Search results for: sexual politics

Authors: Tessa Heeren

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The following proposal pertains to the complex process of successfully implementing health policies that are based on public health research. A systematic review was conducted by myself and faculty at the Cluj School of Public Health in Romania. The reviewed articles covered a wide range of topics, such as barriers and facilitators to multi-sector collaboration, differences in professional cultures, and systemic obstacles. The reviewed literature identified communication, collaboration, user-friendly dissemination, and documentation of processes in the execution of applied research as important themes for the promotion of evidence in the public health decision-making process. This proposal fits into the Academy Health National Health Policy conference because it identifies and examines differences between the worlds of research and politics. Implications and new insights for federal and/or state health policy: Recommendations made based on the findings of this research include using politically relevant levers to promote research (e.g. campaign donors, lobbies, established parties, etc.), modernizing dissemination practices, and reforms in which the involvement of external stakeholders is facilitated without relying on invitations from individual policy makers. Description of how evidence and/or data was or could be used: The reviewed articles illustrated shortcomings and areas for improvement in policy research processes and collaborative development. In general, the evidence base in the field of integrating research into policy lacks critical details of the actual process of developing evidence based policy. This shortcoming in logistical details creates a barrier for potential replication of collaborative efforts described in studies. Potential impact of the presentation for health policy: The reviewed articles focused on identifying barriers and facilitators that arise in cross sector collaboration, rather than the process and impact of integrating evidence into policy. In addition, the type of evidence used in policy was rarely specified, and widely varying interpretations of the definition of evidence complicated overall conclusions. Background: Using evidence to inform public health decision making processes has been proven effective; however, it is not clear how research is applied in practice. Aims: The objectives of the current study were to assess the extent to which evidence is used in public health decision-making process. Methods: To identify eligible studies, seven bibliographic databases, specifically, PubMed, Scopus, Cochrane Library, Science Direct, Web of Science, ClinicalKey, Health and Safety Science Abstract were screened (search dates: 1990 – September 2015); a general internet search was also conducted. Primary research and systematic reviews about the use of evidence in public health policy in Europe were included. The studies considered for inclusion were assessed by two reviewers, along with extracted data on objective, methods, population, and results. Data were synthetized as a narrative review. Results: Of 2564 articles initially identified, 2525 titles and abstracts were screened. Ultimately, 30 articles fit the research criteria by describing how or why evidence is used/not used in public health policy. The majority of included studies involved interviews and surveys (N=17). Study participants were policy makers, health care professionals, researchers, community members, service users, experts in public health.

Keywords: cross-sector, dissemination, health policy, policy implementation

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Authors: B. M. Moda, L. F. Secco

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Through free and fair elections and others less democratic processes, Latin America has been gradually turning into a right-wing political region. In order to understand these recent changes, this paper aims to discuss the origin and the traits of the pink wave in the subcontinent, the reasons for its current rollback and future projections for left-wing in the region. The methodology used in this paper will be descriptive and analytical combined with secondary sources mainly from the social and political sciences fields. The canons of the Washington Consensus was implemented by the majority of the Latin American governments in the 80s and 90s under the social democratic and right-wing parties. The neoliberal agenda caused political, social and economic dissatisfaction bursting into a new political configuration for the region. It started in 1998 when Hugo Chávez took the office in Venezuela through the Fifth Republic Movement under the socialist flag. From there on, Latin America was swiped by the so-called ‘pink wave’, term adopted to define the rising of self-designated left-wing or center-left parties with a progressive agenda. After Venezuela, countries like Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Equator, Nicaragua, Paraguay, El Salvador and Peru got into the pink wave. The success of these governments was due a post-neoliberal agenda focused on cash transfers programs, increasing of public spending, and the straightening of national market. The discontinuation of the preference for the left-wing started in 2012 with the coup against Fernando Lugo in Paraguay. In 2015, the chavismo in Venezuela lost the majority of the legislative seats. In 2016, an impeachment removed the Brazilian president Dilma Rousself from office who was replaced by the center-right vice-president Michel Temer. In the same year, Mauricio Macri representing the right-wing party Proposta Republicana was elected in Argentina. In 2016 center-right and liberal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was elected in Peru. In 2017, Sebastián Piñera was elected in Chile through the center-right party Renovación Nacional. The pink wave current rollback points towards some findings that can be arranged in two fields. Economically, the 2008 financial crisis affected the majority of the Latin American countries and the left-wing economic policies along with the end of the raw materials boom and the subsequent shrinking of economic performance opened a flank for popular dissatisfaction. In Venezuela, the 2014 oil crisis reduced the revenues for the State in more than 50% dropping social spending, creating an inflationary spiral, and consequently loss of popular support. Politically, the death of Hugo Chavez in 2013 weakened the ‘socialism of the twenty first century’ ideal, which was followed by the death of Fidel Castro, the last bastion of communism in the subcontinent. In addition, several cases of corruption revealed during the pink wave governments made the traditional politics unpopular. These issues challenge the left-wing to develop a future agenda based on innovation of its economic program, improve its legal and political compliance practices, and to regroup its electoral forces amid the social movements that supported its ascension back in the early 2000s.

