Search results for: diplomatic assurances

Authors: Natsuko D'Aprile

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The construction of Nation-States is a historical process that produces a type of national identity and culture that States nowadays mobilise for global outreach. National culture, as a set of norms and values influencing individuals’ actions and decisions, produces a type of policy making of various strategies that impact how a Nation is promoted overseas. The 1990s were marked by a resurgence of the debates on national identity. This period is believed to have paved the way for nationalism and witnessed increased attention to analytical approaches to identity. Public diplomacy is a concrete example of how national culture is mobilised to project a favourable image of a Nation abroad, especially in the narratives on national identity mobilised by diplomatic actors. Public diplomacy is understood as providing tools for States to build and project strategic narratives that represent events and identities in an attempt to influence domestic and foreign audiences, be they domestic or foreign. France and Japan received little attention on the matter. This research hence aims to investigate how France and Japan have mobilised narratives on national identity since the 1990s in the context of their public diplomacy. To understand how identities are framed, qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis has been performed on a corpus of various speeches held by French and Japanese political actors in which they present their diplomacy goals, as well as official documents provided by both Ministries of Foreign Affairs. This analysis showed that the French discourse integrates a narrative on France’s universal vocation, relying on the expression of a Nation whose model is worldly applicable and has the legitimacy to influence international decisions. The Japanese discourse does not concretely emphasise Japanese or Asian values, except for some narratives integrating Confucian and Shintō values. It rather revolves around the need for Japan to ensure its citizens’ security and prosperity, hence the need for the Government to contribute to peace in the Asia-Pacific region and the world.

Keywords: comparative politics, culture, discourse analysis, narratives, public diplomacy

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Authors: John Hardy, Paul Lushenko

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he twenty-first century international security order has been fraught with challenges to the credibility and stability of the post-Cold War status quo. Although the American-led international system has rarely been threatened directly by dissatisfied states, an underlying challenge to the international security order has emerged in the form of a slow-burning abnegation of small but significant aspects of the status quo. Meanwhile, those security challenges which have threatened to destabilize order in the international system have not clearly belonged to the traditional notions of diplomacy and armed conflict. Instead, the main antagonists have been both states and non-state actors, the issues have crossed national and international boundaries, and contestation has occurred in a ‘gray zone’ between peace and war. Gray zone conflicts are not easily categorized as military operations, national security policies or political strategies, because they often include elements of diplomacy, military operations, and statecraft in complex combinations. This study applies three approaches to conceptualizing the gray zone in which many contemporary conflicts take place. The first approach frames gray zone conflicts as a form of coercive diplomacy, in which armed force is used to add credibility and commitment to political threats. The second approach frames gray zone conflicts as a form of discrete military operation, in which armed force is used sparingly and is limited to a specific issue. The third approach frames gray zones conflicts as a form of proxy war, in which armed force is used by or through third parties, rather than directly between belligerents. The study finds that each approach to conceptualizing the gray zone accounts for only a narrow range of issues which fall within the gap between traditional notions of peace and war. However, in combination, all three approaches are useful in explicating the gray zone and understanding the character of contemporary security challenges which defy simple categorization. These findings suggest that coercive diplomacy, discrete military operations, and proxy warfare provide three overlapping lenses for conceptualizing the gray zone and for understanding the gray zone conflicts which threaten international security in the early twenty-first century.

Keywords: gray zone, international security, military operations, national security, strategy

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Authors: Leei Wong

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Changes in globalized contexts precipitate changing perceptions concerning linguistic politeness practices. Within these changing contexts, misunderstanding or stereotypification of politeness norms may lead to negative consequences such as hostility or even communication breakdown. With China’s rising influence, the country is offering a vast potential market for global economic development and diplomatic relations and opportunities for intercultural interaction, and many outside China are subsequently learning Chinese. These trends bring both opportunities and pitfalls for intercultural communication, including within the important field of politeness awareness. One internationally recognized benchmark for the study and classification of languages – the updated 2018 CEFR (Common European Framework of Reference for Language) Companion Volume New Descriptors (CEFR/CV) – classifies politeness as a B1 (or intermediate) level descriptor on the scale of Politeness Conventions. This provides some indication of the relevance of politeness awareness within new globalized contexts for fostering better intercultural communication. This study specifically examines Bald on record politeness strategies presented in current beginner TCAL textbooks used in Australian tertiary education through content-analysis. The investigation in this study involves the purposive sampling of commercial textbooks published in America and China followed by interpretive content analysis. The philosophical position of this study is therefore located within an interpretivist ontology, with a subjectivist epistemological perspective. It sets out with the aim to illuminate the characteristics of Chinese Bald on record strategies that are deemed significant in the present-world context through Chinese textbook writers and curriculum designers. The data reveals significant findings concerning politeness strategies in beginner stage curriculum, and also opens the way for further research on politeness strategies in intermediate and advanced level textbooks for additional language learners. This study will be useful for language teachers, and language teachers-in-training, by generating awareness and providing insights and advice into the teaching and learning of Bald on record politeness strategies. Authors of textbooks may also benefit from the findings of this study, as awareness is raised of the need to include reference to understanding politeness in language, and how this might be approached.

