Search results for: ethnic politics

Authors: Nina Berding

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Migration and the ensuing diversity are integral parts of urban societies. However, engaging with the urban society and its diversification is rarely perceived as something trivial but rather as a difficult task and a major challenge. A central aspect of the discourse is the current migration of refugees from countries of the southern hemisphere to Europe and the resulting challenges for cities, their municipalities and the civil society as a whole. Based on exploratory field research in a German inner-city neighborhood, it is aimed to show that the discourses about migration and diversity are completely contrary to the everyday life actions of the urban society. Processes of migration that include leaving one’s hometown and moving to other places, searching for ‘safe’ environments or better opportunities are, historically speaking, not a new phenomenon. The urban dwellers have a large repertoire of strategies in managing processes of difference in everyday life situations, guided them well for centuries and also in these contemporary processes with an increased mobility and diversity. So there is obviously a considerable discrepancy between what is practically lived in everyday life, and how it is talked about. The results of the study demonstrate that the current discourse about the challenges of migration seems to legitimize interventions beyond humanist approaches where migrants serve as collective scapegoats for social problems and affected by different discrimination and criminalization processes. On the one hand, everyone takes advantage of the super-mobility and super-diversity in their daily lives and on the other hand, powerful stakeholders and designated authorities operate a sort of retro- nationalism and identity collectivism. Political players, the municipalities and other stakeholders then follow an urban public policy that takes actions (increasing police presence, concepts and activities for special groups, exclusion from active social life, preventing participation etc.) towards different ‘groups’ of residents, produced along ‘ethnic’ lines. The results also show that, despite the obstacles and adversities placed in their way, the excluded residents perpetually relocate and re-position themselves and attempt to empower themselves by redefining their identities in their neighborhood.

Keywords: coexistence, everyday life, migration and diversity regimes, urban policy

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Authors: Hsiao-ting Lin

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This paper analyzes the history of Taiwan’s secret program to develop its nuclear weapons during the Cold War. In July 1971, US President Richard Nixon shocked the world when he announced that his national security adviser Henry Kissinger had made a secret trip to China and that he himself had accepted an invitation to travel to Beijing. This huge breakthrough in the US-PRC relationship was followed by Taipei’s loss of political legitimacy and international credibility as a result of its UN debacle in the fall that year. Confronted with the Nixon White House’s opening to the PRC, leaders in Taiwan felt being betrayed and abandoned, and they were obliged to take countermeasures for the sake of national interest and regime survival. Taipei’s endeavor to create an effective nuclear program, including the possible development of nuclear weapons capabilities, fully demonstrates the government’s resolution to pursue its own national policy, even if such a policy was guaranteed to undermine its relations with the United States. With hindsight, Taiwan’s attempt to develop its own nuclear weapons did not succeed in sabotaging the warming of US-PRC relations. Worse, it was forced to come to a full stop when, in early 1988, the US government pressured Taipei to close related facilities and programs on the island. However, Taiwan’s abortive attempt to develop its nuclear capability did influence Washington’s and Beijing’s handling of their new relationship. There did develop recognition of a common American and PRC interest in avoiding a nuclearized Taiwan. From this perspective, Beijing’s interests would best be served by allowing the island to remain under loose and relatively benign American influence. As for the top leaders on Taiwan, such a policy choice demonstrated how they perceived the shifting dynamics of international politics in the 1960s and 1970s and how they struggled to break free and pursue their own independent national policy within the rigid framework of the US-Taiwan alliance during the Cold War.

Keywords: taiwan, richard nixon, nuclear program, chiang Kai-shek, chiang ching-kuo