Keywords: Latin America, political parties, left-wing, right-wing, pink wave

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Authors: M. Shahab Uddin, Pennung Warnitchai

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Currently more than half of the world’s populations are living in cities, and the number and sizes of cities are growing faster than ever. Cities rely on the effective functioning of complex and interdependent critical infrastructures networks to provide public services, enhance the quality of life, and save the community from hazards and disasters. In contrast, complex connectivity and interdependency among the urban critical infrastructures bring management challenges and make the urban system prone to the domino effect. Unplanned rapid growth, increased connectivity, and interdependency among the infrastructures, resource scarcity, and many other socio-political factors are affecting the typical state of an urban system and making it susceptible to numerous sorts of diversion. In addition to internal vulnerabilities, urban systems are consistently facing external threats from natural and manmade hazards. Cities are not just complex, interdependent system, but also makeup hubs of the economy, politics, culture, education, etc. For survival and sustainability, complex urban systems in the current world need to manage their vulnerabilities and hazardous incidents more wisely and more interactively. Coordinated management in such systems makes for huge potential when it comes to absorbing negative effects in case some of its components were to function improperly. On the other hand, ineffective management during a similar situation of overall disorder from hazards devastation may make the system more fragile and push the system to an ultimate collapse. Following the quantum, the current research hypothesizes that a hazardous event starts its journey as an emergency, and the system’s internal vulnerability and response capacity determine its destination. Connectivity and interdependency among the urban critical infrastructures during this stage may transform its vulnerabilities into dynamic damaging force. An emergency may turn into a disaster in the absence of effective management; similarly, mismanagement or lack of management may lead the situation towards a catastrophe. Situation awareness and factual decision-making is the key to win a battle. The current research proposed a contextual decision support system for an urban critical infrastructure system while integrating three different models: 1) Damage cascade model which demonstrates damage propagation among the infrastructures through their connectivity and interdependency, 2) Restoration model, a dynamic restoration process of individual infrastructure, which is based on facility damage state and overall disruptions in surrounding support environment, and 3) Optimization model that ensures optimized utilization and distribution of available resources in and among the facilities. All three models are tightly connected, mutually interdependent, and together can assess the situation and forecast the dynamic outputs of every input. Moreover, this integrated model will hold disaster managers and decision makers responsible when it comes to checking all the alternative decision before any implementation, and support to produce maximum possible outputs from the available limited inputs. This proposed model will not only support to reduce the extent of damage cascade but will ensure priority restoration and optimize resource utilization through adaptive and collaborative management. Complex systems predictably fail but in unpredictable ways. System understanding, situation awareness, and factual decisions may significantly help urban system to survive and sustain.

Keywords: disaster prevention, decision support system, emergency response, urban critical infrastructure system

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Authors: Mansoor Mohammed Abdu Al-Gabali

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This paper addresses the growing interest among non-Arab individuals in understanding the realities of Arab peoples and their cultures. The global media, particularly after the September 11 attacks, has contributed to negative and misrepresentative portrayals of Arabs. The paper aims to critically analyze various representations of identity, culture, and politics in the works of three contemporary Arab and Arab-American women writers. By exploring the perspectives and attitudes of these writers, the paper aims to challenge and rectify the misrepresentation created by the media and foster mutual understanding between Arab and American societies. Research Aim: The aim of this research is to examine the writings of Arab and Arab-American women in order to highlight the strengths and awareness of Arab cultures. It seeks to show how these writers create spaces for responding to the misrepresentation perpetuated by the media. The research contributes to bridging the gaps between Arab and American societies and fostering better mutual understanding. Methodology: This paper adopts a multidisciplinary approach, drawing on theoretical concepts from cultural studies. It also utilizes an inductive historical methodology to trace the works under study. The combination of these approaches allows for a comprehensive analysis of the representations of Arab peoples and cultures. Findings: The paper argues that the writings of Arab and Arab-American women demonstrate a multiplicity of perspectives and attitudes toward contemporary issues. It highlights the richness and diversity of their writing, as well as the connections they make between different periods of history and various sites of representation. The paper concludes that these writings transcend personal stories to incorporate broader national and global dialogues, emphasizing the commonalities shared by humanity and the socially contextualized issues that deserve respect. Theoretical Importance: This research holds theoretical importance in the field of cultural studies. It builds upon the works of scholars such as Jack Shaeen and Evelyn Alsultany, that have documented and critiqued the negative media representations of Arabs. By examining the writings of Arab and Arab-American women, this paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of cultural responses to media misrepresentation and the creation of spaces for mutual understanding. Data Collection and Analysis Procedures: The data collection for this research involved a thorough examination and analysis of the selected works by Elmaz Abinader, Diana Abu-Jaber, and Rajaa Al-Sanea. These works were scrutinized to identify the unique ways in which they tackled contemporary issues prevalent in Arab and Arab-American societies. Through close textual analysis and the application of cultural theories, the researchers were able to discern the underlying themes and messages conveyed in the writings. Question Addressed: The primary question addressed in this research is, "How do the writings of Arab and Arab-American women respond to the misrepresentation of Arab cultures in the media?" By exploring this question, the paper aims to shed light on the strengths and awareness of Arab cultures and to promote a more comprehensive understanding between Arabs and non-Arabs. Conclusion: This research concludes that the writings of Arab and Arab-American women serve as mediators between Arab and American cultures in response to the misrepresentation created by the media. These writings go beyond personal narratives, addressing broader social and cultural issues and seeking to highlight the commonalities shared by all human beings. The paper emphasizes the need for mutual respect and understanding in order to bridge the gaps between Arab and American societies and rectify the negative images that have been perpetuated in the media.

