Search results for: Colombian political discourse

Authors: Norbert Tomaszewski

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Modern politicians tend to resign from the traditional media as Web 2.0 tools allow them to interact with a much bigger audience while spending less money on their campaign. Current studies on this subject prove that in order to win the elections, the candidate needs to show his personal side during the campaign to appeal to the voter as an average citizen. Because of that, the internet user may engage in the politician's campaign by spreading his message along with his followers. The aim of the study is to determine how did the Democratic candidates use the Web 2.0 tools during the 2018 midterm elections campaign and whether they managed to succeed. Taking into consideration the fact that the United States as a country, has always set important milestones for the political marketing as a field of science, the result of the research can set some examples on how to manage the modern internet campaign in less developed countries.

Keywords: political campaign, midterm elections, social media, Web 2.0

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Authors: Raiya Kishwar Ashraf

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The National University, the largest public educational institution in Bangladesh, recently made it mandatory for all students to study a course in Bangladesh‘s history of the 1971 Liberation War. This introduction was accompanied by massive political, financial and academic movement that allocated resources towards achieving greater awareness of the country‘s spirit, goals of liberation and patriotism among the youth. This study argues that the infrastructure and political economy around the course heavily politicizes the education system and more specifically the teaching and learning the process. By conducting a qualitative study in three affiliated colleges under the National University, this study aimed to explore the extent to which politicization affected higher education curriculum, especially history education in Bangladesh. The findings revealed significant levels of politicization and structural constraints present in the process that restricts the teacher and student engagement with course materials. The results of this study are useful for curriculum designers and higher education teachers and staffs who wish to develop content and deliver education that promotes critical inquiry among students. The findings further shed light on the importance of identifying and addressing political influences in education curriculum and programme development.

Keywords: Bangladesh higher education, critical thinking, curriculum politicization, history curriculum, National University, teaching-learning method

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Authors: Ana Luiza Aranha

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This paper contributes to the discussions that consider corruption as a challenge to the establishment of more democratically inclusive societies in Latin America. The paper advocates an intrinsic connection between democratic principles and corruption control – it is only possible to achieve just forms of democratic life if accountability institutions are able to control corruption, and therefore control the political exclusions that it brings. Departing from a non-trivial approach to corruption, and recognizing a gap in democratic theory when thinking about this phenomenon, corruption is understood as the breakdown of the democratic inclusive rule, whereby political decisions are made (and actions were taken) in spite of those potentially affected by them. Based on this idea, this paper proposes a new way of measuring corruption, moving away from usual aggregate measures – such as the Corruption Perception Index – and case studies of corruption scandals. The main argument sustains that corruption is intrinsically connected with the ability to be accountable and to provide public justification for the political conduct. The point advocated is that corruption involves a dimension of political exclusion. It generates a private benefit which is, from a democratic point of view, illegitimate, since it benefits some at the expense of the decisions made by the political community. Corruption is then a form of exclusion based on deception and opacity - for corruption, there is no plausible justification. Empirically, the paper uses the audit reports produced by the Brazilian anti-corruption agency (the CGU - Office of the Comptroller General) in its Inspections From Public Lotteries Program to exemplify how we can use this definition to separate corruption cases from mismanagement irregularities. On one side, there is poor management and inefficiencies, and, on the other, corruption, defined by the implausibility of public justifications – because the public officials would have to publicize illegitimate privileges and undue advantages. CGU reports provide the justifications given by the public officials for the irregularities found and also the acceptance or not by the control agency of these justifications. The analysis of this dialogue – between public officials and control agents – makes it possible to divide the irregularities on those that can be publicly justified versus those that cannot. In order to hold public officials accountable for their actions, making them responsible for the exclusions that they may cause (such as corruption), the accountability institutions fulfil an important role in reinforcing and empowering democracy and its basic inclusive condition.

Keywords: accountability, brazil, corruption, democracy

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Authors: George McMillan

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This paper introduces the methodology to create a baseline equation for the philosophical and social sciences in the behavioral-political-economic-demographic sequence. The two major ideological political-economic philosophies (Hume-Smith and Marx-Engels) are systematized into competing integrated three dimensional behavioral-political-economic models. The paper argues that Hume-Smith’s empathy-sympathy behavioral assumptions are a sufficient starting point to create the integrated causal model sought by Tooby and Cosmides. The author then shows that the prerequisite advances in psychology and demographic studies now exist to generate the universal economic theory sought by von Neumann-Morgenstern and the integrated behavioral-economic method of Gintis—a psychological (i.e., behavioral) socio-economic model. By updating Hume-Smith’s work with a modern understanding of psychology, as presented by Fromm and others, a new integrated societal model as postulated by Harsanyi can be created that intertwines the social and psychological sciences. The author argues that this fundamentally psychology-based model also can serve as a baseline equation for all social sciences as desired by Kant and Mach, as well as the ahistorical (psychological) philosophic model noted by Husserl, Heidegger, Tillich, and Strauss. The author concludes with a discussion of the necessary next steps to generating a detailed model that fuses these disciplines.

