Search results for: Weimar democracy

Authors: Louay Safi

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The notion of secular society that evolved over the last two centuries was initially intended to free the public sphere from religious imposition, before it assumed the form a comprehensive ideology whose aim is to prevent any overt religious expression from the public space. The negative view of religious expression, and the desire by political elites to purge the public space from all forms of religious expressions were first experienced in the Middle East in the last decades of the twentieth century in relation to Islam, before it manifests itself in the twentieth century Europe. Arab regimes were encouraged by European democracies to marginalize all forms of religious expressions in the public as part of the secularization process that was deemed necessary for modernization and progress. The prohibition of Islamic symbols and outlawing the headscarf was first undertaken to Middle Eastern republics, such as Turkey in 1930s and Syria in 1970s, before it is implemented recently in France. Secularization has been perceived by European powers as the central aspect of social and political liberalization, and was given priority over democratization and human rights, so much so that European elites were willing to entrust the task of nurturing liberal democracy to Arab autocrats and dictators. Not only did the strategy of empowering autocratic regimes to effect liberal democratic culture failed, but it contributed to the rise of Islamist extremism and produced failed states in Syria and Iraq that undermine both national and global peace and stability. The paper adopts the distinction made by John Rawls between political and comprehensive liberalism to argue that the modernization via secularization in Muslim societies is counterproductive and has subverted early successful efforts at democratization and reform in the Middle East. Using case studies that illustrate the role of the secularization strategy in Syria, Iran, and Egypt in undermining democratic and reformist movements in those countries, the paper calls for adopting a different approach rooted in liberal and democratic values rather than cultural practices and lifestyle. The paper shows that Islamic values as articulated by reform movements support a democratic and pluralist political order, and emphasizes the need to legitimize and support social forces that advocate democracy and human rights. Such an alternative strategy allows for internal competition among social groups for popular support, and therefore enhances the chances that those with inclusive and forward-looking political principles and policies would create a democratic and pluralist political order more conducive to meaningful national and global cooperation, and respectful of human dignity.

Keywords: democracy, Islamic values, political liberalism, secularization

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Authors: Firdous Nizar, Carmela Cucuzzella

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This paper explores how the integrated design process (IDP) was adopted for an architectural project. The IDP is a relatively new approach to collaborative design in architectural design projects in Canada. It has gained much traction recently as the closest possible approach to the successful management of low energy building projects and has been advocated as a productive method for multi-disciplinary collaboration within complex projects. This study is based on the premise that there are explicit and implicit dimensions of power within the integrated design process (IDP) in the green building industry that may or may not lead to irreconcilable differences in a process that demands consensus. To gain insight on the potential gap between the theoretical promises and practical realities of the IDP, a review of existing IDP literature is compared with a case study analysis of a competition-based architectural project in Canada, a first to incorporate the IDP in its overall design format. This paper aims to address the undertheorized power relations of the IDP in a real project. It presents a critical assessment through the lens of the combined theories of deliberative democracy by Jürgen Habermas, with that of agonistic pluralism by political theorist Chantal Mouffe. These two theories are intended to more appropriately embrace the conflictual situations in collaborative environments, and shed light on the relationships of power, between engineers, city officials, architects, and designers in this conventional consensus-based model. In addition, propositions for a shift in approach that embraces conflictual differences among its participants are put forth based on concepts of critical spatial practice by Markus Meissen. As IDP is a relatively new design process, it requires much deliberation on its structure from the theoretical framework built in this paper in order to unlock its true potential.

Keywords: agonistic pluralism, critical spatial practice, deliberative democracy, integrated design process

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Authors: Alina Murtishcheva

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The tendency of globalization, challenges to democracy and peace caused by the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and other global conflicts require searching general orientations of governmental development, including local government. The formation of a common theoretical framework for local government guarantees not only of harmonisation of European legislation but also creates prerequisites for the integration of new members into the European Union. One of the most important milestones of such a theoretical framework is the concept of decentralization. Decentralization as a phenomenon is characteristic of most European Union countries at different historical stages. For Ukraine, as a country that has clearly defined a European integration vector of development, understanding not only the legal but also the theoretical basis of decentralisation processes in European countries is an important prerequisite for further reforms. Decentralisation takes different forms, which leads to a variety of understandings in doctrine and, consequently, different interpretations in national legislation. Despite of this, decentralisation is based on common ideas and values such as democracy, participation, the rule of law, and proximity government that are shared by all EU member states. Nevertheless, not all EU countries are currently implementing broad decentralization in their political and legal practices. Some countries are gradually moving in this direction, while others remain quite centralised. There is also a new, insufficiently studied trend today – recentralisation, which can be broadly defined as the strengthening of centralization tendencies in countries that were considered to be decentralized. Consequently, an exploratory theoretical study is needed to identify how the concept of decentralization is combined with the recentralization tendency in EU member states. The purpose of this study is to empirically analyse scientific approaches to the concept of “decentralisation”, to highlight the tendency of recentralisation and its consequences, to analyse Ukraine's experience in the field of decentralisation of public power, and to outline the prospects for further development of Ukrainian legislation in this area.