Keywords: linguistic politeness, higher education, Chinese language, additional language

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Authors: Liza Ireni-Saban

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The 6.6 magnitude quake event that occurred in 2003 (Bam, Iran) made it impossible for the Iranian government to handle disaster relief efforts domestically. In this extreme event, the Iranian government reached out to the international community, and this created a momentum that had to be carried out by trust-building efforts on all sides, often termed ‘Disaster Diplomacy’. Indeed, the circumstances were even more critical when one considers the increasing political and economic isolation of Iran within the international community. The potential for transformative political space to be opened by disaster has been recognized by dominant international political actors. Despite the fact that Bam 2003 post-disaster relief efforts did not catalyze any diplomatic activities on all sides, it is suggested that few international aid agencies have successfully used disaster recovery to enhance their popular legitimacy and reputation among the international community. In terms of disaster diplomacy, an actor’s reputational capital may affect his ability to build coalitions and alliances to achieve international political ends, to negotiate and build understanding and trust with foreign publics. This study suggests that the post-disaster setting may benefit from using the ecology of games framework to evaluate the role of bridging actors and mediators in facilitating collaborative governance networks. Recent developments in network theory and analysis provide means of structural embeddedness to explore how reputational capital can be built through brokerage roles of actors engaged in a disaster management network. This paper then aims to structure the relations among actors that participated in the post-disaster relief efforts in the 2003 Bam earthquake (Iran) in order to assess under which conditions actors may be strategically utilized to serve as mediating organizations for future disaster events experienced by isolated nations or nations in conflict. The results indicate the strategic use of reputational capital by the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs as key broker to build a successful coordinative system for reducing disaster vulnerabilities. International aid agencies rarely played brokerage roles to coordinate peripheral actors. U.S. foreign assistance (USAID), despite coordination capacities, was prevented from serving brokerage roles in the system.

Keywords: coordination, disaster diplomacy, international aid organizations, Iran

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Authors: Yongde Dai

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The recent Chinese military action blockbusters, notably known as, Wolf Warrior/Zhan Lang (2015), Operation Mekong/Mei gong he xing dong (2016), Warrior 2/Zhan Lang 2 (2017) and Operation Red Sea/Hong hai xing dong (2018), have achieved phenomenal box-office successes and in particular, Wolf Warrior 2 became China’s highest-grossing film of all time. However, their yearly presence tends to show a paradigmic shift from China’s primacy of wen manliness (soft) to wu masculinity (hard). With the increasing cinematic exposure of a more muscular image manifesting in both the Chinese heroic soldiers and China itself as a rising global power, the backlash of the Chinese public against the proliferation of the feminized masculinity influenced by the ‘pretty-boy’ pop-culture and China’s harder approach to the current Sino-US tensions have correspondingly emerged and continued to brew. Chinese masculinity imagined in these films is one of the key factors that enable a gendered interpretation of the correlation between the Chinese on-screen fantasy and off-screen reality, that is, China’s public and official discourse about the hegemonic masculinity and non-hegemonic masculinity as well as China’s international profile on cinematic appearance and in today’s Sino-US relation. By reading closely at the four megahits as visual-audio texts with Chinese masculinity studies by Kam Louie and Geng Song, this paper attempts to examine the Chinese construction of manliness with historical accounts and argue why and how the recurrent emphasis of hard/military masculinity (wu) on screen are viewed as China’s contemporary rewriting of the ‘sick-man’ history in the film form. Through this investigation, the paper finds that the rewriting of the ‘sick-man’ history in the cinematic world through heroic brawny soldiers comes to resonate a collective anxiety of China in countering the real-life increasing feminized masculinity on the public appearance, particularly on the male celebrities. In addition, the superpower fantasy about China illuminates a hypermasculine imaginary of China as a global rising power and this coincidently echoes China’s current tougher diplomatic strategy tackling the Sino-US trade war, South China sea dispute and Huawei-US lawsuits.

Keywords: Chinese masculinity, Chinese military action film, feminized masculinity, manhood and nationhood, sick man of Asia