Keywords: Unified Social Theory

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Authors: Yaroslav Alexandrovich Levin

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In modern research on the history of the United States in World War II, it is quite popular to study the opposition of the American special services and, in particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to various organizations of the German diasporas in new historical conditions. The appeal to traditional methods of historical research, comparative studies, and the principles of historicism will make it possible to more accurately trace the process of tightening the counterintelligence work of the Bureau and the close connection of concerns about the involvement of public organizations in the intelligence activities of the enemy. The broadcast of nationalist ideas by various communities of Germans under the auspices of their governments quickly attracted the attention of the FBI, which is in the process of consolidating its powers as the main US counterintelligence service. At the same time, the investigations and trials conducted by the John Edgar Hoover Department following these investigations often had an openly political color and increasingly consolidated the beginning of a political investigation in this service. This practice and its implementation ran into a tough contradiction between the legal norms of America, which proclaimed "democratic values," the right to freedom of speech, and the need to strengthen the internal security of the state and society in wartime. All these processes and the associated nuances and complexities are considered in specific examples of the work of federal agents against various pro-German organizations in the period 1941-45.

Keywords: World War II, internal security, countering extremism, counterintelligence, political investigation, FBI

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Authors: Louay Safi

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The notion of secular society that evolved over the last two centuries was initially intended to free the public sphere from religious imposition, before it assumed the form a comprehensive ideology whose aim is to prevent any overt religious expression from the public space. The negative view of religious expression, and the desire by political elites to purge the public space from all forms of religious expressions were first experienced in the Middle East in the last decades of the twentieth century in relation to Islam, before it manifests itself in the twentieth century Europe. Arab regimes were encouraged by European democracies to marginalize all forms of religious expressions in the public as part of the secularization process that was deemed necessary for modernization and progress. The prohibition of Islamic symbols and outlawing the headscarf was first undertaken to Middle Eastern republics, such as Turkey in 1930s and Syria in 1970s, before it is implemented recently in France. Secularization has been perceived by European powers as the central aspect of social and political liberalization, and was given priority over democratization and human rights, so much so that European elites were willing to entrust the task of nurturing liberal democracy to Arab autocrats and dictators. Not only did the strategy of empowering autocratic regimes to effect liberal democratic culture failed, but it contributed to the rise of Islamist extremism and produced failed states in Syria and Iraq that undermine both national and global peace and stability. The paper adopts the distinction made by John Rawls between political and comprehensive liberalism to argue that the modernization via secularization in Muslim societies is counterproductive and has subverted early successful efforts at democratization and reform in the Middle East. Using case studies that illustrate the role of the secularization strategy in Syria, Iran, and Egypt in undermining democratic and reformist movements in those countries, the paper calls for adopting a different approach rooted in liberal and democratic values rather than cultural practices and lifestyle. The paper shows that Islamic values as articulated by reform movements support a democratic and pluralist political order, and emphasizes the need to legitimize and support social forces that advocate democracy and human rights. Such an alternative strategy allows for internal competition among social groups for popular support, and therefore enhances the chances that those with inclusive and forward-looking political principles and policies would create a democratic and pluralist political order more conducive to meaningful national and global cooperation, and respectful of human dignity.

Keywords: democracy, Islamic values, political liberalism, secularization

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Authors: Michael A. Genovese

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The struggle for LGBTQ rights in the United States began in Greenwich Village, New York, in 1967, when police tried to break up a gathering of mostly gay men who were partying at the Stonewall Bar in NYC. As unlikely as it may sound, this “riot” proved to be consequential in raising the political consciousness of gay men in America. From that point on, gays engaged in a political battle to achieve the rights to which they were entitled. This essay examines changes in popular opinion regarding LGBTQ rights from the late 1960s through the Trump administration, and examines the role public pressure played on presidential politics. For most of this period, presidents “followed” public opinion. This was true even during the administration of Barack Obama when gay Americans finally achieved some clearly spelled out rights (e.g. same-sex marriage). The findings of this paper call into question certain assumptions about presidential leadership, and underline the power of public opinion in shaping policy.

Keywords: presidential leadership, gay rights, LGBTQ, popular opinion

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Authors: German Marino Rivera

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Linear plantations are a common practice in several countries as living fences (LF) delimiting agroecosystems. They are composed of multipurpose perennial woods that provide assets, protection, and supply services. However, not much is known in some traditional communities like the Andean region, including the species composition and the social and ecological benefits of the species used. In the High Andean Colombian region, LF seems to be very typical and diverse. This study aimed to analyze the traditional knowledge about LF systems, including the species composition and their uses in rural communities of Alto Casanare, Colombia. Field measurements, interviews, guided tours, and species sampling were carried out in order to describe traditional practices and the species used in the LF systems. The use values were estimated through the Coefficient of Importance of the Species (CIS). A total of 26 farms engage in LF practices, covering an area of 9283.3 m. In these systems, 30 species were identified, belonging to 23 families. Alnus acuminata was the specie with the highest CIS. The species presented multipurpose uses for both economic and ecological purposes. The transmission of knowledge (TEK) about the used species is very heterogeneous among the farmers. Many species used were not documented, with reciprocal gaps between the literature and traditional species uses. Exchanging this information would increase the species' versatility, the socioeconomic aspects of these communities, increases the agrobiodiversity and ecological services provided by LF. The description of the TEK on LF provides a better understanding of the relationship of these communities with the natural resources, pointing out creative approaches to achieve local environment conservation in these agroecosystems and promoting socioeconomic development.

