking the rule to cover the case before him/her, the judge ought then to refer directly to Islamic law. If the matter lacks regulation in Islamic law, only then may the judge appeal to custom. Accordingly, in connection to civil transactions, Shariah is presented here, formally, as the second source of law. Still, Shariah law addresses many other issues beyond civil transactions, including matters of morals, worship, and belief. However, in Article 1 of the UAE Civil Code, the reference to Islamic law ought to be understood as limited to the rules it lays out for civil transactions. There are four main sets of courts in the judicial systems of the UAE, whose competence is based on whether a dispute touches upon civil and commercial transactions, criminal offenses, personal statuses, or labor relations. This sectorial and multi-tiered organization of courts as a whole constitutes an institutional development compatible with the long-standing affirmation in the Shariah of the legitimacy of the judiciary. Indeed, Islamic law authorizes the governing authorities to organize the judiciary, including by allocating specific types of cases to particular kinds of judges depending on the value of the case, or by assigning judges to a specific place in which they are to exercise their jurisdictional function. In view of this, the contemporary organization of courts in the UAE can be regarded as an organic adaptation, aligned with Shariah rules on the assignment of jurisdictional authority, to the growing complexity of modern society. Therefore, we can conclude to the comprehensive role of Shariah in the entire legal system of the United Arab Emirates, including legislation, a judicial system, institutional, and administrative work.

Keywords: Islamic jurisprudence, Shariah, UAE civil code, UAE private law

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Authors: Zolani Metu

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The death of more than 140 psychiatric patients who were unethically deinstitutionalized from the Life Esidimeni hospital Johannesburg, in 2016, shined a light on South Africa’s failing public mental healthcare system. Compounded by insufficient research evidence on African deinstitutionalization, this necessitates inquiries into deinstitutionalized mental healthcare, reintegration and community-based mental healthcare within the South African context. This study employed a quantitative research approach which utilized a cross-sectional research design, to investigate experiences with the reintegration of institutionalized forensic mental health service users into communities in the Western Cape, South Africa. A convenience sample of 100 mental health care workers from different occupational and organizational backgrounds in the Western Cape was purposively selected using the Western Cape Health Directorate as a sampling frame. A self-administered questionnaire (SAQ) was used as the data collection instrument. The results of the study indicate that criminogenic factors such as substance use, history of violent behaviour, criminal history and disruptive social behaviour complicate the reintegration of forensic mental health service users into communities. The current extent of reintegration of forensic mental health service users was found to be 'poor' (46%; n= 46); and financial difficulties, criminogenic factors and limited Community-Based Care (CBC) facilities were identified as key barriers to the reintegration process. 56% of all job applications for forensic mental health service users were unsuccessful, and 53% of all applications for their admission into CBC facilities were declined. Although social support (informal) was found to be essential for successful reintegration, institutional support (formal) through assertive community treatment (35%; n= 35) and CBC facilities (21%) and the disability grant (DG=50%) was found to be more important for family coping and reintegration. Moreover, 72% of respondents had positive perceptions about the process of reintegration; no statistically significant relationship was found between years of experience and perceptions about reintegration (P-value = 0.062); and perceptions were not found to be a barrier to reintegration. No statistically significant relationship was found between years of working experience and understanding the legislative framework of deinstitutionalization (P-Value =.0.061). However, using a Chi-square test, a significant relationship (P-value = 0.021) was found between sex and understanding the legal framework involved in the process of reintegration. The study recommends a post-2020 deinstitutionalization agenda that factors-in criminogenic realities associated with forensic mental health service users, and affirms the strengthening of PHC and community based care systems as precedents of successful deinstitutionalization and reintegration of mental health service users.

Keywords: forensic mental health, deinstitutionalization, reintegration, mental health service users

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Authors: Ivan Orozco

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Introduction: Forced contraception constitutes part of an effort to control the life and reproductive capacity of women through public health institutions. This phenomenon has affected many Mexican women historically and still persists nowadays. The notion of reproductive governmentality refers to the mechanisms through which different historical configurations of social actors (state institutions, churches, donor agents, NGOs, etc.) use legislative controls, economic incentives, moral mandates, direct coercion, and ethical incitements, to produce, monitor and control reproductive behaviors and practices. This research focuses on the use of these mechanisms by the Mexican State to control women's contraceptive practices in a public hospital. Method: An Institutional Ethnography was carried out, with the objective of knowing women's experiences from their own perspective, as they occur in their daily lives, but at the same time, discovering the structural elements that shape the discourses that promote women's contraception, even against their will. The fieldwork consisted in an observation of the dynamics between different participants within a public hospital and the conduction of interviews with the medical and nursing staff in charge of family planning services, as well as women attending the family planning office. Results: Public health institutions in Mexico are state tools to control and regulate reproduction. There are several strategies that are used for this purpose, for example, health personnel provide insufficient or misleading information to ensure that women agree to use contraceptives; health institutions provide economic incentives to the members of the health staff who reach certain goals in terms of contraceptive placement; young women are forced to go to the family planning service, regardless of the reason they went to the clinic; health campaigns are carried out, consisting of the application of contraceptives outside the health facilities, directly in the communities of people who visit the hospital less frequently. All these mechanisms seek for women to use contraceptives, from the women’s perspective; however, the reception of these discourses is ambiguous. While, for some women, the strategies become coercive mechanisms to use contraceptives against their will, for others, they represent an opportunity to take control over their reproductive lives. Conclusion: Since 1974, the Mexican government has implemented campaigns for the promotion of family planning methods as a means to control population growth. Although it is established in several legislations that the counselling must be carried out with a gender and human rights perspective, always respecting the autonomy of people, these research testify that health personnel uses different strategies to force some women to use contraceptive methods, thereby violating their reproductive rights.

