Search results for: political history

Authors: Harmeet Pal Singh Dhooria, Deepinder Chinna, UPS Sidhu, Alok Jain

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Serious infections caused by gram-negative bacteria are a significant cause of mortality and morbidity in the hospital setting. In acute care facilities like in intensive care units (ICUs), the intensity of antimicrobial use together with a population highly susceptible to infection, creates an environment, which facilitates both emergence and transmission of Extended Spectrum -lactamase (ESBL) producing Enterobacteriaceae species. The study was conducted in the Medical Intensive Care Unit (MICU) and the Pulmonary Critical Care Unit (PCCU) of the Department of Medicine, Dayanand Medical College and Hospital, Ludhiana, Punjab, India. Out of a total of 1108 samples of urine, blood and respiratory tract secretions received for culture and sensitivity analysis from Medical Intensive Care Unit and Pulmonary Critical Care Unit, a total of 170 isolates of Enterobacteriaceae species were obtained which were then included in our study. Out of these 170 isolates, confirmed ESBL production was seen in 116 (68.24%) cases. E.coli was the most common species isolated (56.47%) followed by Klebsiella (32.94%), Enterobacter (5.88%), Citrobacter (3.53%), Enterobacter (0.59%) and Morganella (0.59%) among the total isolates. The rate of ESBL production was more in Klebsiella (78.57%) as compared to E.coli (60.42%). ESBL producers were found to be significantly more common in patients with prior history of hospitalization, antibiotic use, and prolonged ICU stay. Also significantly increased the prevalence of ESBL related infections was observed in patients with a history of catheterization or central line insertion but not in patients with the history of intubation. Patients who had an underlying malignancy had significantly higher prevalence of ESBL related infections as compared to other co-morbid illnesses. A slightly significant difference in the rate of mortality/LAMA was observed in the ESBL producer versus the non-ESBL producer group. The rate of mortality/LAMA was significantly higher in the ESBL related UTI but not in the ESBL related respiratory tract and bloodstream infections. ESBL producing isolates had significantly higher rates of resistance to Cefepime and Piperacillin/Tazobactum, and to non β-lactum antibiotics like Amikacin and Ciprofloxacin. The level of resistance to Imipenem was lower as compared to other antibiotics. However, it was noted that ESBL producing isolates had higher levels of resistance to Imipenem as compared to non-ESBL producing isolates. Conclusion- The prevalence of ESBL producing organisms was found to be very high (68.24%) among Enterobacteriaceae isolates in our ICU setting as among other ICU care settings around the world.

Keywords: enterobacteriaceae, extended spectrum B-lactamase (ESBL), ICU, antibiotic resistance

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Authors: Hao Huang

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INTRODUCTION: The Association of American Colleges and Universities (AACU) recommends the development of ‘high-impact practices,’ in an effort to increase rates of student retention and student engagement at undergraduate institutions. To achieve these goals, the Scripps College Humanities Institute and HI Fellows Seminar not only featured distinguished academics presenting their scholarship about current immigration policy and its consequences in the USA and around the world but integrated socially significant community leaders and creative activists/artivists in public talks, student workshops and collaborative art events. Students participated in experiential learning that involved guest personal presentations and discussions, oral history interviews that applied standard oral history methodologies, detailed cultural documentation, collaborative artistic interventions, and weekly posts in Internet Digital Learning Environment Sakai collaborative course forums and regular responses to other students’ comments. Our teaching pedagogies addressed the four learning styles outlined in Kolb’s Learning Style Inventory. PROJECT DESCRIPTION: Over the academic year 2017-18, the Scripps College Humanities Institute and HI Fellows Seminar presented a Fall 2017 topic, ‘The World at Our Doorsteps: Immigration and Deportation in Los Angeles’. Our purpose was to address how current federal government anti-immigration measures have affected many students of color, some of whom are immigrants, many of whom are related to and are friends with people who are impacted by the attitudes as well as the practices of the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. In Spring 2018, we followed with the topic, ‘Exclusive Nationalisms: Global Migration and Immigration’. This addresses the rise of white supremacists who have ascended to position of power worldwide, in America, Europe, Russia, and xenophobic nationalisms in China, Myanmar and the Philippines. Recent scholarship has suggested the existence of categories of refugees beyond the political or social, who fit into the more inclusive category of migrants. ASSESSMENT METHODOLOGIES: Assessment methodologies not only included qualitative student interviews and quantitative student evaluations in standard rubric format, but also Outcome Assessments, Formative Evaluations, and Outside Guest Teacher feedback. These indicated that the most effective educational practices involved collaborative inquiry in undergraduate research, community-based learning, and capstone projects. Assessments of E-portfolios, written and oral coursework, and final creative projects with associated 10-12 page analytic paper revealed that students developed their understanding of how government and social organizations work; they developed communication skills that enhanced working with others from different backgrounds; they developed their ability to thoughtfully evaluate their course performance by adopting reflective practices; they gained analytic and interpretive skills that encouraged self-confidence and self- initiative not only academically, but also with regards to independent projects. CONCLUSION: Most importantly, the Scripps Humanities Institute experiential learning project spurred on real-world actions by our students, such as a public symposium on how to cope with bigots, a student tutoring program for immigrant staff children, student negotiations with the administration to establish meaningful, sustainable diversity and inclusion programs on-campus. Activism is not only to be taught to and for our students– it has to be enacted by our students.