Keywords: ethnobotany, living fences, traditional communities, agroecology

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Authors: Sarthak S. Salunke

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Development, as a notion, is seen in perspective of western philosophical conceptions, and the western developed nations have become a yardstick for setting up development goals for developing and underdeveloped nations around the world. This blanket term of development becomes superficial and materialistic in context of the vast geopolitical, territorial, cultural and behavioral diversities existing in countries of the Africa and the Asia, and tends to undermine the atomistic aspect of development. Indian political theories, which are often seen as religious philosophies, have inherent structure of development of human being as an individual and as a part of the society, and, in result, development of the State. These theories, primarily individualistic in nature, have a combination of altruism and rationalism which guides human beings towards constructing a collectively developed and morally sustainable society. This research focuses on the application of this Indian thought in combination of classical liberal thought to tackle the issues of development in diverse societies. The proposed restructured model of development is based on molecular individualism, instead of atomic individual approach of liberalists, which lets development modelers to target meaningful clusters for designating goals for development based on the particular needs based on geopolitical, cultural and ethical requirements, and making it meaningful in conjunction with global development to establish a harmony between western and eastern worlds.

Keywords: Indian political thought, development, liberalism, molecular individualism

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Authors: Jayita Mukhopadhyay

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Even though more than six decades has passed since the death of India’s iconic thinker and mass leader Mahatma Gandhi, the world besieged by terrorism may still take a leaf out of his philosophical discourse on non-violence and attempt to turn his theory into praxis to save mankind. The greatest soul world has ever produced, a man of divine fire, an apostle of peace and non-violence, a revolutionary, a visionary, a social reformer and deliverer of the downtrodden, Father of the nation, these and numerous other epithets have been used by eminent personalities and scholars while describing Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi was a relentless fighter and mass mobiliser who awakened a sleeping giant, the common men and women of India, shook them out of their docile, fatalistic mould, invigorated them with his doctrine of ahimsa and satyagraha (non violence and strict adherence to truth), instilled in them nationalist zeal and patriotic fervour and turned them into determined, steadfast freedom fighters. Under his leadership, the national liberation movement got a new life and ultimately succeeded in ending the era of foreign domination. And he did all these while resisting a natural tendency of his people to respond violently to unspeakable violence and atrocities unleashed by the colonial British administration desperate to keep India in its empire. In this paper, an attempt will be made to unravel Gandhi’s elucidation of the concept of non-violent resistance, along with non-cooperation and civil disobedience and their actual application through political practices which succeeded in capturing the imagination of not only India’s teeming millions but the entire world. The methodology of analytical study will be used as Gandhi’s own writings and those by noted scholars on Gandhi will be examined extensively to establish contemporary relevance of his thought, his invaluable guidelines about how to cope with poverty, inequality, exploitation, repression and marginalization of some sections of society and resultant radicalization of some disturbed members of human race, the very conditions which spawn terrorism in today’s world.

Keywords: India, non cooperation, non violence, terrorism

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Authors: Aurélia Jandot

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With the oil and economic crises which began in the 1970’s, it has progressively appeared necessary to convince the French “general public“ that a use of new energy sources was essential. In this field, nuclear energy represented the future and concentrated lots of hopes. However, the discourse about nuclear energy has progressively seen negative arguments growing in the French media. The gradual changes in the perception of nuclear energy will be studied here through the arguments given in the main French weekly newsmagazines, which had a great impact on the readers, thus on the “general public“, from the 1970’s to the end of the 1980’s. Indeed, to understand better these changes will be taken into account the major international events, the reorientations of the French domestic policy, and the evolutions of the nuclear technology. As this represents a considerable amount of copies and thus of information, will be selected here the main articles which emphasize the “mental images“ aiming to direct the thought of the readers, and which have led the public awareness and acceptance to evolve. From the 1970’s to the end of the 1980’s, two dichotomous trends are in confrontation : one is promoting the perception of the nuclear energy, the other is discrediting it. Moreover, these two trends are organized in two axes. The first axis is about the engineerings evolutions, such as the main French media represent them, with its approximations, its exaggerations, its fictions sometimes. Is added the will to make accessible to the “general public“ some concepts which are quite difficult to understand for the largest number. The second axis rests on the way the major accidents of the period are approached, including those of Three Mile Island and Chernobyl. Thanks to these accidents and because of the international relations evolutions, the ecologist movements and their impacts have progressively grown, with evident consequences on the public perception of nuclear energy and on the way the successive governments can implement new power plants in France. Then, in both cases, over the period considered, the language has changed, as the perceptible objectives of the communication, allowing to discern the deepest intentions of the newsmagazines editing. This is all these changes that will be emphasized, over a period where the nuclear energy technology, to there a field for specialists, bearing mystery and secret, has become a social issue seemingly open to all.