Keywords: centralization, decentralization, local government, recentralization, reforms

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Authors: Kamil Jonski

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Last year vividly demonstrated, that populism and political instability can endanger democratic institutions in countries regarded as democratic transition champions (Poland) or cornerstones of liberal order (UK, US). So called ‘illiberal democracy’ is winning hearts and minds of voters, keen to believe that rule of strongman is a viable alternative to perceived decay of western values and institutions. These developments pose a serious threat to the democratic institutions (including rule of law), proven critical for both personal freedom and economic development. Although scholars proposed some structural explanations of the illiberal wave (notably focusing on inequality, stagnant incomes and drawbacks of globalization), they seem to have little predictive value. Indeed, events like Trump’s victory, Brexit or Polish shift towards populist nationalism always came as a surprise. Intriguingly, in the case of US election, simple rules like ‘Bread and Peace model’ gauged prospects of Trump’s victory better than pundits and pollsters. This paper attempts to compile set of indicators, in order to gauge various democracies’ vulnerability to populism, instability and pursuance of ‘illiberal’ projects. Among them, it identifies the gap between consensus assessment of institutional performance (as measured by WGI indicators) and citizens’ subjective assessment (survey based confidence in institutions). Plotting these variables against each other, reveals three clusters of countries – ‘predictable’ (good institutions and high confidence, poor institutions and low confidence), ‘blind’ (poor institutions, high confidence e.g. Uzbekistan or Azerbaijan) and ‘disillusioned’ (good institutions, low confidence e.g. Spain, Chile, Poland and US). It seems that this clustering – carried out separately for various institutions (like legislature, executive and courts) and blended with economic indicators like inequality and living standards (using PCA) – offers reasonably good watchlist of countries, that should ‘expect the unexpected’.

Keywords: illiberal democracy, populism, political instability, political risk measurement

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Authors: Ákos Cserny

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The unequivocal increase of the area of operation of the executive power can happen with the appearance of new areas to be influenced and its integration in the power, or at the expense of the scopes of other organs with public authority. The extension of the executive can only be accepted within the framework of the rule of law if parallel with this process we get constitutional guarantees that the exercise of power is kept within constitutional framework. Failure to do so, however, may result in the lack, deficit of democracy and democratic sense, and may cause an overwhelming dominance of the executive power. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present executive power and responsibility in the context of different dimensions.

Keywords: confidence, constitution, executive power, liabiliy, parliamentarism

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: M. Vlahovic

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This paper presents a model of public finances, which combines three concepts: participatory budgeting, crowdfunding and blockchain technology. Participatory budgeting is defined as a process in which community members decide how to spend a part of community’s budget. Crowdfunding is a practice of funding a project by collecting small monetary contributions from a large number of people via an Internet platform. Blockchain technology is a distributed ledger that enables efficient and reliable transactions that are secure and transparent. In this hypothetical model, the government or authorities on local/regional level would set up a platform where they would propose public projects to citizens. Citizens would browse through projects and support or vote for those which they consider justified and necessary. In return, they would be entitled to a tax relief in the amount of their monetary contribution. Since the blockchain technology enables tracking of transactions, it can be used to mitigate corruption, money laundering and lack of transparency in public finances. Models of its application have already been created for e-voting, health records or land registries. By presenting a model of application of blockchain technology in public finances, this paper takes into consideration the potential of blockchain technology to disrupt governments and make processes more democratic, secure, transparent and efficient. The framework for this paper consists of multiple streams of research, including key concepts of direct democracy, public finance (especially the voluntary theory of public finance), information and communication technology, especially blockchain technology and crowdfunding. The framework defines rules of the game, basic conditions for the implementation of the model, benefits, potential problems and development perspectives. As an oversimplified map of a new form of public finances, the proposed model identifies primary factors, that influence the possibility of implementation of the model, and that could be tracked, measured and controlled in case of experimentation with the model.