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Authors: Priyal Sepaha

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A refugee crisis is manifested by challenges, both for the refugees and the asylum giving state. The situation turns into a mega-crisis when the situation is prejudicially handled by the home state, inappropriate refugee laws, exploding refugee population, and above all, no hope of any foreseeable solution or remedy. This paper studies the impact on the capability of stateless Rohingyas to migrate and seek refuge due to the enforcement of rigid criteria of movement imposed both by Myanmar as well as the adjoining countries in the name of national security. This theoretical study identifies the issues and the key factors and players which have precipitated the crisis. It further discusses the possible ramifications in the home, asylum giving, and the adjoining countries for not discharging their roles aptly. Additionally, an attempt has been made to understand the scarce response given to the impending crisis by the regional organizations like SAARC, ASEAN and CHOGAM as well as international organizations like United Nations Human Rights Council, Security Council, Office of High Commissioner for Refugees and so on, in the name of inadequacy of monetary funds and physical resources. Based on the refugee laws and practices pertaining to the case of Rohingyas, this paper analyses that the Rohingya Crisis is in dire need of an effective action plan to curb and resolve the biggest humanitarian crisis situation of the century. This mounting human tragedy can be mitigated permanently, by strengthening existing and creating new interdependencies among all stakeholders, as further ignorance can drive the countries of the Indian Sub-continent, in particular, and South East Asia, by and large into a violent civil war for seizing long-awaited civil rights by the marginalized Rohingyas. To curb this mass crisis, it will require the application of coercive pressure and diplomatic pursuance on the home country to acknowledge the rights of its fleeing citizens. This further necessitates mustering adequate monetary funds and physical resources for the asylum providing state. Additional challenges such as devising mechanisms for the refugee’s safe return, comprehensive planning for their holistic economic development and rehabilitation plan are needed. These, however, can only come into effect with a conscious strive by the regional and international community to fulfil their assigned role.

Keywords: asylum, citizenship, crisis, humanitarian, human rights, refugee, rohingya

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Authors: Rosni Lakandri

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With the development of science and technology, there has been a complete transformation in the domain of information technology. Particularly after the Second World War and Cold War period, the role of media and communication technology in shaping the political, economic, socio-cultural proceedings across the world has been tremendous. It performs as a channel between the governing bodies of the state and the general masses. As we have seen the international community constantly talking about the onset of Asian Century, India and China happens to be the major player in this. Both have the civilization history, both are neighboring countries, both are witnessing a huge economic growth and, important of all, both are considered the rising powers of Asia. Not negating the fact that both countries have gone to war with each other in 1962 and the common people and even the policy makers of both the sides view each other till now from this prism. A huge contribution to this perception of people goes to the media coverage of both sides, even if there are spaces of cooperation which they share, the negative impacts of media has tended to influence the people’s opinion and government’s perception about each other. Therefore, analysis of media’s impression in both the countries becomes important in order to know their effect on the larger implications of foreign policy towards each other. It is usually said that media not only acts as the information provider but also acts as ombudsman to the government. They provide a kind of check and balance to the governments in taking proper decisions for the people of the country but in attempting to answer this hypothesis we have to analyze does the media really helps in shaping the political landscape of any country? Therefore, this study rests on the following questions; 1.How do China and India depict each other through their respective News media? 2.How much and what influences they make on the policy making process of each country? How do they shape the public opinion in both the countries? In order to address these enquiries, the study employs both primary and secondary sources available, and in generating data and other statistical information, primary sources like reports, government documents, and cartography, agreements between the governments have been used. Secondary sources like books, articles and other writings collected from various sources and opinion from visual media sources like news clippings, videos in this topic are also included as a source of on ground information as this study is not based on field study. As the findings suggest in case of China and India, media has certainly affected people’s knowledge about the political and diplomatic issues at the same time has affected the foreign policy making of both the countries. They have considerable impact on the foreign policy formulation and we can say there is some mediatization happening in foreign policy issues in both the countries.

Keywords: China, foreign policy, India, media, public opinion

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Authors: Debalina Ghoshal

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Nuclear security is the ‘prevention and detection of, and response to unauthorised removal, sabotage, unauthorised access, illegal transfer or other malicious acts involving nuclear or radiological material or their associated facilities.’ Ever since the end of Cold War, nuclear materials security has remained a concern for global security. However, with the increase in terrorist attacks not just in India especially, security of nuclear materials remains a priority. Therefore, India has made continued efforts to tighten its security on nuclear materials to prevent nuclear theft and radiological terrorism. Nuclear security is different from nuclear safety. Physical security is also a serious concern and India had been careful of the physical security of its nuclear materials. This is more so important since India is expanding its nuclear power capability to generate electricity for economic development. As India targets 60,000 MW of electricity production by 2030, it has a range of reactors to help it achieve its goal. These include indigenous Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors, now standardized at 700 MW per reactor Light Water Reactors, and the indigenous Fast Breeder Reactors that can generate more fuel for the future and enable the country to utilise its abundant thorium resource. Nuclear materials security can be enhanced through two important ways. One is through proliferation resistant technologies and diplomatic efforts to take non proliferation initiatives. The other is by developing technical means to prevent any leakage in nuclear materials in the hands of asymmetric organisations. New Delhi has already implemented IAEA Safeguards on their civilian nuclear installations. Moreover, the IAEA Additional Protocol has also been ratified by India in order to enhance its transparency of nuclear material and strengthen nuclear security. India is a party to the IAEA Conventions on Nuclear Safety and Security, and in particular the 1980 Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material and its amendment in 2005, Code of Conduct in Safety and Security of Radioactive Sources, 2006 which enables the country to provide for the highest international standards on nuclear and radiological safety and security. India's nuclear security approach is driven by five key components: Governance, Nuclear Security Practice and Culture, Institutions, Technology and International Cooperation. However, there is still scope for further improvements to strengthen nuclear materials and nuclear security. The NTI Report, ‘India’s improvement reflects its first contribution to the IAEA Nuclear Security Fund etc. in the future, India’s nuclear materials security conditions could be further improved by strengthening its laws and regulations for security and control of materials, particularly for control and accounting of materials, mitigating the insider threat, and for the physical security of materials during transport. India’s nuclear materials security conditions also remain adversely affected due to its continued increase in its quantities of nuclear material, and high levels of corruption among public officials.’ This paper would study briefly the progress made by India in nuclear and nuclear material security and the step ahead for India to further strengthen this.