Keywords: social issues, public acceptance, mediatization, discourse changes

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Authors: Hugh Byrd, Steve Matthewnan

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The devastation of the city centre of Christchurch, New Zealand, after the 2010 and 2011 earthquakes presented an opportunity to rebuild infrastructure in a coordinated and efficient manner to allow for a city that was energy efficient, low carbon, resilient and provided both energy security and justice. The research described in this paper records the processes taken to attempt to rebuild the energy infrastructure. The story is one of political decisions overriding appropriate technology and ultimately is a lesson in how not to handle the implementation of post-disaster energy infrastructure. Lack of clarity in decision making by central government and then not pursuing consultant’s recommendations led to a scheme that was effectively abandoned in 2016 and described as ‘a total failure’. The paper records the critical events that occurred and explains why the proposed energy infrastructure was both politically and technologically inappropriate.

Keywords: energy infrastructure, policy and governance, post-disaster rebuilding

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Authors: Piyush Bajpai, Sneha Pandey

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Mumbai’s Dhobighat, 150 year old largest open laundry in the world, is the true live-work place and only source of income for some of Mumbai’s highest density ‘urban poor’ residents. The regeneration of Dhobighat, due to its ultra prime location and complex socio-political culture has been a complex issue. This once flourishing urban industrial core has been degrading for the past several decades mainly due to the decline of the open laundry business, the site’s over burdened infrastructure and conflicting socio-political and economic forces. The phenomena of ‘exaptation’ or ‘co-option’ has been observed by evolutionary biologists as a process responsible for producing highly tenacious and resilient offsprings within a species. The reddish egret uses its wings to cast shadow in shallow waters to attract small fish and hunt them. An unrelated feature used opportunistically to produce a very favorable result. How can this idea of co-option be applied to resolve the complex issue of Dhobighat’s regeneration? Our paper proposes a new methodology/approach for the regeneration of Dhobighat through the lens of evolutionary biology. Forces and systems (social, political, economic, cultural and ecological) that seem conflicting or unrelated by nature are opportunistically transformed into symbiotic and complimentary relationships that produce an inclusive, resilient and holistic solution for the regeneration of Dhobighat.

Keywords: urban regeneration, exaptation, resilience, Dhobighat, Mumbai

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Authors: Denise Muro

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Conflict in Syria, producing over 11 million displaced persons, has incited global attention to displacement. Although neighboring countries have borne the largest part of the displacement burden, due to the influx of refugees into Europe, the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ is taking place on two fronts: Syria’s neighboring countries, with millions of refugees, and Europe, a destination goal for so many that European states face unprecedented challenges. With increasing attention to displacement, forcibly displaced persons are consistently portrayed as either un-agentic victims, or as dangerous free agents. Recognizing that these dominant portrayals involve discourses of power and inequality, this research investigates the extent to which this victim-agent dichotomy affects refugees and organizations that work closely with them during initial integration processes in Berlin, Germany. The research measures initial integration based on German policy measures regarding integration juxtaposed with the way refugees and those who work with them understand integration. Additionally, the study examines day-to-day interactions of refugees in Germany as a way to gauge social integration in a bottom-up approach. This study involved a discourse analysis of portrayals of refugees and participant observation and interviews with refugees and those who work closely with them, which took place during fieldwork in Berlin in the summer of 2016. Germany is unique regarding their migration history and lack of successful integration, in part due to the persistent refrain, ‘Wir sind kein einwanderungsland’ (‘We are not an immigration country’). Still, their accepted asylum seeker population has grown exponentially in the past few years. Findings suggest that the victim-agent dichotomy is present and impactful in the process of refugees entering and integrating into Germany. Integration is hindered due to refugees either being patronized or criminalized to such an extent that, despite being constantly told that they must integrate, they cannot become part of German society.

Keywords: discourse analysis, Germany, integration, refugee crisis

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Authors: Hyeon Sop Baek

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This paper will investigate the Korean concept of han and suggest that the feeling of han is essentially inseparable from the central project of the Korean neo-Confucian philosophical tradition. Han is a complex sentiment, but one may characterize it as an internally directed complex of sentiments of frustration, sadness, and anger. In particular, this paper aims to demonstrate that the Korean neo-Confucian project's ultimate objective was to build a pluralistic world – where different people can coexist together in harmony and participate in building the ideal world. Nevertheless, the confrontation between the neo-Confucian idea – that every person has the intrinsic potential to be moral – and the bleakness of reality that made their objective virtually impossible to achieve led to the formation and development of the feeling of han. The paper will first examine the concept of han and what it entails and then investigate the core elements of Korean neo-Confucianism, examining the works of Korean neo-Confucians, including Toegye, Yulgok, and Jeong Dojeon. Furthermore, the concept of plurality will be drawn from the political theory of Hannah Arendt. While the Arendtian and Korean neo-Confucian philosophies are ultimately different, this paper will contend that the two philosophies' broader aims share many resonating points. Specifically, within both philosophies, the human plurality – that all humans are equal but not the same – underlies the foundation of an ideal political realm. From there, an argument that the difficulty faced by the neo-Confucians in Korea in constructing a polity based on the ideal of respect and human moral capacity ultimately contributed to the emergence of the sentiment han will be presented. In conclusion, this paper will demonstrate that the ultimate objectives of Korean Confucianism lie in closing the gap between the ideal and reality in moral cultivation as well as its political project of building an ideal, pluralistic world, and han emerges from the realization of the difficulty of achieving that goal. Finally, this paper will contest that han needs not be perceived negatively, and han can be a driving force for political participation in the contemporary democratic, pluralistic society.