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Authors: Payton Small

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In response to increasing demographic diversity, many U.S. organizations have implemented diversity initiatives to increase the representation of women and ethnic minorities. While these initiatives aim to promote more fair and positive outcomes for underrepresented minorities (URMs) widespread backlash against these policies can negatively impact the groups of individuals that are supposed to be supported by them. A recent theory-based analysis of best practices for instituting diversity policies proposes an "inclusion for all" approach that negotiates the oft-divergent goals and motivations of both marginalized and dominant group members in these contexts. Empirical work finds that "inclusion for all" strategies decrease White's tendency to implicitly associate diversity with exclusion and increased their personal endorsement of diversity initiatives. Similarly, Whites report higher belongingness when considering an inclusion for all approach to diversity versus a colorblind approach. While inclusion-for-all approaches may effectively increase Whites' responsiveness to diversity efforts, the downstream consequences of implementing these policies on URM's have yet to be explored. The current research investigated how inclusion-for-all diversity framing influences Whites' sensitivity to detecting discrimination against URM's as well as perceptions of reverse discrimination against Whites. Lastly, the current research looked at how URM's respond to inclusion-for-all diversity approaches. Three studies investigated the impact of inclusion-for-all diversity framing on perceptions of discrimination against Whites and URM's in a company setting. Two separate mechanisms by which exposure to an inclusion-for-all diversity statement might differentially influence perceptions of discrimination for URMs and Whites were also tested. In Studies 1 and 2, exposure to an inclusion-for-all diversity approach reduced Whites' concerns about reverse discrimination and heightened sensitivity to detecting discrimination against URM's. These effects were mediated by decreased concerns about zero-sum outcomes at the company. Study 3 found that racial minorities are concerned about increased discrimination at a company with an inclusion-for-all diversity statement and that this effect is mediated by decreased feelings of belonging at the company. In sum, companies that adopt an inclusion-for-all approach to diversity implementation reduce Whites' backlash and the negative downstream consequences associated with such backlash; however, racial minorities feel excluded and expect heightened experiences of discrimination at these same companies.

Keywords: diversity, intergroup relations, organizational social psychology, zero-sum

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Authors: Geraldine Ambe

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Cameroon is a country in a country in Central Africa. Before the first World War, Germany colonized Cameroon, including some parts of Gabon, Chad, Nigeria, and the Central African Republic. After the war, the United Nations divided most of the colony into Britain and France. In 1960, Eastern Cameroon (‘La Republique du Cameroon’) gained its independence from France while British Southern Cameroons obtained its independence from Britain. The two entities agreed to live together as a federal state officially called the Federal Republic of Cameroon. In 1962, the name of the name of the country was changed from the Federal Republic of Cameroon to the United Republic of Cameroon, while the Prime Minister of Western Cameroon was moved to Yaounde. In 1984, President Paul Biya singlehandedly changed the name to the Republic of Cameroon, implying that Southern Cameroon is not recognized in the union again. From the words of Am Cohen, the two territories came together to form a federal government with one currency, one army, and one foreign policy like states in the United States of America. However, the name Republic of Cameroon (‘La Republique du Cameroun’) does not recognize BSC, and this is exactly what has been practiced: politics of exclusion and excessive centralization in Yaounde. In 2016, teachers and Lawyers started strikes to call the attention of the government on the inhalation of the English culture/people. They were greeted with guns, causing the radicalization of the youths. The civil society came together to form a union to address the issues facing the people, and the government took their leaders and sentenced them to live imprisonment. The consequence was a civil war with nobody to dialogue with. Out of Cameroon, more than half a million people from BSC have been taking dangerous trips through the air, land, and sea. In the jungles and the deserts, the snow of Europe, these people have been seen for the last 4 years. This paper will present some personalities, political fractions, and their stands of decentralization, federalism, and independence as the war continues. The paper will further look at the consequence of this crisis on migration in Central and Eastern Europe.

Keywords: British Southern Cameroons, decolonization, Second World War, dialogue, civil war, immigration

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Authors: Angkayarkan Vinayakaselvi

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This paper aims at unpacking the questions of subjectivity and their role in altering and redefining the constructed images of self and community as represented in chosen Indian women’s autobiographies. India is a country of plurality and this plurality is further extended by diasporic explorations. As the third world feminism questioned the Euro-American views on homogenizing the socio-cultural condition of women of all over the world, Indian feminism needs to critique the view that all Indian women are one and the same. Similar to the plural nature of nation, the nature and condition of women, too, are plural in India. Indian women are differentiated by caste, class, and region. A critical scrutiny of autobiographies written by Indian women belong to different socio-cultural groups – Northeast Indian, Dalit and Diasporic categories – will assess the impact of education, profession and socio-cultural and economic status on Indian Women. Such a critique would highlight the heterogeneous subjectivity of Indian women. The images/selves of women as represented through these autobiographies are chosen with an aim to unmask and challenge, through ordering and positioning, the capitalist politics of literary representations of Indian women’s formation of 'her-self'. Methodologies and subjects associated with literature are considered essential for understanding and combating women’s oppression and empowerment. The representation of self in personal autobiographical history could be treated as the history of entire nation as personal is always political in feminist writings. The chosen narrators who are well-educated, well-settled, professional women of letters are capable of assessing, critiquing and re/articulating the shifting paradigms of women’s lives. Despite these factors, the textual spaces possess evidences to establish the facts that these women undergo sufferings, and they counter design cultural specific strategies for their empowerment. These metafictional self-conscious synecdoches extend to include the world of entire women. Thus these autobiographical texts could be reinterpreted as a searing critique of Indian society based on woman’s personal life.