Keywords: feminist research, forced contraception, institutional ethnography, reproductive. governmentality

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Authors: L. Sierra, N. Gambetta, M. A. Garcia-Benau, M. Orta

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Financial scandals and financial crisis have led to an international debate on the value of auditing. In recent years there have been significant legislative reforms aiming to increase markets’ confidence in audit services. In particular, there has been a significant debate on the need to improve the communication of auditors with audit reports users as a way to improve its informative value and thus, to improve audit quality. The International Auditing and Assurance Standards Board (IAASB) has proposed changes to the audit report standards. The International Standard on Auditing 701, Communicating Key Audit Matters (KAM) in the Independent Auditor's Report, has introduced new concepts that go beyond the auditor's opinion and requires to disclose the risks that, from the auditor's point of view, are more significant in the audited company information. Focusing on the companies included in the Financial Times Stock Exchange 100 index, this study aims to focus on the analysis of the determinants of the number of KAM disclosed by the auditor in the audit report and moreover, the analysis of the determinants of the different type of KAM reported during the period 2013-2015. To test the hypotheses in the empirical research, two different models have been used. The first one is a linear regression model to identify the client’s characteristics, industry sector and auditor’s characteristics that are related to the number of KAM disclosed in the audit report. Secondly, a logistic regression model is used to identify the determinants of the number of each KAM type disclosed in the audit report; in line with the risk-based approach to auditing financial statements, we categorized the KAM in 2 groups: Entity-level KAM and Accounting-level KAM. Regarding the auditor’s characteristics impact on the KAM disclosure, the results show that PwC tends to report a larger number of KAM while KPMG tends to report less KAM in the audit report. Further, PwC reports a larger number of entity-level risk KAM while KPMG reports less account-level risk KAM. The results also show that companies paying higher fees tend to have more entity-level risk KAM and less account-level risk KAM. The materiality level is positively related to the number of account-level risk KAM. Additionally, these study results show that the relationship between client’s characteristics and number of KAM is more evident in account-level risk KAM than in entity-level risk KAM. A highly leveraged company carries a great deal of risk, but due to this, they are usually subject to strong capital providers monitoring resulting in less account-level risk KAM. The results reveal that the number of account-level risk KAM is strongly related to the industry sector in which the company operates assets. This study helps to understand the UK audit market, provides information to auditors and finally, it opens new research avenues in the academia.

Keywords: FTSE 100, IAS 701, key audit matters, auditor’s characteristics, client’s characteristics

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Fahad Ibrahim, Raphaël Akamavi

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Bangladesh has encountered several industrial disasters (e.g. fire and building collapse tragedies) leading to the loss of valuable human lives. Irrespective of various institutions’ making effort to improve the safety situation, industry compliance and safety behaviour have not yet been improved. Hence, one question remains, to what extent does the institutional elements efficient enough to make any difference in improving safety behaviours? Thus, this study explores the relationship between institutional perspective and safety performance. Structural equation modelling results, using survey data from 256 RMG workers’ of 128 garments manufacturing factories in Bangladesh, show that institutional facets strongly influence management safety commitment to induce workers participation in safety activities and reduce workplace accident rates. The study also found that by upholding industrial standards and inspecting the safety situations, institutions facets significantly and directly affect workers involvement in safety participations and rate of workplace accidents. Additionally, workers involvement to safety practices significantly predicts the safety environment of the workplace. Subsequently, our findings demonstrate that institutional culture, norms, and regulations enact play an important role in altering management commitment to set-up a safer workplace environment. As a result, when workers’ perceive their management having high level of commitment to safety, they are inspired to be involved more in the safety practices, which significantly alter the workplace safety situation and lessen injury experiences. Due to the fact that institutions have strong influence on management commitment, legislative members should endorse, regulate, and strictly monitor workplace safety laws to be exercised by the factory owners. Further, management should take initiatives for adopting OHS features and conceive strategic directions (i.e., set up safety committees, risk assessments, innovative training) for promoting a positive safety climate to provide a safe workplace environment. Arguably, an inclusive public-private partnership is recommended for ensuring better and safer workplace for RMG workers. However, as our data were under a cross-sectional design; the respondents’ perceptions might get changed over a period of time and hence, a longitudinal study is recommended. Finally, further research is needed to determine the impact of improvement mechanisms on workplace safety performance, such as how workplace design, safety training programs, and institutional enforcement policies protect the well-being of workers.

Keywords: institutional perspective, management commitment, safety participation, work injury, safety performance, occupational health and safety

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Authors: Louise Reyntjens

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In response to Islamic-inspired terrorism and the growing trend of foreign fighters, European governments are increasingly relying on the deprivation of citizenship as a security tool. This development fits within a broader securitization of immigration, where the terrorist threat is perceived as emanating from abroad. As a result, immigration law became more and more ‘securitized’. The European migration crisis has reinforced this trend. This research evaluates the deprivation of citizenship from a human rights perspective. For this, the author selected four European countries for a comparative study: Belgium, France, the United Kingdom and Sweden. All these countries face similar social and security issues, vitalizing (the debate on) deprivation of citizenship as a counterterrorism tool. Yet, they adopt a very different approach on this: The United Kingdom positions itself on the repressive side of the spectrum. Sweden on the other hand, also ‘securitized’ its immigration policy after the recent terrorist hit in Stockholm but remains on the tolerant side of the spectrum. Belgium and France are situated in between. This contribution evaluates the deprivation of citizenship in Belgium. Belgian law has provided the possibility to strip someone of their Belgian citizenship since 1919. However, the provision long remained a dead letter. The 2015 Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris sparked a series of legislative changes, elevating the deprivation measure to a key security tool in Belgian law. Yet, the measure raises profound human rights issues. Firstly, it infringes the right to private and family life. As provided by Article 8 (2) European Court of Human Right (ECHR), this right can be limited if necessary for national security and public safety. Serious questions can however be raised about the necessity for the national security of depriving an individual of its citizenship. Behavior giving rise to this measure will generally be governed by criminal law. From a security perspective, criminal detention will thus already provide in removing the individual from society. Moreover, simply stripping an individual of its citizenship and deporting them constitutes a failure of criminal law’s responsibility to prosecute criminal behavior. Deprivation of citizenship is also discriminatory, because it differentiates, without a legitimate reason, between those liable to deprivation and those who are not. It thereby installs a secondary class of citizens, violating the European Court of Human Right’s principle that no distinction can be tolerated between children on the basis of the status of their parents. If followed by expulsion, deprivation also seriously jeopardizes the right to life and prohibition of torture. This contribution explores the human rights consequences of citizenship deprivation as a security tool in Belgium. It also offers a critical view on its efficacy for protecting national security.