Keywords: Korea, Confucianism, neo-Confucianism, philosophy, han, Korean philosophy

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Authors: Rasha A. Salameh

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This research attempts to evaluate the treatment provided by the Qatari media to the decision to allow Saudi women to drive, and then activate this decision after a few months, that is, within the time frame between September 26, 2017 until June 30, 2018. This is through asking several questions, including whether the political dispute between Qatar and Saudi Arabia has cast a shadow over this handling, and if these Qatari media handlings are used to criticize the Saudi regime for delaying this step. Here emerges one of the research hypotheses that says that the coverage did not have the required professionalism, due to the fact that the decision and its activation took place in light of the political stalemate between Qatar and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which requires testing the media framing and agenda theories to know to what extent they apply to this case. The research dealt with a sample of five Qatari media read in this sample: Al-Jazeera Net, The New Arab Newspaper, Al-Sharq Newspaper, The Arab Newspaper, and Al-Watan Newspaper. The results showed that most of the authors who covered the decision to allow Saudi women to drive a car did not achieve a balance in their writing, and that almost half of them did not have objectivity, and this indicates the proof of the hypothesis that there is a defect in the professional competence in covering the decision to allow Saudi women to drive cars by means of Qatari media, and the researcher attributes this result to the political position between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, in addition to the fact that the Arab media in most of them are characterized by a low ceiling of freedom, and most of them are identical in their position with the position of the regime’s official view.

Keywords: Saudi women, objectivity, hate speech, stereotype

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Authors: Diya Sarkar, Prafulla C. Mishra

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In a parliamentary system, party discipline is the impulse; when it falls short, the government usually falls. Conceivably, the platform of Indian politics suffers with innumerous practical disorders. The politics of defection is one such specie entailing gross miscarriage of fair conduct turning politics into a game of thrones (powers). This practice of political nomaditude can trace its seed in the womb of British House of Commons. Therein, if a legislator was found to cross the floor, the party considered him disloyal. In other words, the legislator lost his allegiance to his former party by joining another party. This very phenomenon, in practice has a two way traffic i.e. ruling party to the opposition party or vice versa. The democracies like USA, Australia and Canada were also aware of this fashion of swapping loyalties. There have been several instances of great politicians changing party allegiance, for example Winston Churchill, Ramsay McDonald, William Gladstone etc. Nevertheless, it is interesting to cite that irrespective of such practice of changing party allegiance, none of the democracies in the west ever desired or felt the need to legislatively ban defections. But, exceptionally India can be traced to have passed anti-defection laws. The politics of defection had been a unique popular phenomenon on the floor of Indian Parliamentary system gradually gulping the democratic essence and synchronization of the Federation. This study is both analytical and doctrinal, which tries to examine whether representative democracy has lost its essence due to political nomadism. The present study also analyzes the classical as well as contemporary pulse of floor crossing amidst dynastic politics in a representative democracy. It will briefly discuss the panorama of defections under the Indian federal structure in the light of the anti-defection law and an attempt has been made to add valuable suggestions to streamline remedy for the still prevalent political defections.

Keywords: constitutional law, defection, democracy, polarization, political anti-trust

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Authors: Sarwan Hasan

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This article is to investigate the main forms and causes of corruption and provides anti-corruption policies. It is significant to find out how both interact and affect each other. The research focuses particularly on the case study of Iraq from 2003 to 2023. In this way, the main methods of analysis will be the system approach to analyze the relationship of different elements of the political system of Iraq in the context of corruption, the process-tracing method to explain the reasons for corruption, and content analysis of the official documents important for the research topic. Moreover, the SWOT analysis will be used in the part about the anti-corruption policies. This article concludes that the main causes behind corruption in Iraq are power distribution based on muhassasa tayifiya (power apportionment based on ethno-sectarianism), decentralized political system, sectarian division, Iran, and socio-cultural structure. The main forms of corruption in the country are illegal enrichment, using public positions for sectarian agenda, criminal corruption, bribery, political patronage, clientelism, cronyism, nepotism, embezzlement, kickback, extortion, money laundry, speed money, theft, and justice obstruction. The main anti-corruption policies in Iraq are establishing the Commission of Integrity, Board of Supreme Audit, Inspectors General and Parliamentary Committee, Internalization (assistance from foreign actors), economic adjustment and financial reform, and the new anti-corruption program of the new Prime Minister (Mohamed Shiyah al-Sudani).