Keywords: blockchain technology, distributed ledger, participatory budgeting, crowdfunding, direct democracy, internet platform, e-government, public finance

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Authors: Eric Agyekum, Dominic Asitanga

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Ghana is widely considered asa beacon of democracy in sub-Saharan Africa. With a relatively free media, the country was ranked30thin the world and third in Africaon the 2021 Press Freedom Index. Despite the democratic gains, itis one of the most politically polarized nations in the world. Ghana’spolitical division is evident in the current hunglegislature, where each of the two dominant political parties has 137 members, with an independent member occupying the remaining one seat. Misinformation and fake newsthrive in systems with acuteideological and political differences(Imelda et al, 2021; Azzimonti&Fernandes, 2018; Spohr, 2017) and Ghana is no exception. The information disorder problem has been exacerbatedby the COVID-19 pandemic, with its attendant conspiracy theories and speculations, making it difficult for the media and fact-checking organizations to verifyall claims and flag false information. In Ghana, fact-checking agencies like Ghana Fact, Dubawa Ghana, and some mainstream news media organizations have been fact-checking political claims, COVID-19 conspiracy theories, and many others. However, it is not clear if the audience consumeand attach prominence to these fact-checked stories or even visit the websites of the fact-checking agencies to read the content. Nekmat (2020) opine that though the literature on fact-checking suggest that fact-checked stories can alter readers’ beliefs, very few studies have investigated the patronage and the potential of fact-checks to deter users from sharing false news with others, particularly on social media. In response to Nekmat, this study has been initiated to examine the perception and attitude of the audience in Ghana towards fact-checks. Anchored on the principles of the nudge theory, this study will investigate how fact-checked stories alters readers’ behavioural patterns. A survey will be conducted to collect data from sampled members of the Ghanaian society.

Keywords: fact-checking, information disorder, nudge theory, political polarization

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Authors: Rasim Alguliev, Farhad Yusifov

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Considering the international experience, conceptual and architectural principles of forming of electron government are researched and some suggestions were made. The assessment of monitoring of forming processes of electron government, intellectual analysis of web-resources, provision of information security, electron democracy problems were researched, conceptual approaches were suggested. By taking into consideration main principles of electron government theory, important research directions were specified.

Keywords: electron government, public administration, information security, web-analytics, social networks, data mining

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Authors: Laura Irimies, Cosmin Irimies

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The public space all over the world is currently confronted with the aggressive assault of fake news that have lately impacted public agenda setting, collective decisions and social attitudes. Top leaders constantly call out most mainstream news as “fake news” and the public opinion get more confused. "Fake news" are generally defined as false, often sensational, information disseminated under the guise of news reporting and has been declared the word of the year 2017 by Collins Dictionary and it also has been one of the most debated socio-political topics of recent years. Websites which, deliberately or not, publish misleading information are often shared on social media where they essentially increase their reach and influence. According to international reports, the exposure to fake news is an undeniable reality all over the world as the exposure to completely invented information goes up to the 31 percent in the US, and it is even bigger in Eastern Europe countries, such as Hungary (42%) and Romania (38%) or in Mediterranean countries, such as Greece (44%) or Turkey (49%), and lower in Northern and Western Europe countries – Germany (9%), Denmark (9%) or Holland (10%). While the study of fake news (mechanism and effects) is still in its infancy, it has become truly relevant as the phenomenon seems to have a growing impact on democratic systems. Studies conducted by the European Commission show that 83% of respondents out of a total of 26,576 interviewees consider the existence of news that misrepresent reality as a threat for democracy. Studies recently conducted at Arizona State University show that people with higher education can more easily spot fake headlines, but over 30 percent of them can still be trapped by fake information. If we were to refer only to some of the most recent situations in Romania, fake news issues and hidden agenda suspicions related to the massive and extremely violent public demonstrations held on August 10th, 2018 with a strong participation of the Romanian diaspora have been massively reflected by the international media and generated serious debates within the European Commission. Considering the above framework, the study raises four main research questions: 1. Is fake news a problem or just a natural consequence of mainstream media decline and the abundance of sources of information? 2. What are the implications for democracy? 3. Can fake news be controlled without restricting fundamental human rights? 4. How could the public be properly educated to detect fake news? The research uses mostly qualitative but also quantitative methods, content analysis of studies, websites and media content, official reports and interviews. The study will prove the real threat fake news represent and also the need for proper media literacy education and will draw basic guidelines for developing a new and essential skill: that of detecting fake in news in a society overwhelmed by sources of information that constantly roll massive amounts of information increasing the risk of misinformation and leading to inadequate public decisions that could affect democratic stability.