Keywords: Belgium, counterterrorism strategies, deprivation of citizenship, human rights, immigration law

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Authors: Louise Reyntjens

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The last quarter of the twentieth century was characterized by the emergence of a new kind of terrorism: religiously-inspired terrorism. Islam finds itself at the heart of this new wave, considering the number of international attacks committed by Islamic-inspired perpetrators. With religiously inspired terrorism as an operating framework, governments increasingly rely on immigration law to counter such terrorism. Immigration law seems particularly useful because its core task consists of keeping ‘unwanted’ people out. Islamic terrorists more often than not have an immigrant background and will be subject to immigration law. As a result, immigration law becomes more and more ‘securitized’. The European migration crisis has reinforced this trend. The research explores the human rights consequences of immigration law’s securitization in Europe. For this, the author selected four European countries for a comparative study: Belgium, France, the United Kingdom and Sweden. All these countries face similar social and security issues but respond very differently to them. The United Kingdom positions itself on the repressive side of the spectrum. Sweden on the other hand also introduced restrictions to its immigration policy but remains on the tolerant side of the spectrum. Belgium and France are situated in between. This contribution evaluates the situation in Belgium. Through a series of legislative changes, the Belgian parliament (i) greatly expanded the possibilities of expelling foreign nationals for (vaguely defined) reasons of ‘national security’; (ii) abolished almost all procedural protection associated with this decision (iii) broadened, as an extra security measure, the possibility of depriving individuals condemned of terrorism of their Belgian nationality. Measures such as these are obviously problematic from a human rights perspective; they jeopardize the principle of legality, the presumption of innocence, the right to protection of private and family life and the prohibition on torture. Moreover, this contribution also raises questions about the efficacy of immigration law’s suitability as a counterterrorism instrument. Is it a legitimate step, considering the type of terrorism we face today? Or, is it merely a strategic move, considering the broader maneuvering space immigration law offers and the lack of political resistance governments receive when infringing the rights of foreigners? Even more so, figures demonstrate that today’s terrorist threat does not necessarily stem from outside our borders. Does immigration law then still absorb - if it has ever done so (completely) - the threat? The study’s goal is to critically assess, from a human rights perspective, the counterterrorism strategies European governments have adopted. As most governments adopt a variation of the same core concepts, the study’s findings will hold true even beyond the four countries addressed.

Keywords: Belgium, counterterrorism strategies, human rights, immigration law

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Authors: Sonia Boulos

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The prohibition on ‘inhuman treatment’ constitutes one of the central tenets of modern international human rights law. It is incorporated in principal international human rights instruments including Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. However, in the absence of any legislative definition of the term ‘inhuman’, its interpretation becomes challenging. The aim of this article is to critically analyze the interpretation of the term ‘inhuman’ in international human rights law and to suggest a new approach to construct its meaning. The article is composed of two central parts. The first part is a critical appraisal of the interpretation of the term ‘inhuman’ by supra-national human rights law institutions. It highlights the failure of supra-national institutions to provide an independent definition for the term ‘inhuman’. In fact, those institutions consistently fail to distinguish the term ‘inhuman’ from its other kin terms, i.e. ‘cruel’ and ‘degrading.’ Very often, they refer to these three prohibitions as ‘CIDT’, as if they were one collective. They were primarily preoccupied with distinguishing ‘CIDT’ from ‘torture.’ By blurring the conceptual differences between these three terms, supra-national institutions supplemented them with a long list of specific and purely descriptive subsidiary rules. In most cases, those subsidiary rules were announced in the absence of sufficient legal reasoning explaining how they were derived from abstract and evaluative standards embodied in the prohibitions collectively referred to as ‘CIDT.’ By opting for this option, supra-national institutions have created the risk for the development of an incoherent body of jurisprudence on those terms at the international level. They also have failed to provide guidance for domestic courts on how to enforce these prohibitions. While blurring the differences between the terms ‘cruel,’ ‘inhuman,’ and ‘degrading’ has consequences for the three, the term ‘inhuman’ remains the most impoverished one. It is easy to link the term ‘cruel’ to the clause on ‘cruel and unusual punishment’ originating from the English Bill of Rights of 1689. It is also easy to see that the term ‘degrading’ reflects a dignatarian ideal. However, when we turn to the term ‘inhuman’, we are left without any interpretative clue. The second part of the article suggests that the ordinary meaning of the word ‘inhuman’ should be our first clue. However, regaining the conceptual independence of the term ‘inhuman’ requires more than a mere reflection on the word-meaning of the term. Thus, the second part introduces philosophical concepts related to the understanding of what it means to be human. It focuses on ‘the capabilities approach’ and the notion of ‘human functioning’, introduced by Amartya Sen and further explored by Martha Nussbaum. Nussbaum’s work on the basic human capabilities is particularly helpful or even vital for understanding the moral and legal substance of the prohibition on ‘inhuman’ treatment.

Keywords: inhuman treatment, capabilities approach, human functioning, supra-national institutions

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Authors: Kurt Willems

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This research examines complaints against grading in higher education institutions in four different European regions: England and Wales, Flanders, the Netherlands, and France. The aim of the research is to examine the correlation between the applicable type of complaint handling on the one hand, and selected qualities of the higher education landscape and of public law on the other hand. All selected regions report a rising number of complaints against grading decisions, not only as to internal complaint handling within the institution but also judicially if the dispute persists. Some regions deem their administrative court system appropriate to deal with grading disputes (France) or have even erected a specialty administrative court to facilitate access (Flanders, the Netherlands). However, at the same time, different types of (governmental) dispute resolution bodies have been established outside of the judicial court system (England and Wales, and to lesser extent France and the Netherlands). Those dispute procedures do not seem coincidental. Public law issues such as the underlying legal nature of the education institution and, eventually, the grading decision itself, have an impact on the way the academic complaint procedures are developed. Indeed, in most of the selected regions, contractual disputes enjoy different legal protection than administrative decisions, making the legal qualification of the relationship between student and higher education institution highly relevant. At the same time, the scope of competence of government over different types of higher education institutions; albeit direct or indirect (o.a. through financing and quality control) is relevant as well to comprehend why certain dispute handling procedures have been established for students. To answer the above questions, the doctrinal and comparative legal method is used. The normative framework is distilled from the relevant national legislative rules and their preparatory texts, the legal literature, the (published) case law of academic complaints and the available governmental reports. The research is mainly theoretical in nature, examining different topics of public law (mainly administrative law) and procedural law in the context of grading decisions. The internal appeal procedure within the education institution is largely left out of the scope of the research, as well as different types of non-governmental-imposed cooperation between education institutions, given the public law angle of the research questions. The research results in the categorization of different academic complaint systems, and an analysis of the possibility to introduce each of those systems in different countries, depending on their public law system and higher education system. By doing so, the research also adds to the debate on the public-private divide in higher education systems, and its effect on academic complaints handling.