Keywords: anti-corruption, corruption, Iraq, anti-corruption policies

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Authors: Aamir Ayub, Yasir Shehzad, Shakeel Ahmad

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This research paper aims to understand how the Pashtuns have been represented in relationship to terrorism in post-9/11 Bollywood and Lollywood movies. It focuses particularly on ‘Torbaaz’ from Bollywood and ‘Waar’ from Lollywood in order to define the nature of Pashtun characterization, the functioning of intelligence agencies, as well as the socio-political side of the represented narratives. In this research, the analytical approach developed is applied to contemplate how these films represent or fail to represent Pashtun identity, taking into consideration the cultural, historical and social dimensions. The study also aims to examine the effects of the media, particularly on the different ethnic groups’ perceptions of terrorism. In this case, it covers how the movie relates actual events in society – specifically, socio-political – to the messages in the film regarding the Pashtun people and their portrayal. Such elements may constitute the portrayal of intelligence agencies and their fight against terrorism, state-security dynamics, and the Pashtun society. In conclusion, this research paper focuses on the representation of Pashtuns in films after 9/11 and addresses the issue concerning the representation of ethnic groups in the method of the theme of terrorism. It provides ideas about the role of media in influencing the mind of the society and their attitude towards certain communities after geopolitics upheavals.

Keywords: pashtun representation, terrorism, 9/11 attacks, socio-political implications, ethnic representation in media

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Authors: Cara Williams

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This paper considers the media’s role in formulating a dominant social deviance paradigm and medicalised portrayal of disabled people and examines how those representations of impairment reinforce the personal tragedy view that underpins the social value given to the category of disability. According to a materialist perspective, the personal tragedy medical model approach condemns disabled people to live an inferior 'life apart', socially excluded and prevented from living as fully participating citizens on an equal basis to non-disabled people. Commonly, disabled people are portrayed as a person who needs to be cured in order to achieve a better 'quality of life'; otherwise stories center on deviance, criminality or scrounger. Media representations have consistently used negative language and images that reinforce the personal tragedy 'deficient' view of disability. The systematic misrepresentation within film, literature, TV and other art forms have validated a process about what it means to be 'normal' and how 'difference' and 'identity' are interpreted. The impact of these stereotyped disabling images for disabled people is a barrier not experienced by many other oppressed minority groups. Applying a materialist analysis, this paper contends that the impact on audience’s perceptions of impaired bodies and minds, and the harmful effects on disabled people can be linked with agenda setting theory - the relationship between the media and the political agenda.

Keywords: media, disabled people, political agenda, personal tragedy

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Authors: Anna Rhodora A. Solar, Jan Emil N. Langomez

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Social Media plays a crucial role in influencing Philippine public opinion with regard to a variety of socio-political issues. This became evident in the massacre of 44 members of the Special Action Force (SAF 44) tasked by the Philippine government to capture one of the US Federal Bureau of Investigation’s most wanted terrorists. The incident was said to be perpetrated by members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters. Part of the online discourse within Philippine cyberspace sparked intense debates on Filipino Muslim identity, with several Facebook viral posts linking Islam as a factor to the tragic event. Facebook is considered to be the most popular social media platform in the Philippines. As such, this begs the question of the extent to which social media, specifically Facebook, shape the perceptions of Filipinos on Filipino Muslims. This study utilizes Habermas’ theory of communicative action as it offers an explanation on how public sphere such as social media could be a network for communicating information and points of view through free and open dialogue among equal citizens to come to an understanding or common perception. However, the paper argues that communicative action which is aimed at reaching understanding free from force, and strategic action which is aimed at convincing someone through argumentation may not necessarily be mutually exclusive since reaching an understanding can also be considered as a result of convincing someone through argumentation. Moreover, actors may clash one another in their ideas before reaching common understanding, hence the presence of force. Utilizing content analysis on the Facebook posts with Islamic component that went viral after the massacre of the SAF 44, this paper argues that framing the image of Filipino Muslims through Facebook reflects both communicative and strategic actions. Moreover, comment threads on viral posts manifest force albeit implicit.

Keywords: communication, Muslim, Philippines, social media

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Authors: Muhammad Ali Khan

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Education is a word has been derived from Latin word "Educare", means to train. Therefore, the harmonious growth of the potentialities for achieving the qualities desirable and useful in the human society is called education. It is claimed that by educating women we can develop our economy, family health and decrease population growth. To explore the socio-economic impact of education on urban women. A prospective study design was used. Over a period of six months 50 respondents were randomly selected from Hayat Abad, an urban city in the North West of Pakistan. A questionnaire was used to explore marital, educational, occupational, social, economical and political status of urban women. Of the total, 50% (25) were employed, where 56% were married and 44% unmarried. Of the employed participants, 56% were teachers fallowed by social worker 16%. Monthly income was significantly high (p=001) of women with master degree. Understanding between wife and husband was also very significant in women with masters. . 78% of employed women replied that Parda (Hija) should be on choice not imposed. 52% of educated women replied participation in social activates, such as parties, shopping etc. Education has a high impact on urban women because it is directly related to employment, decision of power, economy and social life. Urban women with high education have significant political awareness and empowerment. Improving women educational level in rural areas of Pakistan is the key for economic growth and political empowerment