Keywords: immigration, migration, human rights, learning assessment

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Authors: Weldegerima Gebremedhin Hagos

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Background: The Coronavirus disease of 2019 (COVID-19) is a catastrophic emerging global health threat caused by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2). COVID-19 has a wide range of complications and sequels. It is devastating in developing countries, causing serious health and socioeconomic crises as a result of the increasingly overburdened healthcare system. Ethiopia reported the first case of SARS-CoV-2 on 13th March 2020, with community transmission ensuing by mid-May. The aim of this study was conducted to determine the prevalence of SARS-CoV-2 infection in Tigray, Ethiopia. Methods: Facility-based correctional study designs were used on a total of 380 study participants from March 2023 up to May 2023 in two general hospitals and one comprehensive specialized hospital in Tigray, Ethiopia. A pre-structured questionnaire was used to assess information regarding the socio-demographic, clinical data and other risk factors. A nasal swap was taken by trained health professionals, and the laboratory analysis was done by RT-PCR (quant studio 7-flex, applied biosystems) in Tigrai Health Research Institute and Mekelle University Medical Microbiology Research Laboratory. Result: The mean age of the study participants was 31 (SD+/-3.5) years, with 65% being male and 35% female. The overall seropositivity of sars-cov-2 among the study participants was 5.5%. The prevalence was higher in males (6.2%) than females which were (4.7%). Sars-cov-2 infection was significantly associated with a history of lack of vaccination (p-value 0.002). There was no significant association between seropositivity and demographic factors (P > 0.05). Conclusion: The seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 among the study participants is high. Those study participants with a previous history of vaccination have a low probability of developing COVID-19 infection. A low SARS-CoV-2 infection rate was recorded in those who frequently use masks.

Keywords: prevalence, SARS-CoV-2, infection, risk factors

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Authors: Behnoush Moghiminia, Jesus Anaya Diaz

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The current study attempts to present the relationship between the structure development and Patkaneh as one of the Iranian geometric patterns and parametric algorithms by introducing two practical methods. While having a structural function, Patkaneh is also used as an ornamental element. It can be helpful in the scientific and practical review of Patkaneh. The current study aims to use Patkaneh as a parametric form generator based on the algorithm. The current paper attempts to express how can a more complete algorithm of this covering be obtained based on the parametric study and analysis of a sample of a Patkaneh and also investigate the relationship between the development of the geometrical pattern of Patkaneh as a structural-decorative element of Iranian architecture and digital design. In this regard, to achieve the research purposes, researchers investigated the oldest type of Patkaneh in the architecture history of Iran, such as the Northern Entrance Patkaneh of Oshtorjan Jame’ Mosque. An accurate investigation was done on the history of the background to answer the questions. Then, by investigating the structural behavior of Patkaneh, the decorative or structural-decorative role of Patkaneh was investigated to eliminate the ambiguity. Then, the geometrical structure of Patkaneh was analyzed by introducing two practical methods. The first method is based on the constituent units of Patkaneh (Square and diamond) and investigating the interactive relationships between them in 2D and 3D. This method is appropriate for cases where there are rational and regular geometrical relationships. The second method is based on the separation of the floors and the investigation of their interrelation. It is practical when the constituent units are not geometrically regular and have numerous diversity. Finally, the parametric form algorithm of these methods was codified.

Keywords: geometric properties, parametric design, Patkaneh, structural analysis

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Niina Meriläinen

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Digital platforms are arenas for dialogue, various kinds of political debates, information and news gathering, policymaking, and social change processes. Human rights serve as examples of social and political issues that are universally noted as principles and yet often violated on digital platforms as well as in the analog world. Digital platforms in this study are different Internet sites, blogs, discussion platforms, social media apps, and gaming. Various actors, from human rights activists and non-governmental organizations to individual people, governments, and corporations, use digital platforms along with analog arenas to discuss and defend human rights, while violators can find new victims and continue violating rights on the same platforms. Digital platforms create opportunities for various women and minorities to empower themselves and others and to be active in various arenas of society and policymaking. At the same time, digital platforms pose threats to human rights globally, especially to women, girls, and minorities. The results of this meta-study of n=120 academic case studies indicate that more research is needed to determine the framework of human rights and human rights on digital platforms. A broad discussion must be had on what human rights require in the digital realm and how ICTs may enhance or threaten our ability to respect, protect, and fulfill a wide variety of human rights while various digital platforms pose multiple threats to human rights. This relates to the willingness of political decision-makers to act upon various crimes committed on and with online platforms. More research is needed to determine the framework of digital human rights and human rights on digital platforms in relation to political communication and decision-making. It is important to develop a framework in which these are defined. It must be discussed who participates in this process: those whose rights are violated, companies that profit by selling our personal data, activists, governments, and some unknown actors. In the end, the question comes back to who has the power to define what we talk about, when, and where. This use of power plays a big role. Digital platforms illustrate the darker side of technological progress, which, on the one hand, has given various people the possibility to engage in society, empower themselves, and take ownership of their rights globally. At the same time, the platforms enable others to use the same platforms to find victims, abuse them, and exploit them. Bullying, harassment, and violence are rampant on various digital platforms, where minorities and people with limited support are victims. There is indeed a need for a discussion of normative values in the era of fake news, the power of influencers, Trumpism, and institutionalized disregard for human rights, gender equality, and the elimination of gender-based violence online. Attention and obligations must be placed on politicians and internet architecture, such as corporations, and their roles in human rights and their violations online.

Keywords: human rights, digital platforms, violations, internet, social media

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Authors: Shafiqul Islam, Cordia Chu

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Bangladesh contributes little to global climate change, yet it is one of the countries most vulnerable to climate change. Based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and literature review, focusing public spending distribution process, this paper demonstrates how the processes of political economy- enclosure, exclusion, encroachment, and entrenchment hinder the Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) efforts of Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund (BCCTF). Enclosure refers to when CCA projects allocated to less vulnerable areas or expand the roles of influencing actors into the public sphere. Exclusion refers to when CCA projects limit affected people's access to resources or marginalize particular stakeholders in decision-making activities. Encroachment refers to when allocation of CCA projects and selection of location and issues degrade the environmental affect or contribute to other forms of disaster risk. Entrenchment refers to when CCA projects aggravate the disempowerment of common people worsen the concentrations of wealth and income inequality within a community. In the case of Bangladesh, climate change policies implemented under the country’s National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA) and Bangladesh Climate Change Strategic Action Plan (BCCSAP) have somehow enabled influential-elites to mobilize and distribute resources through bureaucracies. Exclusionary forms of fund distribution of CCA exist at both the national and local scales. CCA related allocations have encroached through the low land areas development project without consulting local needs. Most severely, CCA related unequal allocations have entrenched social class trapping the backward communities vulnerable to climate related disasters. Planners and practitioners of BCCTF need to take necessary steps to eliminate the potential risks from the processes of enclosure, exclusion, encroachment, and entrenchment happens in project fund allocations.