Keywords: higher education, legal qualification of education institution, legal qualification of grading decisions, legal protection of students, academic litigation

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Authors: Sharon Jackson, Lynn Kelly

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This paper proposes a conceptual review of the interdisciplinary literature which has theorised the concept of ‘children’s voices’. The primary aim is to identify and consider the theoretical relevance of conceptual thought on ‘children’s voices’ for research and practice in child protection contexts. Attending to the ‘voice of the child’ has become a core principle of social work practice in contemporary child protection contexts. Discourses of voice permeate the legislative, policy and practice frameworks of child protection practices within the UK and internationally. Voice is positioned within a ‘child-centred’ moral imperative to ‘hear the voices’ of children and take their preferences and perspectives into account. This practice is now considered to be central to working in a child-centered way. The genesis of this call to voice is revealed through sociological analysis of twentieth-century child welfare reform as rooted inter alia in intersecting political, social and cultural discourses which have situated children and childhood as cites of state intervention as enshrined in the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child ratified by the UK government in 1991 and more specifically Article 12 of the convention. From a policy and practice perspective, the professional ‘capturing’ of children’s voices has come to saturate child protection practice. This has incited a stream of directives, resources, advisory publications and ‘how-to’ guides which attempt to articulate practice methods to ‘listen’, ‘hear’ and above all – ‘capture’ the ‘voice of the child’. The idiom ‘capturing the voice of the child’ is frequently invoked within the literature to express the requirements of the child-centered practice task to be accomplished. Despite the centrality of voice, and an obsession with ‘capturing’ voices, evidence from research, inspection processes, serious case reviews, child abuse and death inquires has consistently highlighted professional neglect of ‘the voice of the child’. Notable research studies have highlighted the relative absence of the child’s voice in social work assessment practices, a troubling lack of meaningful engagement with children and the need to more thoroughly examine communicative practices in child protection contexts. As a consequence, the project of capturing ‘the voice of the child’ has intensified, and there has been an increasing focus on developing methods and professional skills to attend to voice. This has been guided by a recognition that professionals often lack the skills and training to engage with children in age-appropriate ways. We argue however that the problem with ‘capturing’ and [re]representing ‘voice’ in child protection contexts is, more fundamentally, a failure to adequately theorise the concept of ‘voice’ in the ‘voice of the child’. For the most part, ‘The voice of the child’ incorporates psychological conceptions of child development. While these concepts are useful in the context of direct work with children, they fail to consider other strands of sociological thought, which position ‘the voice of the child’ within an agentic paradigm to emphasise the active agency of the child.

Keywords: child-centered, child protection, views of the child, voice of the child

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Authors: Valentina Tereshkova

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The paper shows how the relationship between international law and national sovereignty is viewed through the implementation of European Court of Human Right judgments. Methodology: Сonclusions are based on a survey of representatives of the legislative authorities and judges of the Krasnoyarsk region, the Rostov region, Sverdlovsk region and Tver region. The paper assesses the activities of the Russian Constitutional Court from 1998 to 2015 related to the establishment of the implementation mechanism and the Russian Constitutional Court judgments of 14.07.2015, № 21-P and of 19.04.2016, № 12-P where the Constitutional Court stated the impossibility of executing ECtHR judgments. I. Implementation of ECHR judgments by courts and other authorities. Despite the publication of the report of the RF Ministry of Justice on the implementation, we could not find any formal information on the Russian policy of the ECtHR judgment implementation. Using the results of the survey, the paper shows the effect of ECtHR judgments on law and legal practice in Russia. II. Implementation of ECHR judgments by Russian Constitutional Court. Russian Constitutional Court had implemented the ECtHR judgments. However, the Court determined on July, 14, 2015 its competence to consider the question of implementation of ECHR judgments. Then, it stated that the execution of the judgment [Anchugov and Gladkov case] was impossible because the Russian Constitution has the highest legal force on April, 19, 2016. Recently the CE Committee of Ministers asked Russia to provide ‘without further delay’ a compensation plan for the Yukos case. On November 11, 2016, Constitutional Court accepted a request from the Ministry of Justice to consider the possibility of execution of the ECtHR judgment in the Yukos case. Such a request has been made possible due to a lack of implementation mechanism. Conclusion: ECtHR judgments are as an effective tool to solve the structural problems of a legal system. However, Russian experts consider the ECHR as a tool of protection of individual rights. The paper shows link between the survey results and the absence of the implementation mechanism. New Article 104 par. 2 and Article 106 par. 2 of the Federal Law of the Constitutional Court are in conflict with international obligations of the Convention on the Law on Treaties 1969 and Article 46 ECHR. Nevertheless, a dialogue may be possible between Constitutional Court and the ECtHR. In its judgment [19.04.2016] the Constitutional Court determined that the general measures to ensure fairness, proportionality and differentiation of the restrictions of voting rights were possible in judicial practice. It also stated the federal legislator had the power ‘to optimize the system of Russian criminal penalties’. Despite the fact that the Constitutional Court presented the Görgülü case [Görgülü v Germany] as an example of non-execution of the ECtHR judgment, the paper proposes to draw on the experience of German Constitutional Court, which in the Görgülü case, on the one hand, stressed national sovereignty and, on the other hand, took advantage of this sovereignty, to resolve the issue in accordance with the ECHR.