Keywords: India, nuclear security, nuclear materials, non proliferation

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Authors: Mojtaba Eshraghi Arani

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The freight forwarders, who are known as the Architect of Transportation, play a vital role in the supply chain management. The package of various services which they provide has made the legal nature of freight forwarders very controversial, so that they might be qualified once as principal or carrier and, on other occasions, as agent of the shipper as the case may be. They could even be involved in the transportation process as the agent of shipping line, which makes the situation much more complicated. The courts in all countries have long had trouble in distinguishing the “forwarder as agent” from “forwarder as principal” (as it is outstanding in the prominent case of “Vastfame Camera Ltd v Birkart Globistics Ltd And Others” 2005, Hong Kong). It is not fully known that in the case of a claim against the forwarder, what particular parameter would be used by the judge among multiple, and sometimes contradictory, tests for determining the scope of the forwarder liability. In particular, every country has its own legal parameters for qualifying the freight forwarders that is completely different from others, as it is the case in France in comparison with Germany and England. The unpredictability of the courts’ decisions in this regard has provided the freight forwarders with the opportunity to impose any limitation or exception of liability while pretending to play the role of a principal, consequently making the cargo interests incur ever-increasing damage. The transportation industry needs to remove such uncertainty by unifying national laws governing freight forwarders liability. A long time ago, in 1967, The International Institute for Unification of Private Law (UNIDROIT) prepared a draft convention called “Draft Convention on Contract of Agency for Forwarding Agents Relating to International Carriage of Goods” (hereinafter called “UNIDROIT draft convention”). The UNIDROIT draft convention provided a clear and certain framework for the liability of freight forwarder in each capacity as agent or carrier, but it failed to transform to a convention, and eventually, it was consigned to oblivion. Today, after nearly 6 decades from that era, the necessity of such convention can be felt apparently. However, one might reason that the same grounds, in particular, the resistance by forwarders’ association, FIATA, exist yet, and thus it is not logical to revive a forgotten draft convention after such long period of time. It is argued in this article that the main reason for resisting the UNIDROIT draft convention in the past was pending efforts for developing the “1980 United Nation Convention on International Multimodal Transport of Goods”. However, the latter convention failed to become in force on due time in a way that there was no new accession since 1996, as a result of which the UNIDROIT draft convention must be revived strongly and immediately submitted to the relevant diplomatic conference. A qualitative method with the concept of interpretation of data collection has been used in this manuscript. The source of the data is the analysis of international conventions and cases.

Keywords: freight forwarder, revival, agent, principal, uidroit, draft convention

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Authors: Riddhi Chopra

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Alfred Thayer Mahan described the sea as a ‘great common,’ which would serve as a medium for communication, trade, and transport. The seas of Asia are witnessing an intriguing historical anomaly – rise of an indigenous maritime power against the backdrop of US domination over the region. As China transforms from an inward leaning economy to an outward-leaning economy, it has become increasingly dependent on the global sea; as a result, we witness an evolution in its maritime strategy from near seas defense to far seas deployment strategies. It is not only patrolling the international waters but has also built a network of civilian and military infrastructure across the disputed oceanic expanse. The paper analyses the reorientation of China from a naval power to a blue water navy in an era of extensive globalisation. The actions of the Chinese have created a zone of high alert amongst its neighbors such as Japan, Philippines, Vietnam and North Korea. These nations are trying to align themselves so as to counter China’s growing brinkmanship, but China has been pursuing claims through a carefully calibrated strategy in the region shunning any coercive measures taken by other forces. If China continues to expand its maritime boundaries, its neighbors – all smaller and weaker Asian nations would be limited to a narrow band of the sea along its coastlines. Hence it is essential for the US to intervene and support its allies to offset Chinese supremacy. The paper intends to provide a profound analysis over the disputes in South China Sea and East China Sea focusing on Philippines and Japan respectively. Moreover, the paper attempts to give an account of US involvement in the region and its alignment with its South Asian allies. The geographic dynamics is said the breed a national coalition dominating the strategic ambitions of China as well as the weak littoral states. China has conducted behind the scenes diplomacy trying to persuade its neighbors to support its position on the territorial disputes. These efforts have been successful in creating fault lines in ASEAN thereby undermining regional integrity to reach a consensus on the issue. Chinese diplomatic efforts have also forced the US to revisit its foreign policy and engage with players like Cambodia and Laos. The current scenario in the SCS points to a strong Chinese hold trying to outspace all others with no regards to International law. Chinese activities are in contrast with US principles like Freedom of Navigation thereby signaling US to take bold actions to prevent Chinese hegemony in the region. The paper ultimately seeks to explore the changing power dynamics among various claimants where a rival superpower like US can pursue the traditional policy of alliance formation play a decisive role in changing the status quo in the arena, consequently determining the future trajectory.