Keywords: agenda setting democracy, fake news, journalism, media literacy

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Authors: Afeez Kolawole Shittu

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Democracy as practiced across the globe is sustained with the increase participation of all eligible voters irrespective of class, race, colour, and disabilities. However, there is a perception within the contemporary African society that people with disability (PWDs) belongs to charity and welfare. This is exacerbated with little understanding among African counties including Nigeria that persons with disability have fundamental rights inevitably rooted in the constitution. This significant viewpoint has continued to militate against the social inclusion of persons with disabilities in various aspects of societal lives including their political participation It is instructive to note that the political right of PWDs has been protected by various international conventions. Article 29 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights and Dignities for Persons with Disability (CRPD) guaranteed the participation of persons with disability in the political process. Domesticating and ratification of this right has been a challenge for many African countries including Nigeria. Against the backdrop, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections in Nigeria provided forum for the participation of persons with disability in election through implementations of electoral act. Section 56 (1) and (2) of the 2010 Electoral Act (as amended) provide for voting participation of persons with disability. This study examines the implementation of the electoral act and how it impacts the voting participation of persons with disability vis-à-vis other challenges affecting the participation of PWDs in electoral process in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. This paper draws on mixed method in sourcing relevant information from the respondents. Interview will be conducted among INEC officials, Civil Society Organisations, Joint National Association of Persons with Disability (JONAPWD). Questionnaire and Focus Group Discussion will be held among different forms of PWDs. The data will be analysed using appropriate descriptive statistics and inferential statistics, as well as thematic content analysis. The study will enlighten understanding on the awareness of the political rights of PWDs as well as improving their electoral participation for sustainable democracy in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country.

Keywords: electoral reforms, voting participation, persons with disabilities

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Authors: Tran Van Long

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Beyond trade facilitation, transparency in the WTO legal context is, implicitly and explicitly, aimed at addressing problems in domestic administrative law. Through the lens of global governance, this paper attempts to shed more light on the power of transparency norms enshrined in multilateral trading agreements under the aegis of the WTO. In this global ruled-base system, transparency has become sufficiently powerful to be a multifunctional instrument for promoting rule of law, good governance, and democracy.

Keywords: WTO, transparency, good governance, rule of law, global administrative law.

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Authors: Yasmin Nanabhay

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The paper scrutinizes the literature on accountability and non-accountability, and then presents an analysis of a South African case which demonstrated consequences of a lack of accountability. Ethical conduct displayed by members of the public sector is integral to creating a sustainable democratic government, which upholds the constitutional tenets of accountability, transparency and professional ethicality. Furthermore, a true constitutional democracy emphasises and advocates the notion of service leadership that nurtures public participation and engages with citizens in a positive manner. Ethical conduct and accountability in the public sector earns public trust; hence these are key principles in good governance. Yet, in the years since the advent of democracy in South Africa, the government has been plagued by rampant corruption and mal-administration by public officials and politicians in leadership positions. The control measures passed by government in an attempt to ensure ethicality and accountability within the public sector include codes of ethics, rules of conduct and the enactment of legislation. These are intended to shape the mindset of members of the public sector, with the ultimate aim of an efficient, effective, ethical, responsive and accountable public service. The purpose of the paper is to analyse control systems and accountability within the public sector and to present reasons for non-accountability by means of a selected case study. The selected case study is the corruption trial of Jackie Selebi, who served as National Commissioner of the South African Police Service but was dismissed from the post. The reasons for non-accountability in the public sector as well as recommendations based on the findings to enhance accountability will be undertaken. The case study demonstrates the experience and impact of corruption and/or mal-administration, as a result of a lack of accountability, which has contributed to the increasing loss of confidence in political leadership in the country as elsewhere in the world. The literature is applied to the erstwhile National Commissioner of the South African Police Service and President of Interpol, as a case study of non-accountability.