Keywords: Bangladesh, climate change adaptation, political economy, public fund distribution

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Authors: Igor Pejic

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The main focus of this research will be on analyzing correlative links between terrorism as an asymmetrical threat and the consequences it leaves on conventional security forces. The methodology behind the research will include qualitative research methods focusing on comparative analysis of books, scientific papers, documents and other sources, in order to deduce, explore and formulate the results of the research. With the coming of the 21^st century and the rising multi-polar, new world threats quickly emerged. The realistic approach in international relations deems that relations among nations are in a constant state of anarchy since there are no definitive rules and the distribution of power varies widely. International relations are further characterized by egoistic and self-orientated human nature, anarchy or absence of a higher government, security and lack of morality. The asymmetry of power is also reflected on countries' security capabilities and its abilities to project power. With the coming of the new millennia and the rising multi-polar world order, the asymmetry of power can be also added as an important trait of the global society which consequently brought new threats. Among various others, terrorism is probably the most well-known, well-based and well-spread asymmetric threat. In today's global political arena, terrorism is used by state and non-state actors to fulfill their political agendas. Terrorism is used as an all-inclusive tool for regime change, subversion or a revolution. Although the nature of terrorist groups is somewhat inconsistent, terrorism as a security and social phenomenon has a one constant which is reflected in its political dimension. The state's security apparatus, which was embodied in the form of conventional armed forces, is now becoming fragile, unable to tackle new threats and to a certain extent outdated. Conventional security forces were designed to defend or engage an exterior threat which is more or less symmetric and visible. On the other hand, terrorism as an asymmetrical threat is a part of hybrid, special or asymmetric warfare in which specialized units, institutions or facilities represent the primary pillars of security. In today's global society, terrorism is probably the most acute problem which can paralyze entire countries and their political systems. This problem, however, cannot be engaged on an open field of battle, but rather it requires a different approach in which conventional armed forces cannot be used traditionally and their role must be adjusted. The research will try to shed light on the phenomena of modern day terrorism and to prove its correlation with the state conventional armed forces. States are obliged to adjust their security apparatus to the new realism of global society and terrorism as an asymmetrical threat which is a side-product of the unbalanced world.

Keywords: asymmetrical warfare, conventional forces, security, terrorism

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Authors: Sergio V Davalos, Alison L. Watkins

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User generated content (UGC) such as website post has data associated with it: time of the post, gender, location, type of device, and number of words. The text entered in user generated content (UGC) can provide a valuable dimension for analysis. In this research, each user post is treated as a collection of terms (words). In addition to the number of words per post, the frequency of each term is determined by post and by the sum of occurrences in all posts. This research focuses on one specific aspect of UGC: sentiment. Sentiment analysis (SA) was applied to the content (user posts) of two sets of political forums related to the US presidential elections for 2012 and 2016. Sentiment analysis results in deriving data from the text. This enables the subsequent application of data analytic methods. The SASA (SAIL/SAI Sentiment Analyzer) model was used for sentiment analysis. The application of SASA resulted with a sentiment score for each post. Based on the sentiment scores for the posts there are significant differences between the content and sentiment of the two sets for the 2012 and 2016 presidential election forums. In the 2012 forums, 38% of the forums started with positive sentiment and 16% with negative sentiment. In the 2016 forums, 29% started with positive sentiment and 15% with negative sentiment. There also were changes in sentiment over time. For both elections as the election got closer, the cumulative sentiment score became negative. The candidate who won each election was in the more posts than the losing candidates. In the case of Trump, there were more negative posts than Clinton’s highest number of posts which were positive. KNIME topic modeling was used to derive topics from the posts. There were also changes in topics and keyword emphasis over time. Initially, the political parties were the most referenced and as the election got closer the emphasis changed to the candidates. The performance of the SASA method proved to predict sentiment better than four other methods in Sentibench. The research resulted in deriving sentiment data from text. In combination with other data, the sentiment data provided insight and discovery about user sentiment in the US presidential elections for 2012 and 2016.

Keywords: sentiment analysis, text mining, user generated content, US presidential elections

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Arburim Iseni, Afrim Aliti, Nagri Rexhepi

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The blood feud or blood-taking is a social obligation to commit murder in order to salvage honor questioned by an earlier murder or moral humiliation. This social obligation is still preserved as a stub among Albanians when honor is violated. By the term honor are understood many things, such as honor to the family, house, guest, property, etc. Many Albanian family members are forced to stay locked up at home because of the blood killing, whereas other families abandon their houses and migrate to other places. Nonetheless, Albanians maintain close ties with their extended families, clans, and tribes and thus chances are high that the violence can beget more violence and without reconciliation of the blood these families will always be endangered. One of the reasons for the pervasiveness of the blood feud is the poor social conditions, political imbroglio and the power vacuum which comes from the corrupted and judiciary system of the state. Contrary to this, Albanian blood feud is not a phenomenon present only to the Albanians, but it also takes place in some other cultures and nations, such as: Chechens, Montenegrins, Serbians, and lately more radical one is between Amman and Israel who are at constant feud.