Keywords: China, East China Sea, South China Sea, USA

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Authors: Maria Thaemar Tana

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The paper examines the policy and practice of Japan’s human security. Specifically, it asks the question: How does Japan’s shift towards a more proactive defence posture affect the place of human security in its foreign policy agenda? Corollary to this, how is Japan sustaining its human security policy? The objective of this research is to understand how Japan, chiefly through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) and JICA (Japan International Cooperation Agency), sustains the concept of human security as a policy framework. In addition, the paper also aims to show how and why Japan continues to include the concept in its overall foreign policy agenda. In light of the recent developments in Japan’s security policy, which essentially result from the changing security environment, human security appears to be gradually losing relevance. The paper, however, argues that despite the strategic challenges Japan faced and is facing, as well as the apparent decline of its economic diplomacy, human security remains to be an area of critical importance for Japanese foreign policy. In fact, as Japan becomes more proactive in its international affairs, the strategic value of human security also increases. Human security was initially envisioned to help Japan compensate for its weaknesses in the areas of traditional security, but as Japan moves closer to a more activist foreign policy, the soft policy of human security complements its hard security policies. Using the framework of neoclassical realism (NCR), the paper recognizes that policy-making is essentially a convergence of incentives and constraints at the international and domestic levels. The theory posits that there is no perfect 'transmission belt' linking material power on the one hand, and actual foreign policy on the other. State behavior is influenced by both international- and domestic-level variables, but while systemic pressures and incentives determine the general direction of foreign policy, they are not strong enough to affect the exact details of state conduct. Internal factors such as leaders’ perceptions, domestic institutions, and domestic norms, serve as intervening variables between the international system and foreign policy. Thus, applied to this study, Japan’s sustained utilization of human security as a foreign policy instrument (dependent variable) is essentially a result of systemic pressures (indirectly) (independent variables) and domestic processes (directly) (intervening variables). Two cases of Japan’s human security practice in two regions are examined in two time periods: Iraq in the Middle East (2001-2010) and South Sudan in Africa (2011-2017). The cases show that despite the different motives behind Japan’s decision to participate in these international peacekeepings ad peace-building operations, human security continues to be incorporated in both rhetoric and practice, thus demonstrating that it was and remains to be an important diplomatic tool. Different variables at the international and domestic levels will be examined to understand how the interaction among them results in changes and continuities in Japan’s human security policy.

Keywords: human security, foreign policy, neoclassical realism, peace-building

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Authors: Amrisha Pandey

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Indian constitution has distributed the powers to govern and legislate between the centre and the state governments based on the list of subject-matter provided in the seventh schedule. By that schedule, the states are authorized to regulate the water resource within their territory. However, the centre/union government is authorized to regulate the inter-state water disputes. The powers entrusted to the union government mainly deals with the sharing of river water which flows through the territory of two or more states. For that purpose, a provision enumerated in Article 262 of the Constitution of India which empowers the parliament to resolve any such inter-state river water dispute. Therefore, the parliament has enacted the - ‘Inter-State River Water Dispute Tribunal, Act’, which allows the central/union government to constitute the tribunal for the adjudication of the disputes and expressly bars the jurisdiction of the judiciary in the concerned matter. This arrangement was intended to resolve the dispute using political or diplomatic means, without deliberately interfering with the sovereign power of the states to govern the water resource. The situation in present context is complicated and sensitive. Due to the change in climatic conditions; increasing demand for the limited resource; and the advanced understanding of the freshwater cycle, which is missing from the existing legal regime. The obsolete legal and political tools, the existing legislative mechanism and the institutional units do not seem to accommodate the rising challenge to regulate the resource. Therefore, resulting in the rise of the politicization of the inter-state water disputes. Against this background, this paper will investigate the inter-state river water dispute in India and will critically analyze the ability of the existing constitutional, and institutional units involved in the task. Moreover, the competence of the tribunal as the adjudicating body in present context will be analyzed using the long ongoing inter-state water dispute in India – The Cauvery Water Dispute, as the case study. To conduct the task undertaken in this paper the doctrinal methodology of the research is adopted. The disputes will also be investigated through the lens of sovereignty, which is accorded to the states using the theory of ‘separation of power’ and the ‘grant of internal sovereignty’, to its federal units of governance. The issue of sovereignty in this paper is discussed in two ways: 1) as the responsibility of the state - to govern the resource; and 2) as the obligation of the state - to govern the resource, arising from the sovereign power of the state. Furthermore, the duality of the sovereign power coexists in this analysis; the overall sovereign authority of the nation-state, and the internal sovereignty of the states as its federal units of governance. As a result, this investigation will propose institutional, legislative and judicial reforms. Additionally, it will suggest certain amendments to the existing constitutional provisions in order to avoid the contradictions in their scope and meaning in the light of the advanced hydrological understanding.