Keywords: corruption, internal control, maladministration, non-compliance, oversight mechanisms, public accountability, public sector

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Authors: Valentina Dotto

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Climate change cases used to take the form of statutory disputes rather than constitutional or common law disputes. This changed in 2015, with the Urgenda Climate case in the Netherlands (Urgenda Foundation v. The State of the Netherlands, C/09/456689/HAZA 13-1396) and, the Juliana case in the U.S. (United States v. U.S. District Court for District of Oregon, 17-71692, 9th Cir.). The two cases represent a new type of climate litigation, the claims brought against the federal government were in fact grounded in constitutional rights. The complaints used the Doctrine of Public Trust as a cornerstone for the lawsuits asserting that government's actions against climate change failed to protect essential public trust resources; thus, violating a generation's constitutional rights to life, liberty, and property. The Public Trust Doctrine –a quintessentially American legal concept-, reserved to the States by virtue of the 9th and 10th amendment of the federal Constitution, gives them considerable jurisdiction over natural resources and has been refined by a number of Supreme Court rulings. The Juliana case exemplifies the Doctrine’s evolutionary nature because it attempts to apply it to the federal government, and establish a right to a climate system capable of sustaining human life as a fundamental right protected by a substantive due process. Furthermore, the flexibility of the Doctrine makes it permissible to be applied to a variety of different legal systems as in the Urgenda case. At the very heart of the lawsuits stands the question of who owns the Earth resources and, to what extent the general public can claim the services that the Earth provides as common property. By employing the widest possible definition of the Doctrine of Public Trust these lawsuits tried to redefine environmental resources as a collective right of all people. By doing case analysis, the paper explores how these cases can contribute to widening the public access to information and broadening the public voice in decision making as well as providing a precedent to equal access in seeking justice and redress from environmental failures.

Keywords: climate change, doctrine of public trust, environmental democracy, Juliana case, Urgenda climate case

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Authors: Vaicekauskiene G., Nabazaite E.

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This study analyses the rise of global populism in Western democracies, focusing primarily on the populist rhetoric. Populist rhetoric is based on anti-pluralist ideas, opposing a “homogeneous nation” against “dangerous others” who are pushed out of the nation by populists, and can be citizens from both in-groups and out-groups. This study will examine the case of the elections of Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania of 2024. Fifteen candidate lists of parties and coalitions participated in the elections to the Lithuanian Parliament in 2024. Focus group methodology will be used to analyse the narratives of party supporters actively engaged in politics, trying to identify public support/opposition to populism. Liberal democracy is experiencing a crisis in both the US and Western democracies in Europe. The election results of recent years are increasingly announcing populist victories or the creation of new populist parties. Far-right parties lead the governments in three countries – Hungary, Slovakia, and Italy, and they are part of the ruling coalition in Sweden, Finland, and the Netherlands. It will become clear in the USA whether Donald Trump will be re-elected as president in November of this year. Trump’s victory in 2016 was named by political scientists as the apotheosis of populism. Influential politicians consolidate all bad manners and social categorization in the digital era of demagoguery. The research shows that a significant proportion of democratic societies also support this divisive discourse. Citizens, as consumers of information, often approve of populist communication themselves. New parliament elections were held in Lithuania in October 2024. Ideas that polarize society were amplified in the public space, negativism increased, and with it distrust towards the state, its institutions, and democratically elected politicians, “enemies” were sought and conspiracy theories were created. Problem of the Study. This study analyses the global rise of populism from the perspective of Lithuania with various groups of society, trying to understand the relationship of citizens with democracy through believing in populists, approval/disapproval of the expression of populism. Opinions are an important challenge when trying to find the truth in the age of populism, because democratic societies are based on the culture of discussion and the idea of consensus. Methodology. This study will deconstruct the narratives of Lithuanian citizens from the point of view of populism. Fifteen focus group discussions will be held with supporters of the party lists that participated in the Parliament elections of the Republic of Lithuania during November-December 2024. The main unifying criterion for focus group participants is their political activity, while the distinguishing criteria are age, gender and place of residence. Fifteen focus groups were chosen due to the fact that fifteen candidate lists of parties and coalitions participated in the elections and seeking to ensure the variety of participants. This study aims to emphasize populism as a communication phenomenon in Lithuania. Public testimonies and experiences will reveal new meanings about the understanding of populism and support/opposition towards it.