Keywords: Arabs, films, media, negotiation

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Authors: Wafaa Hasan

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In May of 2022, Palestinian parents in Toronto, Canada, became aware that educators and staff in the Toronto District School Board were attempting to include the International Holocaust and Remembrance Definition of Antisemitism (IHRA) in The Child Abuse and Neglect Policy of the largest school board in Canada, The Toronto District School Board (TDSB). The idea was that if students were to express any form of antisemitism, as defined by the IHRA, then an investigation could follow with Child Protective Services (CPS). That is, the student’s parents could be reported to the state and investigated for custodial rights to their children. The TDSB has set apparent goals for “Decolonizing Pedagogy” (“TDSB Equity Leadership Competencies”), Culturally Responsive and Relevant Practices (CRRP) and inclusive education. These goals promote the centering of colonized, racialized and marginalized voices. CRRP cannot be effective without the application of anti-racist and settler colonial analyses. In order for CRRP to be effective, school boards need a comprehensive understanding of the ways in which the vilification of Palestinians operates through anti-indigenous and white supremacist systems and logic. Otherwise, their inclusion will always be in tension with the inclusion of settler colonial agendas and worldviews. Feminist maternalism frames racial mothering as degenerate (viewing the contributions of racialized students and their parents as products of primitive and violent cultures) and also indirectly inhibits the actualization of the tenets of CRRP and inclusive education through its extensions into the welfare state and public education. The contradiction between the tenets of CRRP and settler colonial systems of erasure and repression is resolved by the continuation of tactics to 1) force assimilation, 2) punish those who push back on that assimilation and 3) literally fragment familial and community structures of racialized students, educators and parents. This paper draws on interdisciplinary (history, philosophy, anthropology) critiques of white feminist “maternalism” from the 19th century onwards in North America and Europe (Jacobs, Weber), as well as “anti-racist education” theory (Dei), and more specifically,” culturally responsive learning,” (Muhammad) and “bandwidth” pedagogy theory (Verschelden) to make its claims. This research contributes to vibrant debates about anti-racist and decolonial pedagogies in public education systems globally. This paper also documents first-hand interviews and experiences of diasporic Palestinian mothers and motherhoods and situates their experiences within longstanding histories of white feminist maternalist (and eugenicist) politics. This informal qualitative data from "participatory conversations" (Swain) is situated within a set of formal interview data collected with Palestinian women in the West Bank (approved by the McMaster University Humanities Research Ethics Board) relating to white feminist maternalism in the peace and dialogue industry.

Keywords: decolonial feminism, maternal feminism, anti-racist pedagogies, settler colonial studies, motherhood studies, pedagogy theory, cultural theory

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Authors: Andrew D. Henshaw, James M. Austin

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Introduction: Human trafficking is an increasingly serious transnational criminal enterprise and social security issue. Despite ongoing efforts to mitigate the phenomenon and a significant expansion of security scrutiny over past decades, it is not receding. This is true for many nations in Southeast Asia, widely recognized as the global hub for trafficked persons, including men, women, and children. Clearly, human trafficking is difficult to address because there are numerous drivers, causes, and motivators for it to persist, such as non-military and non-traditional security challenges, i.e., climate change, global warming displacement, and natural disasters. These make displaced persons and refugees particularly vulnerable. The issue is so large conservative estimates put a dollar value at around $150 billion-plus per year (Niethammer, 2020) spanning sexual slavery and exploitation, forced labor, construction, mining and in conflict roles, and forced marriages of girls and women. Coupled with corruption throughout military, police, and civil authorities around the world, and the active hands of powerful transnational criminal organizations, it is likely that such figures are grossly underestimated as human trafficking is misreported, under-detected, and deliberately obfuscated to protect those profiting from it. For example, the 2022 UN report on human trafficking shows a 56% reduction in convictions in that year alone (UNODC, 2022). Our Approach: To better understand this, our research utilizes a bespoke methodology. Applying a JAM (Juxtaposition Assessment Matrix), which we previously developed to detect flows of dark money around the globe (Henshaw, A & Austin, J, 2021), we now focus on the human trafficking paradigm. Indeed, utilizing a JAM methodology has identified key indicators of human trafficking not previously explored in depth. Being a set of structured analytical techniques that provide panoramic interpretations of the subject matter, this iteration of the JAM further incorporates behavioral and driver indicators, including the employment of Open-Source Artificial Intelligence (OS-AI) across multiple collection points. The extracted behavioral data was then applied to identify non-traditional indicators as they contribute to human trafficking. Furthermore, as the JAM OS-AI analyses data from the inverted position, i.e., the viewpoint of the traffickers, it examines the behavioral and physical traits required to succeed. This transposed examination of the requirements of success delivers potential leverage points for exploitation in the fight against human trafficking in a new and novel way. Findings: Our approach identified new innovative datasets that have previously been overlooked or, at best, undervalued. For example, the JAM OS-AI approach identified critical 'dark agent' lynchpins within human trafficking that are difficult to detect and harder to connect to actors and agents within a network. Our preliminary data suggests this is in part due to the fact that ‘dark agents’ in extant research have been difficult to detect and potentially much harder to directly connect to the actors and organizations in human trafficking networks. Our research demonstrates that using new investigative techniques such as OS-AI-aided JAM introduces a powerful toolset to increase understanding of human trafficking and transnational crime and illuminate networks that, to date, avoid global law enforcement scrutiny.