Keywords: women, urban, Pakistan, socio economic

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Authors: Hadas Hirsch

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Clothing is aimed at concealing and revealing the body, protecting it, and manifesting religious, political, and social declarations. The material and symbolic meanings of clothing and its raw materials are evaluated through the context of their social, cultural, and religious systems. The raw materials for clothing that were frequent and familiar in the 7th century Arab Peninsula were wool, leather, cotton, and some kinds of silk. The spread of the Muslim empire and the intersections with other religions and cultures enable the trickling of new raw materials that were unknown to Muslims or unaccepted. The sources for this research are hadith collections that discuss in details various kinds of textiles and their origin, together with a legal explanation that permits or prohibits its use. The paper will describe and analyze this discussion by contextualizing it in social, religious, and cultural reality that creates a structure of socio-religious dependency. The aim is not to identify, catalogue, and technically analyze fabrics but to reveal their role in Muslims’ life as a means of creating dependency for the community and setting borders inside and outside. The analysis is built upon a scale that starts with the most recommended raw materials, then comes the permitted ones and, in the end, the prohibited raw materials. This mapping will provide an insight into the ways textiles, as a cultural medium, help to shape and redefine identities and, at the same time, enable a sphere for creative expression within socio-cultural and religious limits and context. To sum up, hadith literature has the main role is characterizing Muslim clothing, from garments to textiles and colors, including multiple variations and contradicting aspects. The Muslim style of clothing and, in particular, textiles is a manifestation of the socio-religious structure of dependency that creates differentiated Muslim identity together with subdivision of gendered groups. Some other aspects are the tension between authenticity and imitation and the jurists’ pragmatic and practice attitude that enables an individual sphere of expression within the limits of jurisprudence.

Keywords: Hadith, jurisprudence, medieval Islam, material culture

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Authors: Zahoor Ahmad

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Casteism has played a pivotal role in the social setup and political manipulations in Punjab. This tradition dates back to pre-British history. A number of scholars produced valuable work attributing the caste prejudice and division among the local communities. As a matter of fact, the history of Punjab witnessed a tangible economic, Muslim-non-Muslim, hatred culture towards low-profile castes & professions, and so on. It is obvious that caste ridden system already existed in Punjab before the advent of the British, who tremendously supported the same, and this division evidently affected every aspect of the political as well as social life of the region. This article highlights the characteristics of different castes and the contemptuous behavior of the low castes & professions in the area further, how the caste system influenced the local people and their culture.

Keywords: casteism, caste prejudice, division, Punjab

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Authors: Muhammad Feteha

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The socio-political Middle East scene has radically changed over the last decade, and one major contributor to this change was the Egyptian revolution of 2011. The massive impact of this revolution that originally started as a small protest in the Tahrir square has attracted more scholars to study the public space in Egypt, where it has become a necessity in order to understand and improve the socio-political conditions. The status of public space in Egypt has been deteriorating due to many reasons, including privatization and neglect. This paper studies one of the major problems of the contemporary public space in Cairo, which is the lack of identity. This takes place through a comparative analysis between selected case studies from both medieval and contemporary Cairo. The theoretical framework upon which the analysis is based views public space as a ‘container of social action’ and a ‘product of spatial practice’. Through the ‘deciphering of space’, differences in the socio-political role, symbolism, and identity of public spaces between both eras are shown. The paper aims to extract some lessons from public space in medieval Cairo, which was truly the ‘centerpiece of the public realm’ and a ‘fundamental expressions’ of the unique trans-dynastic architectural identity of Cairo. In addition, it suggests some strategies to revive the Cairene identity of public space instead of constructing new ones to be only ‘utilitarian spaces used for circulation’ and lack any identity.

Keywords: architectural identity, Cairene public space, Islamic architectural history, production of space

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Authors: Lucia Rottava

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The present study focuses on academic literacy and addresses the impact of semantic-discursive resources on the constitution of genres that are produced in such context. The research considers the development of writing in the academic context in Portuguese. Researches that address academic literacy and the characteristics of the texts produced in this context are rare, mainly with focus on the development of writing, considering three variables: the constitution of the writer, the perception of the reader/interlocutor and the organization of the informational text flow. The research aims to map the semantic-discursive resources of the written register in texts of several genres and produced by students in the first semester of the undergraduate course in letters. The hypothesis raised is that writing in the academic environment is not a recurrent literacy practice for these learners and can be explained by the ontogenetic and phylogenetic nature of language development. Qualitative in nature, the present research has as empirical data texts produced in a half-yearly course of Reading and Textual Production; these data result from the proposition of four different writing proposals, in a total of 600 texts. The corpus is analyzed based on semantic-discursive resources, seeking to contemplate relevant aspects of language (grammar, discourse and social context) that reveal the choices made in the reader/writer interrelationship and the organizational flow of the text. Among the semantic-discursive resources, the analysis includes three resources, including (a) appraisal and negotiation to understand the attitudes negotiated (roles of the participants of the discourse and their relationship with the other); (b) ideation to explain the construction of the experience (activities performed and participants); and (c) periodicity to outline the flow of information in the organization of the text according to the genre it instantiates. The results indicate the organizational difficulties of the flow of the text information. Cartography contributes to the understanding of the way writers use language in an effort to present themselves, evaluate someone else’s work, and communicate with readers.