Keywords: constitution of India, federalism, inter-state river water dispute tribunal of India, sovereignty

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Authors: Julia Mathew

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This paper explores the use of Bollywood and Chinese movies as soft power instruments within the larger context of India-China contention in South Asia. As India and China compete for influence in South Asia, they have increasingly relied on cultural diplomacy, using cinema to change perceptions, promote goodwill, and build cultural linkages. Bollywood, with its long-standing popularity and cultural resonance, has been a powerful instrument for projecting Indian ideals and identity throughout South Asia. In contrast, China has made concerted attempts in recent years to promote its own films, showing Chinese culture and values in a positive manner to offset Bollywood’s effect. This study examines the ways in which Chinese and Bollywood films influence public opinion and appeal to South Asian audiences while also supporting their respective countries’ soft power goals. To learn about this, we take a mixed-methods approach that incorporates content analysis of popular Bollywood and Chinese films released in South Asia, focussing on issues such as cultural identity, nationalism, and social values. In addition, we use sentiment analysis and surveys to map how these two cinematic traditions are received in various South Asian countries. This study takes into account government activities and cultural policies that promote each country’s cinema industry as a diplomatic instrument. The present study uses case studies from Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Bhutan to demonstrate the subtle ways in which Bollywood and Chinese movies influence regional attitudes. For example, in Nepal and Bangladesh, Bollywood’s deep cultural ties have historically given India an advantage, but China’s growing economic relations and media presence have presented Chinese cinema as an alternative cultural influence. In contrast, Sri Lanka exemplifies a complicated relationship in which Bollywood’s cultural attraction is strong, but Chinese state-backed media diplomacy is making inroads, altering the cultural landscape. Due to limited cultural interchange and Bhutan’s historical alignment with India, Chinese cinema has a small presence in the country. The findings highlight cinema’s significance as a soft power tool in India and China’s regional ambitions. Bollywood’s emotional resonance and cultural familiarity have long bolstered India’s prominence, but Chinese cinema’s expansion reflects China’s desire to shift cultural narratives in its favour. This paper closes by presenting insights into the broader implications of cultural diplomacy within the India-China competition, arguing that as India and China continue to compete for influence in South Asia, film will play an increasingly crucial role in defining the soft power environment.

Keywords: soft power, China, India, Bollywood, Chinese cinema

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Authors: Debarpita Pande

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On 22nd May 2013 Chinese Premier Li Keqiang on his visit to Pakistan tabled a proposal for connecting Kashgar in China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region with the south-western Pakistani seaport of Gwadar via the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (hereinafter referred to as CPEC). The project, popularly termed as 'One Belt One Road' will encompass within it a connectivity component including a 3000-kilometre road, railways and oil pipeline from Kashgar to Gwadar port along with an international airport and a deep sea port. Superficially, this may look like a 'game changer' for Pakistan and other countries of South Asia but this article by doctrinal method of research will unearth some serious flaws in it, which may change the entire economic system of this region heavily affecting the socio-economic conditions of South Asia, further complicating the complete geopolitical situation of the region disturbing the world economic stability. The paper besets with a logical analyzation of the socio-economic issues arising out of this project with an emphasis on its impact on the Pakistani and Indian economy due to Chinese dominance, serious tension in international relations, security issues, arms race, political and provincial concerns. The research paper further aims to study the impact of huge burden of loan given by China towards this project where Pakistan already suffers from persistent debts in the face of declining foreign currency reserves along with that the sovereignty of Pakistan will also be at stake as the entire economy of the country will be held hostage by China. The author compares this situation with the fallout from projects in Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, and several countries of Africa, all of which are now facing huge debt risks brought by Chinese investments. The entire economic balance will be muddled by the increment in Pakistan’s demand of raw materials resulting to the import of the same from China, which will lead to exorbitant price-hike and limited availability. CPEC will also create Chinese dominance over the international movement of goods that will take place between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans and hence jeopardising the entire economic balance of South Asia along with Middle Eastern countries like Dubai. Moreover, the paper also analyses the impact of CPEC in the context of international unrest and arms race between Pakistan and India as well as India and China due to border disputes and Chinese surveillance. The paper also examines the global change in economic dynamics in international trade that CPEC will create in the light of U.S.-China relationship. The article thus reflects the grave consequences of CPEC on the international economy, security and bilateral relations, which surpasses the positive impacts of it. The author lastly suggests for more transparency and proper diplomatic planning in the execution of this mega project, which can be a cause of economic complexity in international trade in near future.