Keywords: human trafficking, open-source intelligence, transnational crime, human security, international human rights, intelligence analysis, JAM OS-AI, Dark Money

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Authors: Merav Alush Levron, Sivan Rajuan Shtang

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From as early as their emergence in Europe and the US, postmodern and post-colonial paradigm have formed the backbone of the visual culture field of study. The self-representation project of political minorities is studied, described and explained within the premises and perspectives drawn from these paradigms, addressing the key issues they had raised: modernism’s crisis of representation. The struggle for self-representation, agency and multicultural visibility sought to challenge the liberal pretense of universality and equality, hitting at its different blind spots, on issues such as class, gender, race, sex, and nationality. This struggle yielded subversive identity and hybrid performances, including reclaiming, mimicry and masquerading. These performances sought to defy the uniform, universal self, which forms the basis for the liberal, rational, enlightened subject. The argument of this research runs that this politics of representation itself is confined within liberal thought. Alongside post-colonialism and multiculturalism’s contribution in undermining oppressive structures of power, generating diversity in cultural visibility, and exposing the failure of liberal colorblindness, this subversion is constituted in the visual field by way of confrontation, flying in the face of the universal law and relying on its ongoing comparison and attribution to this law. Relying on Deleuze and Guattari, this research set out to draw theoretic and empiric attention to an alternative, post-liberal occurrence which has been taking place in the visual field in parallel to the contra-hegemonic phase and as a product of political reality in the aftermath of the crisis of representation. It is no longer a counter-representation; rather, it is a motion of organic minor desire, progressing in the form of flows and generating what Deleuze and Guattari termed deterritorialization of social structures. This discussion shall have its focus on current post-liberal performances of ‘Mizrahim’ (Jewish Israelis of Arab and Muslim extraction) in the visual field in Israel. In television, video art and photography, these performances challenge the issue of representation and generate concrete peripheral Mizrahiness, realized in the visual organization of the photographic frame. Mizrahiness then transforms from ‘confrontational’ representation into a 'presence', flooding the visual sphere in our plain sight, in a process of 'becoming'. The Mizrahi desire is exerted on the plains of sound, spoken language, the body and the space where they appear. It removes from these plains the coding and stratification engendered by European dominance and rational, liberal enlightenment. This stratification, adhering to the hegemonic surface, is flooded not by way of resisting false consciousness or employing hybridity, but by way of the Mizrahi identity’s own productive, material immanent yearning. The Mizrahi desire reverberates with Mizrahi peripheral 'worlds of meaning', where post-colonial interpretation almost invariably identifies a product of internalized oppression, and a recurrence thereof, rather than a source in itself - an ‘offshoot, never a wellspring’, as Nissim Mizrachi clarifies in his recent pioneering work. The peripheral Mizrahi performance ‘unhook itself’, in Deleuze and Guattari words, from the point of subjectification and interpretation and does not correspond with the partialness, absence, and split that mark post-colonial identities.

Keywords: desire, minority, Mizrahi Jews, post-colonialism, post-liberalism, visibility, Deleuze and Guattari

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Authors: Ronahlee Asuncion

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The nature of their work and employment relationship make domestic workers easy prey to abuse, maltreatment, and exploitation. Considering their plight, this research was conceptualized and examined the: a) level of awareness of Filipino domestic workers on occupational safety and health (OSH); b) their issues/problems/concerns on OSH; c) their intervention strategies at work to address OSH related issues/problems/concerns; d) issues/problems/concerns of government, employers, and non-government organizations with regard to implementation of OSH to Filipino domestic workers; e) the role of government, employers and non-government organizations to help Filipino domestic workers address OSH related issues/problems/concerns; and f) the necessary policy amendments/initiatives/programs to address OSH related issues/problems/concerns of Filipino domestic workers. The study conducted a survey using non-probability sampling, two focus group discussions, two group interviews, and fourteen face-to-face interviews. These were further supplemented with an email correspondence to a key informant based in another country. Books, journals, magazines, and relevant websites further substantiated and enriched data of the research. Findings of the study point to the fact that domestic workers have low level of awareness on OSH because of poor information drive, fragmented implementation of the Domestic Workers Act, inactive campaign at the barangay level, weakened advocacy for domestic workers, absence of law on OSH for domestic workers, and generally low safety culture in the country among others. Filipino domestic workers suffer from insufficient rest, long hours of work, heavy workload, occupational stress, poor accommodation, insufficient hours of sleep, deprivation of day off, accidents and injuries such as cuts, burns, slipping, stumbling, electrical grounding, and fire, verbal, physical and sexual abuses, lack of medical assistance, none provision of personal protective equipment (PPE), absence of knowledge on the proper way of lifting, working at heights, and insufficient food provision. They also suffer from psychological problems because of separation from one’s family, limited mobility in the household where they work, injuries and accidents from using advanced home appliances and taking care of pets, low self-esteem, ergonomic problems, the need to adjust to all household members who have various needs and demands, inability to voice their complaints, drudgery of work, and emotional stress. With regard to illness or health problems, they commonly experience leg pains, back pains, and headaches. In the absence of intervention programs like those offered in the formal employment set up, domestic workers resort to praying, turn to family, relatives and friends for social and emotional support, connect with them through social media like Facebook which also serve as a means of entertainment to them, talk to their employer, and just try to be optimistic about their situation. Promoting OSH for domestic workers is very challenging and complicated because of interrelated factors such as cultural, knowledge, attitudinal, relational, social, resource, economic, political, institutional and legal problems. This complexity necessitates using a holistic and integrated approach as this is not a problem requiring simple solutions. With this recognition comes the full understanding that its success involves the action and cooperation of all duty bearers in attaining decent work for domestic workers.