Keywords: academic writing, portuguese mother tongue, semantic-discursive resources, sistemic funcional linguistic

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Authors: Oliver Benoit

Abstract:

On 13 March 1979, a left-wing political party formed in the 1970s overthrew Eric Gairy's government and established the People's Revolutionary Government which governed Grenada from (1979-1983). On the morning of 13 March 1979, the People's Revolutionary Government leader, Maurice Bishop, appealed to the people of Grenada to assist the forces of the revolution in consolidating its newly acquired political power. A cross-section of the Grenadian population responded positively to Maurice Bishop's appeal. Within the four and a half years of the revolution, noticeable social, political, and economic changes affected all areas of social life before internal divisions caused the revolution's collapse. Forty-two years following the revolution's collapse, intellectuals and commentators continue to argue about the impact of the Grenada Revolution on societal and national development. However, the revolution's impact on the spread of nationalism in Grenada is yet to be analyzed. Nationalism, as a modern phenomenon, has impacted many societies since its emergence in England in the seventeenth century, and Grenada is no exception. The paper argues that the Grenada Revolution was motivated by nationalist sentiments and the revolution itself fostered the development of nationalism in Grenada. The argument relies on 40 interviews; people who currently reside in Grenada (2020) and live in Grenada during the revolution as young adults and adults (ages 15 and beyond) and have memories of their experiences of the revolution. The sample of 40 respondence represents about 20,000 people in Grenada who are within the study population between 55 and 75 years today (2020).

Keywords: grenada, motivation, nationalism, revolution

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Authors: Maria Inês Faria, João Miguel Simão

Abstract:

Frequently, the Sustainable Development paradigm is considered the contemporary societies flag and is has been assuming different nuances on local and global dialogues. This reveals the ambivalent character associated to its implementation due, namely, to the kind of synergies that political institutions, social organizations and citizenry can actually create. The Sustainable Development concept needs further discussion so that it can be useful in decision-making processes. In fact, the polysemic nature of this concept has consistently undermined its credibility leading, among other factors, to the talk and action gap, as well as to misappropriations of this notion. The present study focuses on the importance in questioning the sustainable development operationalization, "To walk the talk", and intends, in a broad sense, identify prospects and the elements of sustainability that are included in strategic plans (global, national and local) and, in the strict sense, confront discourse and practice in the context of local public policies for sustainable development, in particular with regard to the implementation of Local Agenda 21 in the municipality of Beja (Portugal) in order to analyze at what extent the strategies adopted and implemented are aligned with the paradigm of sustainable development. The method is based on critical analysis of literature and official documentation, using three complementary approaches: a) exploratory review of literature in order to identify publications on sustainability and sustainable development; b) this second approach complements the first, focused on the official documentation for the adoption and implementation of sustainable development, which is produced in the global plan, regional, national and local levels; c) and the approach which is focused on official documentation that expresses the policy options, the strategic lines and actions for sustainable development implementation Beja´s Municipality. The main results of this study highlight the type of alignment of the Beja´s Municipality sustainable policies, concerning the officially stipulated for the promotion of sustainable development on the international agenda, stressing the potentialities, constraints and challenges of Agenda 21 Local implementation.

Keywords: sustainable development, Local Agenda 21, sustainable local public policies, Beja

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Authors: Jie Liu, Wei Wei, Chun-Ping Chang

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Using a sample of 110 countries over the period 1984-2013, this paper examines the impacts of country risks on choosing a specific exchange rate regime (first by utilizing the Levy-Yeyati and Sturzenegger de facto classification and then robusting it by the IMF de jure measurement) relative to other regimes via the panel multinomial logit approach. Empirical findings are as follows. First, in the full samples case we provide evidence that government is more likely to implement a flexible regime, but less likely to adopt a fixed regime, under a low level of composite and financial risk. Second, we find that Eurozone countries are more likely to choose a fixed exchange rate regime with a decrease in the level of country risk and favor a flexible regime in response to a shock from an increase of risk, which is opposite to non-Eurozone countries. Third, we note that high-risk countries are more likely to choose a fixed regime with a low level of composite and political risk in the government, but do not adjust the exchange rate regime as a shock absorber when facing economic and financial risks. It is interesting to see that those countries with relatively low risk display almost opposite results versus high-risk economies. Overall, we believe that it is critically important to account for political economy variables in a government’s exchange rate policy decisions, especially for country risks. All results are robust to the panel ordered probit model.

Keywords: country risk, political economy, exchange rate regimes, shock absorber

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Authors: Eva Chou

Abstract:

This paper presents a case study of a historical moment in the city vs countryside relationship that is important in urban studies in China. Policies during the Cultural Revolution in China (1966-76) several times sent educated urban youths to the countryside. Initially, they were sent to “make revolution”: they were instructed to instigate powerful disruptions of established village relations. Later, they were “sent-down” to the countryside “to learn from the peasants.” Millions of urban youths “volunteered” to live as peasants did in the poverty of the countryside, thus resolving a political problem of urban unrest for the Party. Many had remained for decades before they were able to leave; others were never re-urbanized. Ballet troupes constituted a special case in both of these periods. This paper examines the differing experiences of individual “sent-down” ballet dancers on the one hand, and on the other hand, ballet troupes assigned to perform in the countryside.

Keywords: cultural revolution, reurbanized, sent-down youths, ballet

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