Keywords: honor, blood feud, reconciliation, power vacuum, poor social conditions, political imbroglio

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Authors: M. Benjamin Stacey

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Energy efficiency has been increasingly recognized as a high value resource through state policies that require utility companies to implement efficiency programs. While policymakers have recognized the statewide economic, environmental, and health related value to residents who rely on this grid supplied resource, varying interests in energy efficiency between socioeconomic groups stands undifferentiated in most state legislation. Instead, the benefits are oftentimes assumed to be distributed equitably across these groups. Despite this fact, these policies are frequently sited by advocacy groups, regulatory bodies and utility companies for their ability to address the negative financial, health and other social impacts of energy poverty in low income communities. Yet, while most states like Michigan require programs that target low income consumers, oftentimes no requirements exist for the equitable investment and energy savings for low income consumers, nor does it stipulate minimal spending levels on low income programs. To further understand the impact of the absence of these factors in legislation, this study examines the distribution of program funds and energy efficiency savings to answer a fundamental energy justice concern; Are there disparities in the investment and benefits of energy efficiency programs between socioeconomic groups? This study compiles data covering the history of Michigan’s Energy Efficiency policy implementation from 2010-2016, analyzing the energy efficiency portfolios of Michigan’s two main energy providers. To make accurate comparisons between these two energy providers' investments and energy savings in low and non-low income programs, the socioeconomic variation for each utility coverage area was captured and accounted for using GIS and US Census data. Interestingly, this study found that both providers invested more equitably in natural gas efficiency programs, however, together these providers invested roughly three times less per household in low income electricity efficiency programs, which resulted in ten times less electricity savings per household. This study also compares variation in commission approved utility plans and actual spending and savings results, with varying patterns pointing to differing portfolio management strategies between companies. This study reveals that for the history of the implementation of Michigan’s Energy Efficiency Policy, that the 35% of Michigan’s population who qualify as low income have received substantially disproportionate funding and energy savings because of the policy. This study provides an overview of results from a social perspective, raises concerns about the impact on energy poverty and equity between consumer groups and is an applicable tool for law makers, regulatory agencies, utility portfolio managers, and advocacy groups concerned with addressing issues related to energy poverty.

Keywords: energy efficiency, energy justice, low income, state policy

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Authors: Heroda Gebru, Berhanu Seyoum, Melake Damena, Gezahegn Tesfaye

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Background: In Ethiopia there is a population policy aimed at reducing fertility and increasing contraceptive prevalence. Objective: To assess the fertility preference and contraceptive use status of married women who were living in Dire Dawa administrative city. Methods: Cross sectional study which included a sample size of 421 married women of reproductive age were performed. Data was collected using structured questionnaire during house to house survey and semi-structured questionnaire during in-depth interview. Data was processed and analyzed using SPSS version 16 computer software. Univariate, bi variate and multi variate analysis was employed. Results: A total of 421 married women of reproductive age group were interviewed having a response rate of 100 percent. More than half (58.2%) of the respondent have desire of more children. While 41.8% want no more children. Regarding contraceptive use 52.5% of the respondents were using contraceptive at the time of survey. Fertility preference and contraceptive use were significantly associated with age of the respondent, history of child death, number of living children, religion and age at first birth. Conclusions: Those women with younger age group, who had no child death history and women with lesser number of surviving children were more likely desire additional children. Women with older age at first birth and protestant in religion were more likely practiced contraceptive use. Strong information and education regarding contraceptive for younger age group should be provided, advocacy at level of religious leader is important, comprehensive family planning counselling and education should be available for the community, husbands, and religious leaders and the aim for increasing contraceptive use should focus on the practical aspect.

Keywords: fertility preference, contraceptive use, univariate analysis, family planning

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Authors: Gizem Barreto Martins

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This paper explores the subversive potential inherent in the theatrical language employed within Arthur Miller's The Crucible. The research argues that this play intricately weaves ideological connections with its audience and the historical epoch it represents, effectively serving as a channel for ideological and cultural interaction potentially exerting subversive influences on social and political realms. Using a historical-materialist methodology that situates the play within its historical and political context, all while examining its connections with theater and literary theories, the paper raises a fundamental query: How does this dramatic work embody subversion, presenting a style unburdened by the performative conventions of daily life and prevailing codes and systems of representation? In response to this inquiry, the study asserts that theatrical language has the capacity to function as a subversive catalyst against prevailing ideologies, actively contributing to the process of social transformation. To substantiate this claim, the research conducts a detailed analysis of the selected play, employing the semiotic framework pioneered by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.

Keywords: arthur miller, The crucible, gilles deleuze, felix guattari, theater and literary theories

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Authors: Irene Yi

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Machine learning, natural language processing, and neural network models of language are becoming more and more prevalent in the fields of technology and linguistics today. Training data for machines are at best, large corpora of human literature and at worst, a reflection of the ugliness in society. Machines have been trained on millions of human books, only to find that in the course of human history, derogatory and sexist adjectives are used significantly more frequently when describing females in history and literature than when describing males. This is extremely problematic, both as training data, and as the outcome of natural language processing. As machines start to handle more responsibilities, it is crucial to ensure that they do not take with them historical sexist and misogynistic notions. This paper gathers data and algorithms from neural network models of language having to deal with syntax, semantics, sociolinguistics, and text classification. Results are significant in showing the existing intentional and unintentional misogynistic notions used to train machines, as well as in developing better technologies that take into account the semantics and syntax of text to be more mindful and reflect gender equality. Further, this paper deals with the idea of non-binary gender pronouns and how machines can process these pronouns correctly, given its semantic and syntactic context. This paper also delves into the implications of gendered grammar and its effect, cross-linguistically, on natural language processing. Languages such as French or Spanish not only have rigid gendered grammar rules, but also historically patriarchal societies. The progression of society comes hand in hand with not only its language, but how machines process those natural languages. These ideas are all extremely vital to the development of natural language models in technology, and they must be taken into account immediately.