Keywords: decent work, Filipino domestic workers, occupational safety and health, working conditions

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Authors: Edward Shizha, Edward Makwarimba

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This literature review explores current research on the educational strengths and barriers of newcomer and refugee youth in Canada. Canada’s shift in immigration policy in the past three decades, from Europe to Asian and African countries as source continents of recent immigrants to Canada, has tremendously increased the ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious diversity of the population, including that of students in its education system. Over 18% of the country’s population was born in another country, of which 70% are visible minorities. There has been an increase in admitted immigrants and refugees, with a total of 226,203 between July 2020 and June 2021. Newcomer parents and their children in all major destination countries, including Canada, face tremendous challenges, including racism and discrimination, lack of English language skills, poverty, income inequality, unemployment, and underemployment. They face additional challenges, including discrimination against those who cannot speak the official languages, English or French. The severity of the challenges depends on several intersectional factors, including immigrant status (asylum seeker, refugee, or immigrant), age, gender, level of education and others. Through the lens of intersectionality as an explanatory perspective, this literature review examines the educational attainment and outcomes of newcomer and refugee youth in Canada in order to understand their educational needs, educational barriers and strengths. Newcomer youths’ experiences are shaped by numerous intersectional and interconnected sociocultural, sociopolitical, and socioeconomic factors—including gender, migration status, racialized status, ethnicity, socioeconomic class, sexual minority status, age, race—that produce and perpetuate their disadvantage. According to research, immigrants and refugees from visible minority ethnic backgrounds experience exclusions more than newcomers from other backgrounds and groups from the mainstream population. For many immigrant parents, migration provides financial and educational opportunities for their children. Yet, when attending school, newcomer and refugee youth face unique challenges related to racism and discrimination, negative attitudes and stereotypes from teachers and other school authorities, language learning and proficiency, differing levels of acculturation, and different cultural views of the role of parents in relation to teachers and school, and unfamiliarity with the social or school context in Canada. Recognizing discrepancies in educational attainment of newcomer and refugee youth based on their race and immigrant status, the paper develops insights into existing research and data gaps related to educational strengths and challenges for visible minority newcomer youth in Canada. The paper concludes that the educational successes or failures of the newcomer and refugee youth and their settlement and integration into the school system in Canada may depend on where their families settle, the attitudes of the host community and the school officials (teachers, guidance counsellors and school administrators) after-school support programs and their own set of coping mechanisms. Conceivably a unique approach to after-school programming should provide learning supports and opportunities that consider newcomer and refugee youth’s needs, experiences, backgrounds and circumstances. This support is likely to translate into significant academic and psychological well-being of newcomer students.

Keywords: deficit discourse, discrimination, educational outcomes, newcomer and refugee youth, racism, strength-based approach, whiteness

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Authors: Marthinus Conradie

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The conversational dynamics of democratically orientated deliberation continue to stimulate critical scholarship for its potential to bolster robust engagement between different sections of pluralist societies. Several axes of deliberation that have attracted academic attention include face-to-face vs. online interaction, and citizen-to-citizen communication vs. engagement between citizens and political elites. In all these areas, numerous researchers have explored deliberative procedures aimed at achieving instrumental goals such a securing consensus on policy issues, against procedures that prioritise expressive outcomes such as broadening the range of argumentative repertoires that discursively construct and mediate specific political issues. The study that informs this paper, works in the latter stream. Drawing its data from the reader-comments section of a South African broadsheet newspaper, the study investigates online, citizen-to-citizen deliberation by analysing the discursive practices through which competing understandings of social problems are articulated and contested. To advance this agenda, the paper deals specifically with user-generated comments posted in response to news stories on questions of race and racism in South Africa. The analysis works to discern and interpret the various sets of discourse practices that shape how citizens deliberate contentious political issues, especially racism. Since the website in question is designed to encourage the critical comparison of divergent interpretations of news events, without feeding directly into national policymaking, the study adopts an analytic framework that traces how citizens articulate arguments, rather than the instrumental effects that citizen deliberations might exert on policy. The paper starts from the argument that such expressive interactions are particularly crucial to current trends in South African politics, given that the precise nature of race and racism remain contested and uncertain. Centred on a sample of 2358 conversational moves in 814 posts to 18 news stories emanating from issues of race and racism, the analysis proceeds in a two-step fashion. The first stage conducts a qualitative content analysis that offers insights into the levels of reciprocity among commenters (do readers engage with each other or simply post isolated opinions?), as well as the structures of argumentation (do readers support opinions by citing evidence?). The second stage involves a more fine-grained discourse analysis, based on a theorisation of argumentation that delineates it into three components: opinions/conclusions, evidence/data to support opinions/conclusions and warrants that explicate precisely how evidence/data buttress opinions/conclusions. By tracing the manifestation and frequency of specific argumentative practices, this study contributes to the archive of research currently aggregating around the practices that characterise South Africans’ engagement with provocative political questions, especially racism and racial inequity. Additionally, the study also contributes to recent scholarship on the affordances of Web 2.0 software by eschewing a simplistic bifurcation between cyber-optimist vs. pessimism, in favour of a more nuanced and context-specific analysis of the patterns that structure online deliberation.

Keywords: online deliberation, discourse analysis, qualitative content analysis, racism