Keywords: China, CPEC, international trade, Pakistan

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Authors: Fatih Ercin Guney, Hami Karagol

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Day by day, humanity's energy needs increase, to facilitate access to energy sources by energy importing countries is of great importance in terms of issues both in terms of economic security and political security. The geographical location of the oil exporting countries in the Middle East (Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar) today, it is observed that evaluated by emerging Arab Spring(from Tunisia to Egypt) and freedom battles(in Syria) with security issues arise sourced from terrorist activities(ISIS). Progresses related with limited natural resources, energy and it's transportation issues which worries the developing countries, the energy in the region is considered to how to transfer safely. North Region of the Black Sea , the beginning of the conflict in the regional nature formed between Russia and Ukraine (2010), followed by the relevant regions of the power transmission line (From Russia to Europe) the discovery is considered to be the east's hand began to strengthen in terms of both the economical and political sides. With the growing need for safe access to the west of the new energy transmission lines are followed by Turkey, re-interest is considered to be shifted to the Mediterranean and the Middle East by West. Also, Russia, Iran and China (three axis of east) are generally performing as carry out parallel policies about energy , economical side and security in both United Nations Security Council (Two of Five Permanent Members are Russia and China) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization. In addition, Eastern Mediterranean Region Tension are rapidly increasing about research new oil and natural gas sources by Israel, Egypt, Cyprus, Lebanon. This paper provides, new energy corridor(s) are needed to transfer sources (Oil&Natural Gas) by Europe from East to West. So The West needs either safe bridge country to transfer natural sources to Europe in region or is needed to discovery new natural sources in extraterritorial waters of Eastern Mediterranean Region. But in two opportunities are evaluated with secure transfer corridors form region to Europe in safely. Even if the natural sources can be discovered, they are considered to transfer in safe manner. This paper involved, Turkey’s importance as a leader country in region over both of political and safe energy transfer sides as bridge country between south and north of Turkey why natural sources shall be transferred over Turkey, Even if diplomatic issues-For Example; Cyprus membership in European Union, Turkey membership candidate duration, Israel-Cyprus- Egypt-Lebanon researches about new natural sources in Mediterranean - occurred. But politic balance in Middle-East is changing quickly because of lack of democratic governments in region. So it is evaluated that the alliance of natural sources researches may not be long-time relations due to share sources after discoveries. After evaluating over causes and reasons, aim to reach finding foresight about future of region for energy transfer periods in secure manner.

Keywords: Middle East, natural gas, oil, Turkey

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Authors: Euripides Antoniades

Abstract:

In 1821 the Greek Revolution movement, under the political influence that arose from the French revolution, and the corresponding movements in Italy, Germany and America, requested the liberation of the nation and the establishment of an independent national state. Published topics in the British press regarding the Greek Revolution, focused on : a) the right of the Greeks to claim their freedom from Turkish domination in order to establish an independent state based on the principle of national autonomy, b) criticism regarding Turkish rule as illegal and the power of the Ottoman Sultan as arbitrary, c) the recognition of the Greek identity and its distinction from the Turkish one and d) the endorsement Greeks as the descendants of ancient Greeks. The advantage of newspaper as a media is sharing information and ideas and dealing with issues in greater depth and detail, unlike other media, such as radio or television. The London Times is a print publication that presents, in chronological or thematic order, the news, opinions or announcements about the most important events that have occurred in a place during a specified period of time. This paper employs the rich archive of The London Times archive by quoting extracts from publications of that period, to convey the British public perspective regarding the Greek Revolution from its beginning until the London Protocol of 1828. Furthermore, analyses the publications of the British newspaper in terms of the number of references to the Greek revolution, front page and editorial references as well as the size of publications on the revolution during the period 1821-1828. A combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis was applied. An attempt was made to record Greek Revolution references along with the usage of specific words and expressions that contribute to the representation of the historical events and their exposure to the reading public. Key finds of this research reveal that a) there was a frequency of passionate daily articles concerning the events in Greece, their length, and context in The London Times, b) the British public opinion was influenced by this particular newspaper and c) the newspaper published various news about the revolution by adopting the role of animator of the Greek struggle. For instance, war events and the battles of Wallachin and Moldavia, Hydra, Crete, Psara, Mesollogi, Peloponnese were presented not only for informing the readers but for promoting the essential need for freedom and the establishment of an independent Greek state. In fact, this type of news was the main substance of the The London Times’ structure, establishing a positive image about the Greek Revolution contributing to the European diplomatic development such as the standpoint of France, - that did not wish to be detached from the conclusions regarding the English loans and the death of Alexander I of Russia and his succession by the ambitious Nicholas. These factors offered a change in the attitude of the British and Russians respectively assuming a positive approach towards Greece. The Great Powers maintained a neutral position in the Greek-Ottoman conflict, same time they engaged in Greek power increasement by offering aid.