Keywords: democracy, narratives in populist rhetoric, populist rhetoric, populism

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Authors: Daniel Silander

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This article explores the EU Initiated European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) towards Ukraine. It also explores Russian geopolitics in the region. We argue that Ukraine is sandwiched between two regional powers in the EU and Russia. By analyzing EU democracy promotion towards Ukraine and neighbors, we assess a weak EU normative capacity. Instead of building a “ring of friends”, as argued by the EU Commission, in an enlarged democratic community, the EU has achieved poor democratic records in Ukraine which opened for a revival of Russia in the region and causes the international crisis over Crime of 2014.

Keywords: regional neighborhood policy, European Union, Russia, Ukraine, domestic elites

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Authors: Ana Luiza Aranha

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This paper contributes to the discussions that consider corruption as a challenge to the establishment of more democratically inclusive societies in Latin America. The paper advocates an intrinsic connection between democratic principles and corruption control – it is only possible to achieve just forms of democratic life if accountability institutions are able to control corruption, and therefore control the political exclusions that it brings. Departing from a non-trivial approach to corruption, and recognizing a gap in democratic theory when thinking about this phenomenon, corruption is understood as the breakdown of the democratic inclusive rule, whereby political decisions are made (and actions were taken) in spite of those potentially affected by them. Based on this idea, this paper proposes a new way of measuring corruption, moving away from usual aggregate measures – such as the Corruption Perception Index – and case studies of corruption scandals. The main argument sustains that corruption is intrinsically connected with the ability to be accountable and to provide public justification for the political conduct. The point advocated is that corruption involves a dimension of political exclusion. It generates a private benefit which is, from a democratic point of view, illegitimate, since it benefits some at the expense of the decisions made by the political community. Corruption is then a form of exclusion based on deception and opacity - for corruption, there is no plausible justification. Empirically, the paper uses the audit reports produced by the Brazilian anti-corruption agency (the CGU - Office of the Comptroller General) in its Inspections From Public Lotteries Program to exemplify how we can use this definition to separate corruption cases from mismanagement irregularities. On one side, there is poor management and inefficiencies, and, on the other, corruption, defined by the implausibility of public justifications – because the public officials would have to publicize illegitimate privileges and undue advantages. CGU reports provide the justifications given by the public officials for the irregularities found and also the acceptance or not by the control agency of these justifications. The analysis of this dialogue – between public officials and control agents – makes it possible to divide the irregularities on those that can be publicly justified versus those that cannot. In order to hold public officials accountable for their actions, making them responsible for the exclusions that they may cause (such as corruption), the accountability institutions fulfil an important role in reinforcing and empowering democracy and its basic inclusive condition.

Keywords: accountability, brazil, corruption, democracy

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Authors: Sohaib Khaliq

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This paper pursues a systematic analysis of the broad range of theories and studies relevant to Islam and democracy, in general and as they have been developed from and applied to the Indonesian and Pakistani cases. The analysis finds that an Islamic society’s potential to assimilate democratic political institutions is contingent on either an unconstrained 'political participation' or its ability to 'reinterpret' religious text. Drawing on a comparison of Indonesia and Pakistan, the present study favors a route that passes through the religious gates of theoretical reinterpretation. In doing so, the study brings Muslim reformation theory into focus by clarifying the mechanism by which reformation takes place.

Keywords: Islam, democratization, political Islam, reformation

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Authors: Alphonso Augustine Goliath

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In 1997 South Africa adopted legislation introducing severe mandatory minimum sentences. This was a political response to counter the escalating violent crime the country experienced when it transitioned to democracy. Despite minimum sentences being fully operational for more than two decades, violent crimes like murder and rape have not abated. This paper provides a critique of the efficacy of minimums sentences with a primary focus on the legislation’s main aim of preventing or curbing crime, its relationship with prison overcrowding, and its continued constitutionality.