Keywords: gendered grammar, misogynistic language, natural language processing, neural networks

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Authors: Priscilla Echeverria

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For us grown up in neoliberal societies, it is not always clear that we have not only incorporated an economic logic into our subjectivities, but a technical reason, an instrumental way of relationship with the environment inspired in a control interest that constantly dehumanizes us as takes away our capacity of action, becoming mere objects or bureaucrats, stripped of our citizen dimension to participate in social and political issues responsibly and creatively. To restore the capacity of action -agency- is urgent in our societies to strengthen better democracies. On this, the formal educational system plays a crucial role, which in turn needs teachers prepared to understand their role as integral educators instead of mere curriculum managers. For this reason, initial teacher formation (ITF) programs must assume the responsibility of helping them to develop an ethical/political/epistemic pedagogical agency to deal with a technical school culture and, in turn, able to relate to their students in democratic ways to help them to develop their agency capacities. By highlighting a perspective of education as the opposite of technocracy and bureaucracy, this talk precisely addresses ITF as a crucial and formative space to restore a perspective of what a critical education can look like, enabling pedagogy students with pedagogical agency capacities to, in turn, allow their future students to develop it. This discussion is part of my doctoral research, "The importance of developing the capacity for ethical-political-epistemic agency in novice teachers during initial teacher formation to contribute to social justice", which I currently develop in the Educational Research program of the University of Lancaster, United Kingdom, as a Conicyt fellow for the 2019 cohort. This presentation specifically offers preliminary results of the analysis of critical incidents as a research methodological tool to analyse the capacity of pedagogical agency deployed by novice teachers in their first pedagogical experiences in the Chilean context.

Keywords: initial teacher formation, pedagogical agency, pedagogical interaction, hidden curriculum, critical pedagogy, social justice

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Authors: Kgolagano Mpejane

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The study applies a New Institutional Economics (NIE) analytical framework to trade in developing economies by assessing the impacts of institutional quality and institutional quality distance on agricultural trade using a panel data of 15 Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries from the years 1991-2010. The issue of institutions on agricultural trade has not been accorded the necessary attention in the literature, particularly in developing economies. Therefore, the paper empirically tests the gravity model of international trade by measuring the impact of political, economic and legal institutions on intra SADC agricultural trade. The gravity model is noted for its exploratory power and strong theoretical foundation. However, the model has statistical shortcomings in dealing with zero trade values and heteroscedasticity residuals leading to biased results. Therefore, this study employs a two stage Heckman selection model with a Probit equation to estimate the influence of institutions on agricultural trade. The selection stages include the inverse Mills ratio to account for the variable bias of the gravity model. The Heckman model accounts for zero trade values and is robust in the presence of heteroscedasticity. The empirical results of the study support the NIE theory premise that institutions matter in trade. The results demonstrate that institutions determine bilateral agricultural trade on different margins with political institutions having positive and significant influence on bilateral agricultural trade flows within the SADC region. Legal and economic institutions have significant and negative effects on SADC trade. Furthermore, the results of this study confirm that institutional quality distance influences agricultural trade. Legal and political institutional distance have a positive and significant influence on bilateral agricultural trade while the influence of economic, institutional quality is negative and insignificant. The results imply that nontrade barriers, in the form of institutional quality and institutional quality distance, are significant factors limiting intra SADC agricultural trade. Therefore, gains from intra SADC agricultural trade can be attained through the improvement of institutions within the region.

Keywords: agricultural trade, institutions, gravity model, SADC

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Authors: Ágota Ladó

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Miercurea Ciuc is a town in the historical region of Szeklerland in Transylvania, Romania, with a predominantly Hungarian population (its name in Hungarian being Csíkszereda) having an urban landscape and environment that has been shaped dramatically by different perceptions of urbanization during the history. The town has been part of Hungary and the Austro-Hungarian Empire before the First World War. It even got an important role, becoming in 1876 the seat and administrative center of the historical Csík county. This marks the beginning of the first urbanization process: new administrative buildings, railways, a railway station, a hospital, a Redoute and new schools have been built, new streets have been opened. However, not only the public facilities have changed: the center of the town with its private houses has also transformed, new, modern decorative and lifestyle elements have appeared. One of the streets from the town center, Kossuth street, has been featured on many postcards of the time; even a novel has mentioned it as a symbol of modern urbanization. Right after the First World War, the town became part of Romania and aside from a short interruption (between 1940 and 1944), it is still part of it. The beginning of the second major urbanization process – exactly one hundred years later - is marked by the visit of the communist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu in Miercurea Ciuc on the 6th of October 1976. In the upcoming years, he decided and started to demolish the old Kossuth street and to construct a new avenue with tall blocks of flats according to the principles of socialist urbanization. No other Transylvanian settlement has gone through such systematic abolition of its historical center and urban history during the Communist era. Not only the urban landscape has been affected. The collective memory and contemporary identity of the locals are also violated by this recent transformation of the town: important spaces, buildings, venues of activities and events simply cannot be localized, thus understood - by the younger generations.

Keywords: communist era, historical urban landscape, urban identity, urbanization

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Authors: Farida Habib, Haya Alfozan, Eman Miligi, Najla Alotaibi

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Background: Women’s satisfaction with maternity services, especially care during labor and birth, has become highly significant to healthcare providers, administrators, and policymakers. Purpose: The aims of this study were to assess maternal satisfaction regarding the quality of care during labor and to compare the level of maternal satisfaction between women who delivered by physicians and those delivered by midwives. Methodology: A descriptive, cross-sectional, correlational design was used. A convenient sample of 180 low-risk cases of immediate postpartum women who delivered at King Abdul-Aziz medical city was recruited. Women whose babies were diagnosed with serious health problems were excluded from the study. Data were collected using a self-administered questionnaire. The validity and reliability of the questionnaire were ensured. The questionnaire included three parts, namely: demographics data, medical history, and obstetrical history, and the last part is the satisfaction assessment tool. Ethical confederations were ensured. Maternal satisfaction during labor was classified in terms of health care, health workers' communication, and the environment. Results: Regarding health care, women were highly satisfied with care received from nurse (M = 4.21 + 0.88), medical care received (M = 4.17 + 0.79), and comfort techniques (M = 4.04 + 0.91). Regarding health workers' communication, women were highly satisfied with the provider to treat with dignity and respect (M = 4.03 + 0.91) and orientation to the toilet, bathroom, washing area (M = 4.00 + 0.93). Regarding the environment, women were highly satisfied with the experience of their baby's birth (M = 4.18 + 0.98) and supplies with drugs and supplies (M = 4.09 + 0.97). There was no statistically significant difference in maternal satisfaction between women who delivered by physicians and those delivered by midwives. Conclusion: Women were generally satisfied with their labor and delivery experience. There was no difference in maternal satisfaction on the labor process between women who delivered by physicians and those delivered by midwives.