Keywords: Greece, revolution, newspaper, the London times, London, great britain, mass media

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Authors: Henry Okechukwu Onyeiwu

Abstract:

In today’s Nigerian digital age, the landscape of public diplomacy has been significantly altered by the rise of social media platforms like YouTube, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. In recent years, social media platforms have emerged as powerful tools for public diplomacy, transforming how countries communicate with both domestic and global audiences. International broadcasting as a tool of public diplomacy has undergone a significant transformation. Traditional methods of state-run media and controlled broadcasting have evolved to incorporate the dynamic, interactive, and decentralized nature of digital platforms. Understanding how Nigerian governments engages in international broadcasting of public diplomacy, the influence of social media on broadcasting public diplomacy, focusing on the advantages and disadvantages of controlling media outlets for diplomatic purposes and also covers the changing nature of global communication in this digital era. As countries navigate the complexities of international relations, the effectiveness of controlled media in shaping public perception and engagement raises significant questions worth exploring. The vast amount of content available can make it challenging to capture and retain audience attention. The ease of spreading false information on social media requires international broadcasters to maintain credibility and counteract misleading narratives. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive research that integrates digital communication tools, cultural sensitivity, cybersecurity measures and ongoing evaluation to enhance Nigeria’s international broadcasting of public diplomacy. This study employed a mixed-methods approach, combining qualitative and quantitative research methods. A content analysis of Nigeria’s international broadcasting content was conducted to assess its themes, narratives, and engagement strategies. Additionally, surveys and interviews with communications professionals, diplomats, and social media users were carried out to gather insights on perceptions and effectiveness of public diplomacy initiatives. It has highlighted some of the present trends in technology and the international environmental in which public diplomacy must work, and show how the past can illuminate the road for those navigating this new world. The rise of the social network creates more opportunities than it closes for public diplomacy. This evolution highlights the increasing importance of engagement, mutual understanding, and cooperation in international relations. By Adopting a more inclusive and participatory approach, public diplomacy can more effectively address global challenges and build stronger, more resilient relationships between nations. As Nigeria navigates the complexities of its international relations, this abstract will provide a vital examination of how it can better utilize the dual platforms of international broadcasting and social media in its public diplomacy efforts. The outcome will bear significance not only for Nigeria but also for other nations grappling with similar challenges in the digital age. As social media continues to play a crucial role in public diplomacy, understanding the dynamics of controlled media outlets becomes ever more critical. This abstract shed light on the advantages and disadvantages of such control, ultimately contributing valuable insights to practitioners in the field of diplomacy as they adapt to the rapidly changing communication landscape.

Keywords: international broadcasting, public diplomacy, social media, international relation, polities

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Authors: Sachoiba Inkah

Abstract:

The Northeast region has not been a major factor in India’s foreign policy calculation since independence. Instead, the region was ignored and marginalized even to the extent of using force and repressive Acts such as AFSPA(Armed Forces Special Powers Act) to suppress the voices of both states and non-state actors. The liberalization of the economy in the 90s in the wake of globalization gave India a new outlook and the Look East Policy (LEP) was a paradigm shift in India’s engagement with the Southeast Asian nations as it seeks to explore the benefits of the ASEAN. The reorienting of India’s foreign policy to ‘Neighborhood First” is attributed to the present political dispensation, which is further widened to include ‘Extended Neighborhood.’ As a result, the Northeastern states have become key players in India’s participation in regional groupings such as SAARC, BIMSTEC, and BCIM. The need for external balancing, diplomacy and development has reset India’s foreign policy priorities as the Northeast states lie in the confluence of South Asia, Southeast and East Asia, and a stakeholder in Act East Policy. The paper will explore the role of Northeastern states in the framework of Indian foreign policy as it shares international boundaries with China, Bhutan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar and most importantly, study the case of Nagas who are spread across Manipur, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh bordering Myanmar. The Indo-Myanmar border is an area of conflict and various illegal activities such as arms trafficking, illegal migrants, drug, and human trafficking are still being carried out and in order to address this issue, both India and Myanmar need to take into consideration the various communities living across the border. And conflict and insurgency should not be a yardstick to curtailed development of infrastructures such as roads, health facilities, transport, and communication in the contested region. The realities, perceptions, and contentions of the Northeastern states and the different communities living in the border areas need a wider discourse as the region the potential to drive India’s diplomatic relations with its neighbors and extended neighborhood. The methods employed are analytical and more of a descriptive analysis on India’s foreign policy framework with a focus on Nagas in Myanmar, drawing from both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include official documents, data, and statistics released by various governmental agencies, parliamentary debates, political speeches, press releases, treaties and agreements, historical biographies and organizational policy papers, protocols and procedures of government conferences, regional organization study reports etc. The paper concludes that the recent proactive engagement between India and Myanmar on trade, defense, economic, and infrastructure development are positive signs cementing bilateral ties, but there is not much room for the people-to-people connect, especially for people living in the borderland. The Freedom of Movement Regime that is in place is limited and there is more scope for improvement as people in the borderland looks towards trade and commerce to not only uplift the border economy but also act as a catalyst for robust engagement between the two countries, albeit with more infrastructure such as road, healthcare, education, a tourist hotspot, trade centers, mobile connectivity, etc.

Keywords: foreign policy, infrastructure development, insurgency, people to people connect

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