Keywords: constitutionality, deterrence, incapacitation, minimum sentencing legislation, prison overcrowding, rehabilitation, recidivism, retribution, violent crime

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Authors: Mary Chidiebere Asoya

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The dominance of two parties in multiparty democracies is a phenomenon that has come to be taken for granted. It has led to deepening corruption and redundant governance in many countries as politicians in the two dominating parties are aware of and exploit the fact that power must rotate between the two parties. As a result, politicians in two dominating parties can hobnob and frequently inter-marry between the two parties in a way that appears to suggest they are running a single dominating party. This paper explores what could end this hegemony by projecting a third party into the limelight. The argument is that long-standing frustration with corruption and increasing revolutionary tendencies could move voters away from the two dominating parties, ending the dominance of the parties. The case study is the February 25, 2023, Presidential elections in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, political party, election, nigeria, political science

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Authors: Amalia Triantafillidoy, Georgios Lappas, Prodromos Yannas, Alexandros Kleftodimos

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In this paper an experiment was conducted to assess the impact of online deliberation on citizens’ attitudes. Specifically, this research compared pre and post deliberation opinions of participants who deliberated online via an asynchronous platform regarding the issue of political opinion polls. Results indicate that online deliberation had a positive effect on citizens’ attitudes since it was found that following deliberation participants changed their views regarding public opinion polls. Specifically, online deliberation improved discussants perceptions regarding the reliability of polls, while suppressing their negative views about the misuse of polls by media, polling organizations and politicians.

Keywords: attitudes change, e-democracy, online deliberation, opinion polls

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Authors: Na Young Kim

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This is a study on the relation between the introduction bill of the Whistle Blowing Act and the CPI (Corruption Perception Index) from 1998 to 2019. It shows that the degree of corruption can be relatively lowered when WBA is introduced, and the system is matured. And when WBA was introduced at the national level and matured, it was found that it could have a greater impact on corruption. Secondly, it shows that OECD countries may have relatively low levels of corruption. In addition to the two variables representing democracy, when additional control variables (GDP (economic power), population size, HDI (education level), etc.) are controlled under the same conditions, the degree of corruption in countries with high political rights can be low (it means clean), while those with high civil freedom can be serious (it means not clean).

Keywords: Whistle Blowing Act, anti-corruption, CPI, GDP

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Authors: Alh Rauf Bello Bella

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The main purpose of citizenship education if properly executed is to create awareness and enlightenment in the society to bring tolerance and political unity among the people. For the citizenry to have a meaningful participation for the achievement of this objective in a modern society where democracy thrives, all citizens should also have access to information on all matters affecting their lives and well-being. The paper therefore examines the scope of citizenship education and the complementary role of information providers in the quest for political socialization and national unity. It emphasizes some issues of national unity which should be addressed through proper enlightenment of the citizenry and access to relevant and timely information at the grassroots.

Keywords: citizenship education, national unity, political socialization, Nigeria

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

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Organised crime in Mexico evolves faster that our capacity to understand and explain it. Organised gangs have become successful entrepreneurs in many ways ad they have somehow mimicked the working ways of the authorities and in many cases, they have successfully infiltrated the governmental spheres. This business model is only possible under a clear scheme of rampant impunity. Impunity, however, is not exclusive to the PRI. Nor the PRI, PAN, or PRD can claim the monopoly of corruption, but what is worse is that none can claim full honesty in their acts either. The current security crisis in Mexico shows a crisis in the Mexican political party system. Corruption today is not only a problem of dishonesty and the correct use of public resources. It is the principal threat to Mexican democracy, governance, and national security.

Keywords: security, war on drugs, drug trafficking, Mexico, Latin America, United States

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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Since women obtained the right to vote in 1893 for the first time in New Zealand, they have tried to participate actively into politics but still the world has a few women in political leadership. The article asks which factors might influence the appearance of women leadership in politics. The article investigates two factors such as political context, personal factors. Countries where economic development is stable and political democracy is consolidated have a tendency of appearance of women political leadership but in less developed and politically unstable countries, women politicians can be in power with their own reasons. For the personal factor, their feminist propensity is studied but there is no relationship between the appearance of women leaders and their feminist propensity.

Keywords: women political leadership, political context, slow track, transitory countries, feminist propensity

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Authors: Maxwel F. Silva, José Geraldo Pedrosa

Abstract:

This paper is a study about the voyage of Adolfo Caminha to the USA in the late nineteenth century described in “No país dos ianques”. The hypothesis is that the USA constitutes a civilizing reference that moves away from Europe. The Americanism expression it means that the Yankees have invented a new repertoire through which built a new idea of civilization. The base is European, but your architecture is new. This paper is not concerned with the meanings and uses of the Americanism expression among the Yankees, but with the ways in which the America were understood by otherness, especially in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. In this way, this study discusses the concept of Americanism in the thought of Adolfo Caminha and it is relation with the Brazil in the late nineteenth century, especially in questions about democracy, liberty and progress.