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Authors: Majdah Alnefaie

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The ‘netnographic study’ and data mining have been used to monitor the public interaction on Social Media Sites (SMSs) to understand what the motivational factors influence the Saudi intentions regarding allowing women driving in Saudi Arabia in 2018. The netnographic study monitored the publics’ textual and visual communications in Twitter, Snapchat, and YouTube. SMSs users’ communications method is also known as electronic word of mouth (eWOM). Netnography methodology is still in its initial stages as it depends on manual extraction, reading and classification of SMSs users text. On the other hand, data mining is come from the computer and physical sciences background, therefore it is much harder to extract meaning from unstructured qualitative data. In addition, the new development in data mining software does not support the Arabic text, especially local slang in Saudi Arabia. Therefore, collaborations between social and computer scientists such as ‘netnographic study’ and data mining will enhance the efficiency of this study methodology leading to comprehensive research outcome. The eWOM communications between individuals on SMSs can promote a sense that sharing their preferences and experiences regarding politics and social government regulations is a part of their daily life, highlighting the importance of using SMSs as assistance in promoting participation in political and social. Therefore, public interactions on SMSs are important tools to comprehend people’s intentions regarding the new government regulations in the country. This study aims to answer this question, "What factors influence the Saudi Arabians' intentions of Saudi female's car-driving in 2018". The study utilized qualitative method known as netnographic study. The study used R studio to collect and analyses 27000 Saudi users’ comments from 25th May until 25th June 2018. The study has developed data collection model that support importing and analysing the Arabic text in the local slang. The data collection model in this study has been clustered based on different type of social networks, gender and the study main factors. The social network analysis was employed to collect comments from SMSs owned by governments’ originations, celebrities, vloggers, social activist and news SMSs accounts. The comments were collected from both males and females SMSs users. The sentiment analysis shows that the total number of positive comments Saudi females car driving was higher than negative comments. The data have provided the most important factors influenced the Saudi Arabians’ intention of Saudi females car driving including, culture and environment, freedom of choice, equal opportunities, security and safety. The most interesting finding indicted that women driving would play a role in increasing the individual freedom of choice. Saudi female will be able to drive cars to fulfill her daily life and family needs without being stressed due to the lack of transportation. The study outcome will help Saudi government to improve woman quality of life by increasing the ability to find more jobs and studies, increasing income through decreasing the spending on transport means such as taxi and having more freedom of choice in woman daily life needs. The study enhances the importance of using use marketing research to measure the public opinions on the new government regulations in the country. The study has explained the limitations and suggestions for future research.

Keywords: netnographic study, data mining, social media, Saudi Arabia, female driving

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Authors: Wellemans Isabelle, Remmelink Myriam, Foucart Annick, Rusu Stefan, Compère Christophe

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Primary pulmonary meningioma (PPM) is a very rare tumor, and its occurrence has been reported only sporadically. Multiple PPMs are even more exceptional, and herein, we report, to the best of our knowledge, the fourth case, focusing on the clinicopathological features of the tumor. Moreover, the possible relationship between the use of progesterone–only contraceptives and the development of these neoplasms will be discussed. Case Report: We report a case of a 51-year-old female presenting three solid pulmonary nodules, with the following localizations: right upper lobe, middle lobe, and left lower lobe, described as incidental findings on computed tomography (CT) during a pre-bariatric surgery check-up. The patient revealed no drinking or smoking history. The physical exam was unremarkable except for the obesity. The lesions ranged in size between 6 and 24 mm and presented as solid nodules with lobulated contours. The largest lesion situated in the middle lobe had mild fluorodeoxyglucose (FDG) uptake on F-18 FDG positron emission tomography (PET)/CT, highly suggestive of primary lung neoplasm. For pathological assessment, video-assisted thoracoscopic middle lobectomy and wedge resection of the right upper nodule was performed. Histological examination revealed relatively well-circumscribed solid proliferation of bland meningothelial cells growing in whorls and lobular nests, presenting intranuclear pseudo-inclusions and psammoma bodies. No signs of anaplasia were observed. The meningothelial cells expressed diffusely Vimentin, focally Progesterone receptors and were negative for epithelial (cytokeratin (CK) AE1/AE3, CK7, CK20, Epithelial Membrane Antigen (EMA)), neuroendocrine markers (Synaptophysin, Chromogranin, CD56) and Estrogenic receptors. The proliferation labelling index Ki-67 was low (<5%). Metastatic meningioma was ruled out by brain and spine magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scans. The third lesion localized in the left lower lobe was followed-up and resected three years later because of its slow but significant growth (14 mm to 16 mm), alongside two new infra centimetric lesions. Those three lesions showed a morphological and immunohistochemical profile similar to previously resected lesions. The patient was disease-free one year post-last surgery. Discussion: Although PPMs are mostly benign and slow-growing tumors with an excellent prognosis, they do not present specific radiological characteristics, and it is difficult to differentiate it from other lung tumors, histopathologic examination being essential. Aggressive behavior is associated with atypical or anaplastic features (WHO grades II–III) The etiology is still uncertain and different mechanisms have been proposed. A causal connection between sexual hormones and meningothelial proliferation has long been suspected and few studies examining progesterone only contraception and meningioma risk have all suggested an association. In line with this, our patient was treated with Levonorgestrel, a progesterone agonist, intra-uterine device (IUD). Conclusions: PPM, defined by the typical histological and immunohistochemical features of meningioma in the lungs and the absence of central nervous system lesions, is an extremely rare neoplasm, mainly solitary and associating, and indolent growth. Because of the unspecific radiologic findings, it should always be considered in the differential diagnosis of lung neoplasms. Regarding multiple PPM, only three cases are reported in the literature, and this is the first described in a woman treated by a progesterone-only IUD to the best of our knowledge.