Keywords: implementation of ECtHR judgments, sovereignty, supranational jurisdictions, principle of subsidiarity

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Authors: Marina Chavleishvili

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Introduction: Today, the study of monopolies, including natural monopolies, is topical. In real life, pure monopolies are natural monopolies. Natural monopolies are used widely and are regulated by the state. In particular, the prices and rates are regulated. The paper considers the problems associated with the operation of natural monopolies in Georgia, in particular, their microeconomic analysis, pricing mechanisms, and legal mechanisms of their operation. The analysis was carried out on the example of the power industry. The rates of natural monopolies in Georgia are controlled by the Georgian National Energy and Water Supply Regulation Commission. The paper analyzes the positive role and importance of the regulatory body and the issues of improving the legislative base that will support the efficient operation of the branch. Methodology: In order to highlight natural monopolies market tendencies, the domestic and international markets are studied. An analysis of monopolies is carried out based on the endogenous and exogenous factors that determine the condition of companies, as well as the strategies chosen by firms to increase the market share. According to the productivity-based competitiveness assessment scheme, the segmentation opportunities, business environment, resources, and geographical location of monopolist companies are revealed. Main Findings: As a result of the analysis, certain assessments and conclusions were made. Natural monopolies are quite a complex and versatile economic element, and it is important to specify and duly control their frame conditions. It is important to determine the pricing policy of natural monopolies. The rates should be transparent, should show the level of life in the country, and should correspond to the incomes. The analysis confirmed the significance of the role of the Antimonopoly Service in the efficient management of natural monopolies. The law should adapt to reality and should be applied only to regulate the market. The present-day differential electricity tariffs varying depending on the consumed electrical power need revision. The effects of the electricity price discrimination are important, segmentation in different seasons in particular. Consumers use more electricity in winter than in summer, which is associated with extra capacities and maintenance costs. If the price of electricity in winter is higher than in summer, the electricity consumption will decrease in winter. The consumers will start to consume the electricity more economically, what will allow reducing extra capacities. Conclusion: Thus, the practical realization of the views given in the paper will contribute to the efficient operation of natural monopolies. Consequently, their activity will be oriented not on the reduction but on the increase of increments of the consumers or producers. Overall, the optimal management of the given fields will allow for improving the well-being throughout the country. In the article, conclusions are made, and the recommendations are developed to deliver effective policies and regulations toward the natural monopolies in Georgia.

Keywords: monopolies, natural monopolies, regulation, antimonopoly service

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Authors: Mark Darius Juszczak

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While epistemology, as a sub-field of philosophy, is generally concerned with theoretical questions about the nature of knowledge, the explosion in digital media technologies has resulted in an exponential increase in the storage and transmission of human information. That increase has resulted in a particular non-linear dynamic – digital epistemological functions are radically altering how and what we know. Neither the rate of that change nor the consequences of it have been well studied or taken into account in developing state-level strategies for epistemological functions. At the current time, US Federal policy, like that of virtually all other countries, maintains, at the national state level, clearly defined boundaries between various epistemological agencies - agencies that, in one way or another, mediate the functional use of knowledge. These agencies can take the form of patent and trademark offices, national library and archive systems, departments of education, departments such as the FTC, university systems and regulations, military research systems such as DARPA, federal scientific research agencies, medical and pharmaceutical accreditation agencies, federal funding for scientific research and legislative committees and subcommittees that attempt to alter the laws that govern epistemological functions. All of these agencies are in the constant process of creating, analyzing, and regulating knowledge. Those processes are, at the most general level, epistemological functions – they act upon and define what knowledge is. At the same time, however, there are no high-level strategic epistemological directives or frameworks that define those functions. The only time in US history where a proxy state-level epistemological strategy existed was between 1961 and 1969 when the Kennedy Administration committed the United States to the Apollo program. While that program had a singular technical objective as its outcome, that objective was so technologically advanced for its day and so complex so that it required a massive redirection of state-level epistemological functions – in essence, a broad and diverse set of state-level agencies suddenly found themselves working together towards a common epistemological goal. This paper does not call for a repeat of the Apollo program. Rather, its purpose is to investigate the minimum structural requirements for a national state-level epistemological strategy in the United States. In addition, this paper also seeks to analyze how the epistemological work of the multitude of national agencies within the United States would be affected by such a high-level framework. This paper is an exploratory study of this type of framework. The primary hypothesis of the author is that such a function is possible but would require extensive re-framing and reclassification of traditional epistemological functions at the respective agency level. In much the same way that, for example, DHS (Department of Homeland Security) evolved to respond to a new type of security threat in the world for the United States, it is theorized that a lack of coordination and alignment in epistemological functions will equally result in a strategic threat to the United States.

Keywords: strategic security, epistemological functions, epistemological agencies, Apollo program

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Authors: Rainner Roweder

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Theme: The present paper aims to analyze the specificity of the judicial evidence linked to the subjects of dignity and personality rights, otherwise known as moral rights, in the determination of the truth and formation of the judicial reasoning in cases concerning these areas. This research is about the way courts in Brazilian domestic law search for truth and handles evidence in cases involving moral rights that are abundant and important in Brazil. The main object of the paper is to analyze the effectiveness of the evidence in the formation of judicial conviction in matters related to morally controverted rights, based on the Brazilian, and as a comparison, the Latin American legal systems. In short, the rights of dignity and personality are moral. However, the evidential legal system expects a rational demonstration of moral rights that generate judicial conviction or persuasion. Moral, in turn, tends to be difficult or impossible to demonstrate in court, generating the problem considered in this paper, that is, the study of the moral demonstration problem as proof in court. In this sense, the more linked to moral, the more difficult to be demonstrated in court that right is, expanding the field of judicial discretion, generating legal uncertainty. More specifically, the new personality rights, such as gender, and their possibility of alteration, further amplify the problem being essentially an intimate manner, which does not exist in the objective, rational evidential system, as normally occurs in other categories, such as contracts. Therefore, evidencing this legal category in court, with the level of security required by the law, is a herculean task. It becomes virtually impossible to use the same evidentiary system when judging the rights researched here; therefore, it generates the need for a new design of the evidential task regarding the rights of the personality, a central effort of the present paper. Methodology: Concerning the methodology, the Method used in the Investigation phase was Inductive, with the use of the comparative law method; in the data treatment phase, the Inductive Method was also used. Doctrine, Legislative, and jurisprudential comparison was the technique research used. Results: In addition to the peculiar characteristics of personality rights that are not found in other rights, part of them are essentially linked to morale and are not objectively verifiable by design, and it is necessary to use specific argumentative theories for their secure confirmation, such as interdisciplinary support. The traditional pragmatic theory of proof, for having an obvious objective character, when applied in the rights linked to the morale, aggravates decisionism and generates legal insecurity, being necessary its reconstruction for morally charged cases, with the possible use of the “predictive theory” ( and predictive facts) through algorithms in data collection and treatment.