Keywords: Adolfo Caminha, Americanism, discourse, voyage

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Authors: Elisavet Anastasiadou

Abstract:

Global citizenship refers to an economic, social, political, and cultural interconnectedness, and it is inextricably intertwined with social justice, respect for human rights, peace, and a sense of responsibility to act on a local and global level. It aims to be transformative, enhance critical thinking and participation with pedagogical approaches based on social justice and democracy. The purpose of this study is to explore how Global Citizenship Education (GCE) is presented and implemented in two educational contexts, specifically in the curricula and pedagogical practices of primary education in Finland and Scotland. The impact of GCE is recognized as means for further development by institution such as and Finnish and Scottish curricula acknowledge the significance of GCE, emphasizing the student's ability to act and succeed in diverse and global communities. This comparative study should provide a good basis for further developing teaching practices based on informed understanding of how GCE is constrained or enabled from two different perspectives, extend the methodological applications of Practice Architectures and provide critical insights into GCE as a theoretical notion adopted by national and international educational policy. The study is directly connected with global citizenship aiming at future and societal change. The empirical work employs a multiple case study approach, including interviews and analysis of existing documents (textbook, curriculum). The data consists of the Finnish and Scottish curriculum. A systematic analysis of the curriculum in relation to GCE will offer insights into how the aims of GCE are presented and framed within the two contexts. This will be achieved using the theory of Practice Architectures. Curricula are official policy documentations (texts) that frame and envisage pedagogical practices. Practices, according to the theory of practice architectures, consist of sayings, doings, and relatings. Hence, even if the text analysis includes the semantic space (sayings) that are prefigured by the cultural-discursive arrangements and the relating prefigured by the socio-political arrangements, they will inevitably reveal information on the (doings) prefigured by the material-economic arrangements, as they hang together in practices. The results will assist educators in making changes to their teaching and enhance their self-conscious understanding of the history-making significance of their practices. It will also have a potential reform and focus on educationally relevant to such issues. Thus, the study will be able to open the ground for interventions and further research while it will consider the societal demands of a world in change.

Keywords: citizenhsip, curriculum, democracy, practices

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Authors: Victoria Adikpe

Abstract:

The ills of the Nigerian public sector have been identified at various fora to include lack of financial accountability and poor reporting of government performance. With the enthronement of democracy, citizens’ expectations from the government are drifting from the mere provision of public services to efficiency and accountability. One of the major challenges to achieving accountability in Nigeria is the capability of the cash basis of accounting to meet the reporting requirements of policies and programmes of the government. This paper discussed the growing trend in the debate about the adoption of private sector financial management processes in the public sector as part of the public sector reform programmes. The paper does not claim the ultimate superiority of accrual over cash accounting but shows how it will help to further strengthen the quality of government accounting and reporting.

Keywords: cash accounting, accrual accounting, accountability, reporting

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Authors: Jyoti Sharma

Abstract:

India and Pakistan are two strategically important neighboring countries in Asia-Pacific region. Since independence of more than six decades, both, India and Pakistan have transverse different paths, India as a Sovereign, Democratic, Republic Country and Pakistan as Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The advent of democracy in India and Islamic republic in Pakistan resulted in new hopes, aspirations and demands on education. During the six decades after Independence, teacher education in both countries has come a long way from its initial bleak stature to gain an identity as a complex network of institutions and programs. The present paper takes a close look into the paradigm shift in teacher education programs in India and Pakistan and how much the shift is influenced by constitutional frameworks of each country.

Keywords: pre-service teachers, teacher education reforms, India, Pakistan

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Authors: Hyun-Ji Choi

Abstract:

This paper aims to examine the meaning of ‘state’ as a monopoly of violence, in regard with South Korean democratic transition. Since institutional democratization in 1987, it is conventionally known that governmental authority has exercised its power through law and police force, rather than inclusive or private violence. In other words, 1987 pro-democracy movement has been a critical juncture for a step towards democratic consolidation. However, state coercion may continually be exerted despite institutional specification by law in South Korean context. Explicit case would be amendment of ‘the Law on Assembly and Demonstration’ which determines citizens’ right to take collective action mostly against government actions. This paper investigates amendment process of the law along with social reality since 1987 until 2015 to see how effectively institutionalization has progressed.

Keywords: democratic transition, historical institutionalism, state coercion, the law on Assembly and Demonstration

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