Keywords: pulmonary meningioma, multiple meningioma, meningioma, pulmonary nodules

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Authors: Juliet Sorensen, Anna Maitland

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Introduction: Characterized by lack of water and sanitation, food insecurity, and low access to hospitals and clinics, informal urban settlements in Lagos, Nigeria have very poor health outcomes. With little education and a general inability to demand basic rights, these communities are often disempowered and isolated from understanding, claiming, or owning their health needs. Utilizing community-based participatory research characterized by interdisciplinary, cross-cultural partnerships, evidence-based assessments, and both primary and secondary source research, a holistic health education and advocacy program was developed in Lagos to address health barriers for targeted communities. This includes a first of its kind guide formulated to teach community-based health educators how to transmit health information to low-literacy Nigerian audiences while supporting behavior change models and social support mechanisms. This paper discusses the interdisciplinary contributions to developing a health education program while also looking at the need for greater beneficiary ownership and implementation of health justice and access. Methods: In March 2016, an interdisciplinary group of medical, legal, and business graduate students and faculty from Northwestern University conduced a Health Needs Assessment (HNA) in Lagos with a partner and a local non-governmental organization. The HNA revealed that members of informal urban communities in Lagos were lacking basic health literacy, but desired to remedy this lacuna. Further, the HNA revealed that even where the government mandates specific services, many vulnerable populations are unable to access these services. The HNA concluded that a program focused on education, advocacy, and organizing around anatomy, maternal and sexual health, infectious disease and malaria, HIV/AIDS, emergency care, and water and sanitation would respond to stated needs while also building capacity in communities to address health barriers. Results: Based on the HNA, including both primary and secondary source research on integrated health education approaches and behavior change models and responsive, adaptive material development, a holistic program was developed for the Lagos partners and first implemented in November 2016. This program trained community-nominated health educators in adult, low-literacy, knowledge exchange approaches, utilizing information identified by communities as a priority. After a second training in March 2017, these educators will teach community-based groups and will support and facilitate behavior change models and peer-support methods around basic issues like hand washing and disease transmission. They will be supported by community paralegals who will help ensure that newly trained community groups can act on education around access, such as receiving free vaccinations, maternal health care, and HIV/AIDS medicines. Materials will continue to be updated as needs and issues arise, with a focus on identifying best practices around health improvements that can be shared across these partner communities. Conclusion: These materials are the first of their kind, and address a void of health information and understanding pervasive in informal-urban Lagos communities. Initial feedback indicates high levels of commitment and interest, as well as investment by communities in these materials, largely because they are responsive, targeted, and build community capacity. This methodology is an important step in dignity-based health justice solutions, albeit in the process of refinement.

Keywords: community health educators, interdisciplinary and cross cultural partnerships, health justice and access, Nigeria

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Authors: Nathan Garcia

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The polarizing dialogue of contemporary political America results from core philosophical differences. But these differences are beyond ideological and reach metaphysical distinction. Good intellectual historians have theorized that fundamental concepts such as freedom, God, and nature have been sterilized of their intellectual vigor. They are partially correct. 19th-century pragmatist Charles Sanders Peirce offers a penetrating philosophy which can yield greater insight into the contemporary political divide. Peirce argues that metaphysical and ethical issues are derivative of operational logic. His triadic logical structure and ensuing metaphysical principles constructed therefrom is contemporaneously applicable for three reasons. First, Peirce’s logic aptly scrutinizes the logical processes of liberal and conservative mindsets. Each group arrives at a cosmological root metaphor (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment (deduction), ultimately prompting attempts to verify the original abduction (induction). Peirce’s system demonstrates that liberal citizens develop a cosmological root metaphor in the concept of fairness (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment of, for example, underrepresented communities being unfairly preyed upon (deduction), thereby inciting anger toward traditional socio-political structures suspected of purposefully destabilizing minority communities (induction). Similarly, conservative citizens develop a cosmological root metaphor in the concept of freedom (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment of, for example, liberal citizens advocating an expansion of governmental powers (deduction), thereby inciting anger towards liberal communities suspected of attacking freedoms of ordinary Americans in a bid to empower their interests through the government (induction). The value of this triadic assessment is the categorization of distinct types of inferential logic by their purpose and boundaries. Only deductive claims can be concretely proven, while abductive claims are merely preliminary hypotheses, and inductive claims are accountable to interdisciplinary oversight. Liberals and conservative logical processes preclude constructive dialogue because of (a) an unshared abductive framework, and (b) misunderstanding the rules and responsibilities of their types of claims. Second, Peircean metaphysical principles offer a greater summary of the contemporaneously divisive political climate. His insights can weed through the partisan theorizing to unravel the underlying philosophical problems. Corrosive nominalistic and essentialistic presuppositions weaken the ability to share experiences and communicate effectively, both requisite for any promising constructive dialogue. Peirce’s pragmatist system can expose and evade fallacious thinking in pursuit of a refreshing alternative framework. Finally, Peirce’s metaphysical foundation enables a logically coherent, scientifically informed orthopraxis well-suited for American dialogue. His logical structure necessitates radically different anthropology conducive to shared experiences and dialogue within a dynamic, cultural continuum. Pierce’s fallibilism and sensitivity to religious sentiment successfully navigate between liberal and conservative values. In sum, he provides a normative paradigm for intranational dialogue that privileges individual experience and values morally defensible notions of freedom, God, and nature. Utilizing Peirce’s thought will yield fruitful analysis and offers a promising philosophical alternative for framing and engaging in contemporary American political discourse.