Keywords: moral rights, proof, pragmatic proof theory, insufficiency, Brazil

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Authors: Kiran Kumar Gellaboina, Padmaja Kaja

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Agricultural Education and Research in India needs a transformation to serve the needs of the farmers and that of the nation. The fact that Agriculture and allied activities act as main source of livelihood for more than 70% population of rural India reinforces its importance in administrative and policy arena. As per Census 2011 of India it provides employment to approximately 56.6 % of labour. India has achieved significant growth in agriculture, milk, fish, oilseeds and fruits and vegetables owing to green, white, blue and yellow revolutions which have brought prosperity to farmers. Many factors are responsible for these achievement viz conducive government policies, receptivity of the farmers and also establishment of higher agricultural education institutions. The new breed of skilled human resources were instrumental in generating new technologies, and in its assessment, refinement and finally its dissemination to the farming community through extension methods. In order to sustain, diversify and realize the potential of agriculture sectors, it is necessary to develop skilled human resources. Agricultural human resource development is a continuous process undertaken by agricultural universities. The Department of Agricultural Research and Education (DARE) coordinates and promotes agricultural research & education in India. In India, agricultural universities were established on ‘land grant’ pattern of USA which helped incorporation of a number of diverse subjects in the courses as also provision of hands-on practical exposure to the student. The State Agricultural Universities (SAUs) established through the legislative acts of the respective states and with major financial support from them leading to administrative and policy controls. It has been observed that pace and quality of technology generation and human resource development in many of the SAUs has gone down. The reason for this slackening are inadequate state funding, reduced faculty strength, inadequate faculty development programmes, lack of modern infrastructure for education and research etc. Establishment of new state agricultural universities and new faculties/colleges without providing necessary financial and faculty support has aggrieved the problem. The present work highlights some of the key issues affecting agricultural education and research in India and the impact it would have on farm productivity and sustainability. Secondary data pertaining to budgetary spend on agricultural education and research will be analyzed. This paper will study the trends in public spending on agricultural education and research and the per capita income of farmers in India. This paper tries to suggest that agricultural education and research has a key role in equipping the human resources for enhanced agricultural productivity and sustainable use of natural resources. Further, a total re-orientation of agricultural education with emphasis on other agricultural related social sciences is needed for effective agricultural policy research.

Keywords: agriculture, challenges, education, research

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Authors: Laura Lee Prather

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A functioning democracy is defined by various characteristics, including freedom of speech, equality, human rights, rule of law and many more. Lawsuits brought to intimidate speakers, drain the resources of community members, and silence journalists and others who speak out in support of matters of public concern are an abuse of the legal system and an encroachment of human rights. The impact can have a broad chilling effect, deterring others from speaking out against abuse. This article aims to suggest ways to address this form of judicial harassment. In 1988, University of Denver professors George Pring and Penelope Canan coined the term “SLAPP” when they brought to light a troubling trend of people getting sued for speaking out about matters of public concern. Their research demonstrated that thousands of people engaging in public debate and citizen involvement in government have been and will be the targets of multi-million-dollar lawsuits for the purpose of silencing them and dissuading others from speaking out in the future. SLAPP actions chill information and harm the public at large. Professors Pring and Canan catalogued a tsunami of SLAPP suits filed by public officials, real estate developers and businessmen against environmentalists, consumers, women’s rights advocates and more. SLAPPs are now seen in every region of the world as a means to intimidate people into silence and are viewed as a global affront to human rights. Anti-SLAPP laws are the antidote to SLAPP suits and while commonplace in the United States are only recently being considered in the EU and the UK. This researcher studied more than thirty years of Anti-SLAPP legislative policy in the U.S., the call for evidence and resultant EU Commission’s Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member States Recommendations, the call for evidence by the UK Ministry of Justice, response and Model Anti-SLAPP law presented to UK Parliament, as well as, conducted dozens of interviews with NGO’s throughout the EU, UK, and US to identify varying approaches to SLAPP lawsuits, public policy, and support for SLAPP victims. This paper identifies best practices taken from the US, EU and UK that can be implemented globally to help combat SLAPPs by: (1) raising awareness about SLAPPs, how to identify them, and recognizing habitual abusers of the court system; (2) engaging governments in the policy discussion in combatting SLAPPs and supporting SLAPP victims; (3) educating judges in recognizing SLAPPs an general training on encroachment of human rights; (4) and holding lawyers accountable for ravaging the rule of law.

Keywords: Anti-SLAPP Laws and Policy, Comparative media law and policy, EU Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member Recommendations, International Human Rights of Freedom of Expression

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Authors: Eugene C. Lim

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This paper seeks to examine the extent to which ‘forum shopping’ is available to patent filers seeking protection of GMO (genetically modified organisms)-based inventions in Hong Kong. Under Hong Kong’s current re-registration system for standard patents, an inventor must first seek patent protection from one of three Designated Patent Offices (DPO) – those of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Europe Union (EU) (designating the UK), or the United Kingdom (UK). The ‘designated patent’ can then be re-registered by the successful patentee in Hong Kong. Interestingly, however, the EU and the PRC do not adopt a harmonized approach toward the patenting of GMOs, and there are discrepancies in their interpretation of the phrase ‘animal or plant variety’. In view of these divergences, the ability to effectively manage ‘conflict of law’ issues is an important priority for multinational biotechnology firms with a patent portfolio in the Greater China region. Generally speaking, both the EU and the PRC exclude ‘animal and plant varieties’ from the scope of patentable subject matter. However, in the EU, Article 4(2) of the Biotechnology Directive allows a genetically modified plant or animal to be patented if its ‘technical feasibility is not limited to a specific variety’. This principle has allowed for certain ‘transgenic’ mammals, such as the ‘Harvard Oncomouse’, to be the subject of a successful patent grant in the EU. There is no corresponding provision on ‘technical feasibility’ in the patent legislation of the PRC. Although the PRC has a sui generis system for protecting plant varieties, its patent legislation allows the patenting of non-biological methods for producing transgenic organisms, not the ‘organisms’ themselves. This might lead to a situation where an inventor can obtain patent protection in Hong Kong over transgenic life forms through the re-registration of a patent from a more ‘biotech-friendly’ DPO, even though the subject matter in question might not be patentable per se in the PRC. Through a comparative doctrinal analysis of legislative provisions, cases and court interpretations, this paper argues that differences in the protection afforded to GMOs do not generally prejudice the ability of global MNCs to obtain patent protection in Hong Kong. Corporations which are able to first obtain patents for GMO-based inventions in Europe can generally use their European patent as the basis for re-registration in Hong Kong, even if such protection might not be available in the PRC itself. However, the more restrictive approach to GMO-based patents adopted in the PRC would be more acutely felt by enterprises and inventors based in mainland China. The broader scope of protection offered to GMO-based patents in Europe might not be available in Hong Kong to mainland Chinese patentees under the current re-registration model for standard patents, unless they have the resources to apply for patent protection as well from another (European) DPO as the basis for re-registration.