Keywords: maternity, satisfaction, labor, delivery

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Authors: Samaneh Pouyanfar, Michael Oliff

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The industry of home appliances may beone of theindustries which has the highest competition, and actually what can guarantee the survival of this industry is discovering the superior services. A trend to provide quality products and services plays an important role in this industry because discovering the services is counted as a vital affair for Manufacturing Organizations’ survival and profitability. Given the importance of the topic, this paper attempts to investigate the relative priority of the factors influencing the customer satisfaction in gaining the competitive advantage in Pars-Khazar Company. In sum, 96 executives of Pars-Khazar Company where investigated in a census. For this purpose, after reviewing the research literature and performing deep interviews between pundits and experts active in the industry, the research questionnaire was made based on variables affecting customer satisfaction and components determining business competitive advantage. Determining the content validity took place by judgement of the experts. The reliability of each structure was measured based on Cronbach’s alpha coefficient. Since the value of Cronbach's alpha was higher than 0.7 for each structure, internal consistency of statements was high and the reliability of the questionnaire was acceptable. The data analysis was also done with Kulmgrf-asmyrnf test and Friedman test using SPSS software. The results showed that in dimension of factors affecting customer satisfaction, the History of trade name (brand), Familiarity with the product brand, Brand reputation and Safety have the highest value of priority respectively, and the variable of firm growth has the highest value of priority among the components determining the performance of competitive advantage.

Keywords: customer satisfaction, competitive advantage, brand history, safety, growth

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Authors: Bitopi Dutta

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Development Induced Displacement (DID) of subaltern groups has been an issue of intense debate in India. This research will do a gender analysis of displacement induced by the mining projects in tribal indigenous societies of North East India, centering on the primary research question which is 'How does DID reorder gendered relationship in tribal matrilineal societies?' This paper will not focus primarily on the impacts of the displacement induced by coal mining on indigenous tribal women in the North East India; it will rather study 'what' are the processes that lead to these transformations and 'how' do they operate. In doing so, the paper will locate the cracks in traditional social systems that the discourse of displacement manipulates for its own benefit. DID in this sense will not only be understood as only physical displacement, but also as social and cultural displacement. The study will cover one matrilineal tribe in the state of Meghalaya in the North East India affected by several coal mining projects in the last 30 years. In-depth unstructured interviews used to collect life narratives will be the primary mode of data collection because the indigenous culture of the tribes in Meghalaya, including the matrilineal tribes, is based on oral history where knowledge and experiences produced under a tradition of oral history exist in a continuum. This is unlike modern societies which produce knowledge in a compartmentalized system. An interview guide designed around specific themes will be used rather than specific questions to ensure the flow of narratives from the interviewee. In addition to this, a number of focus groups will be held. The data collected through the life narrative will be supplemented and contextualized through documentary research using government data, and local media sources of the region.

Keywords: displacement, gender-relations, matriliny, mining

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Authors: Journey Whitfield

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This study investigates the United States' ongoing violation of Black Americans' fundamental human rights, as evidenced by mass incarceration, social injustice, and economic deprivation. It argues that the U.S. contravenes Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights through policies that uphold systemic racism. The analysis dissects current practices within the criminal justice system, social welfare programs, and economic policy, uncovering the racially disparate impacts of seemingly race-neutral policies. This study establishes a clear lineage between past systems of oppression – slavery and Jim Crow – and present-day racial disparities, demonstrating their inextricable link. The thesis proposes that only a comprehensive reparations program for Black Americans can begin to redress these systemic injustices. This program must transcend mere financial compensation, demanding structural reforms within U.S. institutions to dismantle systemic racism and promote transformative justice. This study explores potential forms of reparations, drawing upon historical precedents, comparative case studies from other nations, and contemporary debates within political philosophy and legal studies. The research employs both qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative methods include historical analysis of legal frameworks and policy documents, as well as discourse analysis of political rhetoric. Quantitative methods involve statistical analysis of socioeconomic data and criminal justice outcomes to expose racial disparities. This study makes a significant contribution to the existing literature on reparations, human rights, and racial injustice in the United States. It offers a rigorous analysis of the enduring consequences of historical oppression and advocates for bold, justice-centered solutions.

Keywords: Black Americans, reparations, mass incarceration, racial injustice, human rights, united states

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Authors: S. H. Jang

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Posterior reversible encephalopathy syndrome (PRES) is characterized by acute neurologic symptoms (visual loss, headache, altered mentality and seizures) and by typical imaging findings (bilateral subcortical and cortical edema with predominatly posterior distribution). Nephrotic syndrome is a syndrome comprising signs of proteinuria, hypoalbuminemia, and edema. It is well known that hypertension predispose patient with nephrotic syndrome to PRES. A 45-year old male was referred for suddenly developed vertigo, disequilibrium. He had previous history of nephrotic syndrome. His medical history included diabetes controlled with medication. He was hospitalized because of generalized edema a few days ago. His vital signs were stable. On neurologic examination, his mental state was alert. Horizontal nystagmus to right side on return to primary position was observed. He showed good grade motor weakness and ataxia in right upper and lower limbs without other sensory abnormality. Brain MRI showed increased signal intensity in FLAIR image, decreased signal intensity in T1 image and focal enhanced lesion in T1 contrast image at whole midbrain, pons and cerebellar peduncle symmetrically, which was compatible with vasogenic edema. Laboratory findings showed severe proteinuria and hypoalbuminemia. He was given intravenous dexamethasone and diuretics to reduce vasogenic edema and raise the intra-vascular osmotic pressure. Nystagmus, motor weakness and limb ataxia improved gradually over 2 weeks; He recovered without any neurologic symptom and sign. Follow-up MRI showed decreased vasogenic edema fairly. We report a case of brain stem PRES in normotensive, nephrotic syndrome patient.