Keywords: Charles s. Peirce, american politics, logic, pragmatism

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Authors: Marcela Davalos Lopez

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The history of the circulation of hygienic knowledge and the consolidation of public health in Latin American cities towards the end of the 19th century is well known. Among them, Mexico City was inserted in international politics, strengthened institutions, medical knowledge, applied parameters of modernity and built sanitary engineering works. Despite the power that this hygienist system achieved, its scope was relative: it cannot be generalized to all cities. From a comparative and contextual analysis, it will be shown that conclusions derived from modern urban historiography present, from our contemporary observations, fractures. Between 1890 and 1930, the small cities and areas surrounding the Mexican capital adapted in their own way the international and federal public health regulations. This will be shown for neighborhoods located around Mexico City and in a medium city, close to the Mexican capital (about 80 km), called Cuernavaca. While the inhabitants of the neighborhoods kept awaiting the evolutionary process and the forms that public hygiene policies were taking (because they were witnesses and affected in their territories), in Cuernavaca, the dictates came as an echo. While the capital was drained, large roads were opened, roundabouts were erected, residents were expelled, and drains, sewers, drinking water pipes, etc., were built; Cuernavaca was sheltered in other times and practices. What was this due to? Undoubtedly, the time and energy that it took politicians and the group of "scientists" to carry out these enormous works in the Mexican capital took them away from addressing the issue in remote villages. It was not until the 20th century that the federal hygiene policy began to be strengthened. Despite this, there are other factors that emphasize the particularities of each site. I would like to draw attention here to the different receptions that each town prepared on public hygiene. We will see that Cuernavaca responded to its own semi-rural culture, history, orography and functions, prolonging for much longer, for example, the use of its deep ravines as sewers. For their part, the neighborhoods surrounding the capital, although affected and excluded from hygienist policies, chose to move away from them and solve the deficiencies with their own resources (they resorted to the waste that was left from the dried lake of Mexico to continue their lake practices). All of this points to a paradox that shapes our contemporary concerns: on the one hand, the benefits derived from medical knowledge and its technological applications (in this work referring particularly to the urban health system) and, on the other, the alteration it caused in environmental settings. Places like Cuernavaca (classified by the nineteenth-century and hygienists of the first decades of the twentieth century as backward), as well as landscapes such as neighborhoods, affected by advances in sanitary engineering, keep in their memory buried practices that we observe today as possible ways to reestablish environmental balances: alternative uses of water; recycling of organic materials; local uses of fauna; various systems for breaking down excreta, and so on. In sum, what the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries graduated as levels of backwardness or progress, turn out to be key information to rethink the routes of environmental conservation. When we return to the observations of the scientists, politicians and lawyers of that period, we find historically rejected cultural alterity. Populations such as Cuernavaca that, due to their history, orography and/or insufficiency of federal policies, kept different relationships with the environment, today give us clues to reorient basic elements of cities: alternative uses of water, waste of raw materials, organic or consumption of local products, among others. It is, therefore, a matter of unearthing the rejected that cries out to emerge to the surface.

Keywords: sanitary hygiene, Mexico city, cultural alterity, environmental conservation, environmental history

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Authors: Kristina F. Wolff

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Background: In the Federal Republic of Germany, violence against women is deeply embedded in society. Germany is, as of March 2020, the most populous member state of the European Union with 83.2 million inhabitants and, although more than half of its inhabitants are women, gender equality was not certified in the Basic Law until 1957. Women have only been allowed to enter paid employment without their husband's consent since 1977 and have marital rape prosecuted only since 1997. While the lack of equality between men and women is named in the preamble of the Istanbul Convention as the cause of gender-specific, structural, traditional violence against women, Germany continues to sink on the latest Gender Equality Index. According to Police Crime Statistics (PCS), women are significantly more often victims of lethal violence, emanating from men than vice versa. The PCS, which, since 2015, also collects gender-specific data on violent crimes, is kept by the Federal Criminal Police Office, but without taking into account the relevant criteria for targeted prevention, such as the history of violence of the perpetrator/killer, weapon, motivation, etc.. Institutions such as EIGE or the World Health Organization have been asking Germany for years in vain for comparable data on violence against women in order to gain an overview or to develop cross-border synergies. The PCS are the only official data collection on violence against women. All players involved are depend on this data set, which is published only in November of the following year and is thus already completely outdated at the time of publication. In order to combat German femicides causally, purposefully and efficiently, evidence-based data was urgently needed. Methodology: Beginning in January 2019, a database was set up that now tracks more than 600 German femicides, broken down by more than 100 crime-related individual criteria, which in turn go far beyond the official PCS. These data are evaluated on the one hand by daily media research, and on the other hand by case-specific inquiries at the respective public prosecutor's offices and courts nationwide. This quantitative long-term study covers domestic violence as well as a variety of different types of gender-specific, lethal violence, including, for example, femicides committed by German citizens abroad. Additionallyalcohol/ narcotic and/or drug abuse, infanticides and the gender aspect in the judiciary are also considered. Results: Since November 2020, evidence-based data from a scientific survey have been available for the first time in Germany, supplementing the rudimentary picture of reality provided by PCS with a number of relevant parameters. The most important goal of the study is to identify "red flags" that enable general preventive awareness, that serve increasingly precise hazard assessment in acute hazard situations, and from which concrete instructions for action can be identified. Already at a very early stage of the study it could be proven that in more than half of all femicides with a sexual perpetrator/victim constellation there was an age difference of five years or more. Summary: Without reliable data and an understanding of the nature and extent, cause and effect, it is impossible to sustainably curb violence against girls and women, which increasingly often culminates in femicide. In Germany, valid data from a scientific survey has been available for the first time since November 2020, supplementing the rudimentary reality picture of the official and, to date, sole crime statistics with several relevant parameters. The basic research provides insights into geo-concentration, monthly peaks and the modus operandi of male violent excesses. A significant increase of child homicides in the course of femicides and/or child homicides as an instrument of violence against the mother could be proven as well as a danger of affected persons due to an age difference of five years and more. In view of the steadily increasing wave of violence against women, these study results are an eminent contribution to the preventive containment of German femicides.

Keywords: femicide, violence against women, gender specific data, rule Of law, Istanbul convention, gender equality, gender based violence

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