Keywords: biotechnology, forum shopping, genetically modified organisms (GMOs), greater China region, patent portfolio

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: Juan Peña Aguilar, Lilia Villasana, Rodrigo Valencia, Alberto Pastrana, Martin Vivanco, Juan Peña C

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Each year a growing number of companies entering Mexico in search of the domestic market share. These activities, including stores, telephone long distance and local raw materials and energy, and particularly the financial sector, have managed to significantly increase its weight in the flows of FDI in Mexico , however, you should consider whether these trends FDI are positive for the Mexican economy and these activities increase Mexican exports in the medium term , and its share in GDP , gross fixed capital formation and employment. In general stresses that these activities, by far, have been unable to significantly generate linkages with the rest of the economy, a process that has not favored with competitiveness policies and activities aimed at these neutral or horizontal. Since the nineties foreign direct investment (FDI) has shown a remarkable dynamism, both internationally and in Latin America and in Mexico. Only in Mexico the first recipient of FDI in importance in Latin America during 1990-1995 and was displaced by Brazil since FDI increased from levels below 1 % of GDP during the eighties to around 3 % of GDP during the nineties. Its impact has been significant not only from a macroeconomic perspective , it has also allowed the generation of a new industrial production structure and organization, parallel to a significant modernization of a segment of the economy. The case of Mexico also is particularly interesting and relevant because the destination of FDI until 1993 had focused on the purchase of state assets during privatization process. This paper aims to present FDI flows in Mexico and analyze the different business strategies that have been touched and encouraged by the FDI. On the one hand, looking briefly discuss regulatory issues and source and recipient of FDI sectors. Furthermore, the paper presents in more detail the impacts and changes that generated the FDI contribution of FDI in the Mexican economy , besides the macroeconomic context and later legislative changes that resulted in the current regulations is examined around FDI in Mexico, including aspects of the Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It is worth noting that foreign investment can not only be considered from the perspective of the receiving economic units. Instead, these flows also reflect the strategic interests of transnational corporations (TNCs) and other companies seeking access to markets and increased competitiveness of their production networks and global distribution, among other reasons. Similarly it is important to note that foreign investment in its various forms is critically dependent on historical and temporal aspects. Thus, the same functionality can vary significantly depending on the specific characteristics of both receptor units as sources of FDI, including macroeconomic, institutional, industrial organization, and social aspects, among others.

Keywords: foreign direct investment (FDI), competitiveness, neoliberal regime, globalization, gross domestic product (GDP), NAFTA, macroeconomic

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Authors: Oliver Fuo

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One of the central features of post-apartheid constitutional reform was the establishment of local government as a distinct sphere of government in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Local government, constituted by about 279 wall-to-wall municipalities, have legislative and executive powers vested in democratically elected municipal councils to govern areas within their jurisdiction subject only to limits imposed by the Constitution. In addition, unlike the past where municipalities merely played a service delivery role, they are now mandated to realise an expanded developmental mandate – pursue social justice and sustainable development; contribute, together with national and provincial government, to the realisation of socio-economic rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights; and facilitate public participation in local governance. In order to finance their developmental programmes, municipalities receive equitable allocations from national government and have legal powers to generate additional finances by charging rates on property and imposing surcharges on services provided. In addition to its general obligation to foster public participation in local governance, the law requires municipalities to facilitate public participation in their budgeting processes. This requirement is generally consistent with recent trends in local government democratic reforms which call for inclusive budget planning and implementation whereby citizens, civil society and NGOs participate in the allocation of resources. This trend is best captured in the concept of participatory budgeting. This paper specifically analyses the legal and policy framework for participatory budgeting at the local government level in South Africa. Using Borbet South Africa (Pty) Ltd and Others v Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality 2014 (5) SA 256 (ECP) as an example, this paper argues that the legal framework for participatory budgeting creates an illusory right for citizens to participate in municipal budgeting processes. This challenge is further compounded by the barrenness of the jurisprudence of courts that interpret the obligation of municipalities in this regard. It is submitted that the wording of s 27(4) of the Municipal Finance Management Act (MFMA) 53 of 2003 - which expressly stipulates that non-compliance by a municipality with a provision relating to the budget process or a provision in any legislation relating to the approval of a budget-related policy, does not affect the validity of an annual or adjustments budget – is problematic as it seems to trivialise the obligation to facilitate public participation in budgeting processes. It is submitted that where this provision is abused by municipal officials, this could lead to the sidelining of the real interests of communities in local budgets. This research is based on a critical and integrated review of primary and secondary sources of law.

Keywords: courts and jurisprudence, local government law, participatory budgeting, South Africa

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Authors: Quentin Lobbe, David Chavalarias, Alexandre Delanoe

Abstract:

The ICT revolution has given birth to an unprecedented world of digital traces and has impacted a wide number of knowledge-driven domains such as science, education or policy making. Nowadays, we are daily fueled by unlimited flows of articles, blogs, messages, tweets, etc. The internet itself can thus be considered as an unsteady hyper-textual environment where websites emerge and expand every day. But there are structures inside knowledge. A given text can always be studied in relation to others or in light of a specific socio-cultural context. By way of their textual traces, human beings are calling each other out: hypertext citations, retweets, vocabulary similarity, etc. We are in fact the architects of a giant web of elements of knowledge whose structures and shapes convey their own information. The global shapes of these digital traces represent a source of collective knowledge and the question of their visualization remains an opened challenge. How can we explore, browse and interact with such shapes? In order to navigate across these growing constellations of words and texts, interdisciplinary innovations are emerging at the crossroad between fields of social and computational sciences. In particular, complex systems approaches make it now possible to reconstruct the hidden structures of textual knowledge by means of multi-scale objects of research such as semantic maps and phylomemies. The phylomemy reconstruction is a generic method related to the co-word analysis framework. Phylomemies aim to reveal the temporal dynamics of large corpora of textual contents by performing inter-temporal matching on extracted knowledge domains in order to identify their conceptual lineages. This study aims to address the question of visualizing the global shapes of online political discussions related to the French presidential and legislative elections of 2017. We aim to build phylomemies on top of a dedicated collection of thousands of French political tweets enriched with archived contemporary news web articles. Our goal is to reconstruct the temporal evolution of online debates fueled by each political community during the elections. To that end, we want to introduce an iterative data exploration methodology implemented and tested within the free software Gargantext. There we combine synchronic and diachronic axis of visualization to reveal the dynamics of our corpora of tweets and web pages as well as their inner syntagmatic and paradigmatic relationships. In doing so, we aim to provide researchers with innovative methodological means to explore online semantic landscapes in a collaborative and reflective way.