Keywords: posterior reversible encephalopathy syndrome, MRI, nephrotic syndrome, vasogenic brain edema

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Authors: Aaron Walayat

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Protection of the environment in international law has been one of the most developed in the context of international humanitarian law. This paper examines the history of the protection of the environment in times of armed conflict, beginning with the traditional notion of restraint observed in antiquity towards the obligation to protect the environment, examining the treaties and agreements, both binding and non-binding which have contributed to environmental protection in war. The paper begins with a discussion of the ancient concept of restraint. This section examines the social norms in favor of protection of the environment as observed in the Bible, Greco-Roman mythology, and even more contemporary literature. The study of the traditional rejection of total war establishes the social foundation on which the current legal regime has stemmed. The paper then studies the principle of restraint as codified in international humanitarian law. It mainly examines Additional Protocol I of the Geneva Convention of 1949 and existing international law concerning civilian objects and the principles of international humanitarian law in the classification between civilian objects and military objectives. The paper then explores the environment’s classification as both a military objective and as a civilian object as well as explores arguments in favor of the classification of the whole environment as a civilian object. The paper will then discuss the current legal regime surrounding the protection of the environment, discussing some declarations and conventions including the 1868 Declaration of St. Petersburg, the 1907 Hague Convention No. IV, the Geneva Conventions, and the 1976 Environmental Modification Convention. The paper concludes with the outline noting the movement from codification of the principles of restraint into the various treaties, agreements, and declarations of the current regime of international humanitarian law. This paper provides an analysis of the history and significance of the relationship between international humanitarian law as a major contributor to the growing field of international environmental law.

Keywords: armed conflict, environment, legal regime, restraint

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Authors: Akbar Jamali

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Many scholars consider Hegel’s philosophy of art as the greatest theory of aesthetics since Aristotle’s Poetics. ‘Freedom’ distinguishes modern, especially German Idealism with Greek philosophy. Therefore, introducing and contemplating on Hegel’s Aesthetics as a whole, freedom as the essence of art, Hegel’s controversial claim on the end of art, and the relation of art and state is the main theme of this study. Hegel’s aesthetics is to be understood in his whole system. According to Hegel’s speculative philosophy, being is to be understood as self-determining Reason or Idea. The self-determining Reason actualizes and realizes himself in the course of history. Idea in the process of self-actualization becomes more and more rational. It first actualizes itself in matter, then in non-conscious life, finally in conscious and self-conscious life. Self-conscious life is the most rational stage of development of Idea in which the subject can think and imagine, use language and exercise freedom. Hegel calls this self-conscious life Spirit (Geist). Therefore, emergence of human being is an essential moment in the process of self-determination of Reason. It is not accidental rather a necessity. The essence of spirit is freedom. Since the history is the process of the self-actualization if spirit, humankind becomes more and more, free. Spirit in its ‘Absolute’ form manifests itself into three forms; Art, Religion and philosophy. Art is the first stage in which Spirit understands itself. In fact, Art is the expression of human spirit, which is comprehended by our senses. Beauty is defined as the sensuous expression of free Spirit. The purpose of art is, therefore, to express, enjoy and contemplate on our freedom. State belongs to the realm of Objective spirit, while Art along with Religion and philosophy belong to the realm of Absolute Spirit. Absolute spirit is superior to Objective Spirit; therefore, state must not interfere in the realm of art. Limitation on art by state directly violates freedom and prevents development of national spirit. Genuine art leads us to freedom and richness of (national) Spirit. Using Hegel’s philosophy of art, we can comprehend why totalitarian states try to limit art and, why artists are the enemy of totalitarian states. In this philosophical system, we contemplate on art as a way to freedom and emancipation.

Keywords: aesthetics, freedom, spirit, state

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Authors: Santiago Martínez Hernández

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The establishment of the European Union signified the culmination of the supra-national power addressing economic, political, legal and humanitarian matters within and above a national territory. Human rights have taken a protagonist role as one of the pressing concerns that the EU addresses, and one of the most critical problems is that of human trafficking. This multi-billion dollar criminal business represents $31.6 per year made out of 2.5 million trafficked persons worldwide, making it one of the most crucial human rights problems in the world to address. The EU has developed strategies to tackle this issue through supra-national governance, however, how have they fared? What is the impact of its development on the issue? This paper will address the direct and indirect impact of the formation of the European Union as a supranational political and economic entity on the illicit industry of human trafficking in Europe. It attempts to analyse first, the situation of human trafficking in Europe, as an attempt to understand its importance in the region, addressing its root causes and the role of the states addressed. Second, the paper will examine the impact of the EU on human breaking down its policy-making at a supranational level, the role of the economic integration of the region, and the change of migration patterns since its inception.

Keywords: human trafficking, human rights, European union, criminal business

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Authors: Beth Vale

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Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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Authors: B. M. Moda, L. F. Secco

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Through free and fair elections and others less democratic processes, Latin America has been gradually turning into a right-wing political region. In order to understand these recent changes, this paper aims to discuss the origin and the traits of the pink wave in the subcontinent, the reasons for its current rollback and future projections for left-wing in the region. The methodology used in this paper will be descriptive and analytical combined with secondary sources mainly from the social and political sciences fields. The canons of the Washington Consensus was implemented by the majority of the Latin American governments in the 80s and 90s under the social democratic and right-wing parties. The neoliberal agenda caused political, social and economic dissatisfaction bursting into a new political configuration for the region. It started in 1998 when Hugo Chávez took the office in Venezuela through the Fifth Republic Movement under the socialist flag. From there on, Latin America was swiped by the so-called ‘pink wave’, term adopted to define the rising of self-designated left-wing or center-left parties with a progressive agenda. After Venezuela, countries like Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Equator, Nicaragua, Paraguay, El Salvador and Peru got into the pink wave. The success of these governments was due a post-neoliberal agenda focused on cash transfers programs, increasing of public spending, and the straightening of national market. The discontinuation of the preference for the left-wing started in 2012 with the coup against Fernando Lugo in Paraguay. In 2015, the chavismo in Venezuela lost the majority of the legislative seats. In 2016, an impeachment removed the Brazilian president Dilma Rousself from office who was replaced by the center-right vice-president Michel Temer. In the same year, Mauricio Macri representing the right-wing party Proposta Republicana was elected in Argentina. In 2016 center-right and liberal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was elected in Peru. In 2017, Sebastián Piñera was elected in Chile through the center-right party Renovación Nacional. The pink wave current rollback points towards some findings that can be arranged in two fields. Economically, the 2008 financial crisis affected the majority of the Latin American countries and the left-wing economic policies along with the end of the raw materials boom and the subsequent shrinking of economic performance opened a flank for popular dissatisfaction. In Venezuela, the 2014 oil crisis reduced the revenues for the State in more than 50% dropping social spending, creating an inflationary spiral, and consequently loss of popular support. Politically, the death of Hugo Chavez in 2013 weakened the ‘socialism of the twenty first century’ ideal, which was followed by the death of Fidel Castro, the last bastion of communism in the subcontinent. In addition, several cases of corruption revealed during the pink wave governments made the traditional politics unpopular. These issues challenge the left-wing to develop a future agenda based on innovation of its economic program, improve its legal and political compliance practices, and to regroup its electoral forces amid the social movements that supported its ascension back in the early 2000s.

Keywords: Latin America, political parties, left-wing, right-wing, pink wave

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Authors: Katri K. Cornelissen, Lise Gulli Brokjob, Kristofor McCarty, Jiri Gumancik, Martin J. Tovee, Piers L. Cornelissen

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Recent research has shown that body size estimation of healthy women is driven by independent attitudinal and perceptual components. The attitudinal component represents psychological concerns about body, coupled to low self-esteem and a tendency towards depressive symptomatology, leading to over-estimation of body size, independent of the Body Mass Index (BMI) someone actually has. The perceptual component is a normal bias known as contraction bias, which, for bodies is dependent on actual BMI. Women with a BMI less than the population norm tend to overestimate their size, while women with a BMI greater than the population norm tend to underestimate their size. Women whose BMI is close to the population mean are most accurate. This is indexed by a regression of estimated BMI on actual BMI with a slope less than one. It is well established that body dissatisfaction, i.e. an attitudinal distortion, leads to body size overestimation in eating disordered individuals. However, debate persists as to whether women with eating disorders may also suffer a perceptual body distortion. Therefore, the current study was set to ask whether women with eating disorders exhibit the normal contraction bias when they estimate their own body size. If they do not, this would suggest differences in the way that women with eating disorders process the perceptual aspects of body shape and size in comparison to healthy controls. 100 healthy controls and 33 women with a history of eating disorders were recruited. Critically, it was ensured that both groups of participants represented comparable and adequate ranges of actual BMI (e.g. ~18 to ~40). Of those with eating disorders, 19 had a history of anorexia nervosa, 6 bulimia nervosa, and 8 OSFED. 87.5% of the women with a history of eating disorders self-reported that they were either recovered or recovering, and 89.7% of them self-reported that they had had one or more instances of relapse. The mean time lapsed since first diagnosis was 5 years and on average participants had experienced two relapses. Participants were asked to fill number of psychometric measures (EDE-Q, BSQ, RSE, BDI) to establish the attitudinal component of their body image as well as their tendency to internalize socio-cultural body ideals. Additionally, participants completed a method of adjustment psychophysical task, using photorealistic avatars calibrated for BMI, in order to provide an estimate of their own body size and shape. The data from the healthy controls replicate previous findings, revealing independent contributions to body size estimation from both attitudinal and perceptual (i.e. contraction bias) body image components, as described above. For the eating disorder group, once the adequacy of their actual BMI ranges was established, a regression of estimated BMI on actual BMI had a slope greater than 1, significantly different to that from controls. This suggests that (some) eating disordered individuals process the perceptual aspects of body image differently from healthy controls. It therefore is necessary to develop interventions which are specific to the perceptual processing of body shape and size for the management of (some) individuals with eating disorders.

Keywords: body image distortion, perception, recovery, relapse, BMI, eating disorders

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Authors: Santiago Silva de Andrade

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In recent decades, Marx's ecological theory of the value-form and the theory of metabolic rift have represented fundamental methodological innovations for social scientists interested in environmental transformations and their relationships with the development of the capital system. However, among Latin American environmental historians, such theoretical and methodological instruments have been used infrequently and very cautiously. This investigation aims to demonstrate how the concepts of metabolic rift and ecological value-form are important for understanding the environmental, economic and social transformations in the Amazon region between the second half of the 19th century and the end of the 20th century. Such transformations manifested themselves mainly in two dimensions: the first concerns the link between the manufacture of tropical substances for export and scientific developments in the fields of botany, chemistry and agriculture. This link was constituted as a set of social, intellectual and economic relations that condition each other, configuring an asymmetrical field of exchanges and connections between the demands of the industrialized world - personified in scientists, naturalists, businesspeople and bureaucrats - and the agencies of local social actors, such as indigenous people, riverside dwellers and quilombolas; the second dimension concerns the imperative link between the historical development of the capitalist world-system and the restructuring of the natural world, its landscapes, biomes and social relations, notably in peripheral colonial areas. The environmental effects of capitalist globalization were not only seen in the degradation of exploited environments, although this has been, until today, its most immediate and noticeable aspect. There was also, in territories subject to the logic of market accumulation, the reformulation of patterns of authority and institutional architectures, such as property systems, political jurisdictions, rights and social contracts, as a result of the expansion of commodity frontiers between the 16th and 21st centuries. . This entire set of transformations produced impacts on the ecological landscape of the Amazon. This demonstrates the need to investigate the histories of local configurations of power, spatial and ecological - with their institutions and social actors - and their role in structuring the capitalist world-system , under the lens of the ecological theory of value-form and metabolic rift.

Keywords: amazon, ecology, form-value, metabolic rift

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