Keywords: online political debate, French election, hyper-text, phylomemy

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Authors: Louise Reyntjens

Abstract:

Where criminal law used to be the traditional response to cope with the terrorist threat, European governments are increasingly relying on administrative paths. The reliance on immigration law fits into this trend. Terrorism is seen as a civilization menace emanating from abroad. In this context, the expulsion of dangerous aliens, immigration law’s core task, is put forward as a key security tool. Governments all over Europe are focusing on removing dangerous individuals from their territory rather than bringing them to justice. This research reflects on the consequences for the expelled individuals’ fundamental rights. For this, the author selected four European countries for a comparative study: Belgium, France, the United Kingdom and Sweden. All these countries face similar social and security issues, igniting the recourse to immigration law as a counterterrorism tool. Yet, they adopt a very different approach on this: the United Kingdom positions itself on the repressive side of the spectrum. Sweden on the other hand, also 'securitized' its immigration policy after the recent terrorist hit in Stockholm, but remains on the tolerant side of the spectrum. Belgium and France are situated in between. This paper addresses the situation in Belgium. In 2017, the Belgian parliament introduced several legislative changes by which it considerably expanded and facilitated the possibility to expel unwanted aliens. First, the expulsion measure was subjected to new and questionably definitions: a serious attack on the nation’s safety used to be required to expel certain categories of aliens. Presently, mere suspicions suffice to fulfil the new definition of a 'serious threat to national security'. A definition which fails to respond to the principle of legality; the law, nor the prepatory works clarify what is meant by 'a threat to national security'. This creates the risk of submitting this concept’s interpretation almost entirely to the discretion of the immigration authorities. Secondly, in name of intervening more quickly and efficiently, the automatic suspensive appeal for expulsions was abolished. The European Court of Human Rights nonetheless requires such an automatic suspensive appeal under Article 13 and 3 of the Convention. Whether this procedural reform will stand to endure, is thus questionable. This contribution also raises questions regarding expulsion’s efficacy as a key security tool. In a globalized and mobilized world, particularly in a European Union with no internal boundaries, questions can be raised about the usefulness of this measure. Even more so, by simply expelling a dangerous individual, States avoid their responsibility and shift the risk to another State. Criminal law might in these instances be more capable of providing a conclusive and long term response. This contribution explores the human rights consequences of expulsion as a security tool in Belgium. It also offers a critical view on its efficacy for protecting national security.

Keywords: Belgium, counter-terrorism and human rights, expulsion, immigration law

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Authors: Ekatereine Abashidze, Nino Nazarashvili, Dali Gaganidze, Oleg Gorgadze, Mariam Aznarashvili, Eter Gvritishvili

Abstract:

Potato is one of the leading agricultural crops in Georgia. Georgia produces early and late potato varieties in almost all regions. Potato production is equal to 25,000 ha and its average yield is 20-25 t/ha. Among the plant pests that limit potato production and quality, the potato cyst nematodes (Globodera pallida (Stone) Behrens and Globodera rostochiensis (Wollenveber) Behrens) are harmful around the world. PCN is among the most difficult plant pests to control. Cysts protected by a durable wall can survive for over 30 years . Control of PCN (G. pallida and G. rostochiensis) is regulated by Council Directive 2007/33/EE C. There was no legislative regulation of these pests in Georgia before 2016. By Resolution #302 from July 1, 2016, developed within the action plan of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area) the Government of Georgia established control over potato cyst nematodes. The Agreement about the legal acts approximation to EU legislation concerns the approval of rules of PCN control and research of these pests. Taking into consideration the above mentioned, it is necessary to study PCN (G. pallida and G. rostochiensis) in the potato-growing areas of Georgia. The aim of this research is to conduct survey of potato cyst nematodes (Globodera rostochiensis and G. pallida) in two geographically distinct regions of Georgia - Samtskhe - Javakheti and Svanetii and to identify the species G. Rostochiensis and G. Pallida by the morphological - morphometric and molecular methods. Soil samples were taken in each village, in a zig-zag pattern on the potato fields of the private sector, using the Metlitsky method. Samples were taken also from infested potato plant roots. To extract nematode cysts from soil samples Fanwick can be used according to standard methods by EPPO. Cysts were measured under a stereoscopic microscope (Leica M50). Identification of the nematod species was carried out according to morphological and morphometric characteristics of the cysts and larvae using appropriate protocols EPPO. For molecular identification, a multiplex PCR test was performed by the universal ITS5 and cyst nematodes’ (G. pallida, G. rostochiensis) specific primers. To identify the species of potato cyst nematodes (PCN) in two regions (Samtskhe-Javakheti and Svaneti) were taken 200 samples, among them: 80 samples in Samtskhe-Javakheti region and 120 in Svaneti region. Cysts of Globiodera spp. were revealed in 50 samples obtained from Samtskhe-Javakheti and 80 samples from Svaneti regions. Morphological, morphometric and molecular analysis of two forms of PCN found in investigated regions of Georgia shows that one form of PCN belongs to G. rostoshiensi; the second form is the different species of Globodera sp.t is the subject of future research. Despite the different geographic locations, larvae and cysts of G. rostoshiensi were found in both regions. But cysts and larvae of G. pallida were not reported. Acknowledgement: The research has been supported by the Shota Rustaveli National Scientific Foundation of Georgia: Project # FR17_235.

Keywords: cyst nematode, globodera rostochiensis, globodera pallida, morphologic-morphometric measurement

Procedia PDF Downloads 181