Keywords: ethnicity and diversity, gender studies, Indian women’s autobiographies, subjectivity

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Authors: Kerry Mackereth

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Kimberle Crenshaw’s theory of intersectionality has become immensely influential in the fields of women’s and gender studies. However, intersectionality’s widespread use among feminist scholars and activists has been accompanied by critiques of its reliance upon subject categorization. These critiques are of particular import when connected to Wendy Brown’s characterization of identity politics as static 'wounded attachments'. Together, these critiques show how the gridlock model proposed by intersectionality’s primary metaphor, the traffic accident at the intersection, is useful for identifying discrimination but not for remembering historical injustices or imagining feminist and anti-racist resistance. Through the lens of New Zealand Maori film, focusing upon Once Were Warriors (1994) and Whale Rider (2002), this article examines how wounded histories need not be passively reproduced by contemporaneously oppressed groups. Instead, the metaphor of the traffic intersection should be complemented by the metaphor of the wound. Against Brown’s characterization of wounded attachments as negative, static identities, Gloria Anzaldua’s account of the borderland between the United States and Mexico as “una herida abierta”, an open wound, offers an alternative reading of the wound. Through Anzaldua’s and Hortense Spillers’ political thought, the wound is reconceptualized as not only a site of suffering but also as a regenerative space. The coexistence of deterioration and regeneration at the site of the wound underpins the narrative arc of both Once Were Warriors and Whale Rider. In both films, the respective child protagonists attempt to reconcile the pain of wounded histories with the imagination of cultural regeneration. The metaphor of the wound thus serves as an alternative theoretical resource for mapping experiences of oppression, one that enriches feminist theory by balancing the remembrance of historical grievance with the forging of hopeful political projects.

Keywords: gender theory, historical grievance, intersectionality, New Zealand film, postcolonialism

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Authors: Mohammad Zaeimzade

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The development of communication technologies is clearly and rapidly moving towards reducing the distance between the virtual and real worlds. Of course, living in a two-spatial or two-globalized world or any other interpretation that means mixing real and virtual life is still relevant and debatable. In the present age of communication, where social networks have transformed the message equation and turned the audience out of passivity and turned into a user. Platforms have penetrated widely in various aspects of human life, from culture and education and economy. Among the messengers, Instagram, which is one of the most extensive image-based interactive networks, plays a significant role in the new economic life. It doesn't need much explanation that the era of thinking of every messenger as a non-insulating conductor that is just a neutral load has passed. Every messenger has its own economic, political and of course security background, Instagram is no exception to this rule and of course it leaves its effects in bio-economics as well. Iran, as the 19th largest economy in the world, has not been unaffected by new platforms, including Instagram, and their consequences in the economy. Generally, in the policy-making space, there are two simple and inflexible pessimistic or optimistic views on this issue, and each of the holders of these views usually have their own one-dimensional policy recommendations regarding how to deal with Instagram. Prescriptions that are usually very different and sometimes contradictory. In this article, we show that this confusion of policymakers is the result of not accurately describing the reality of its effect, and the reason for this inaccurate description is the existence of a conflict of interests in the eyes of describers and researchers. In this article, we first take a look at the main indicators of the Iranian economy, estimate the role of the digital economy in Iran's economic growth, then study the conflicting descriptions of the Instagram-based digital economy, the statistics that show the tolerance of economic users of Instagram in Iran. 300 thousand to 9 million have been estimated. Finally, we take a look at the government's actions in this matter, especially in the context of street riots in October and November 2022. And we suggest an intermediate idea.

Keywords: digital economy, instagram, conflict of interest, social networks

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Authors: Noraini Idris, Imelda Albert Gisip

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Women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all level of decisionmaking process are essential in order to achieve sustainable development goals by 2030. This paper discusses how women in Malaysia generally still find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Leaders from various political parties in Malaysia were all on the same page in their commitment to achieve the target of fielding 30 percent women candidates in election which in turn will increase female representation in the country’s legislative bodies. However, despite their pledge on making equal opportunities to women in decision making process, the 30 percent target has yet to be achieved be it in the federal election nor respective state elections in thirteen states conducted throughout the country until now. Sabah’s political landscape with regards to women leaders’ representation in politic mirrors that at the federal level. During the 15th Parliamentary General Election which was conducted in November 2022, despite Sabah Women’s significant numbers as voters in the electoral rolls which recorded 49.36 percent (833,847 women voters); only 17.6 percent or 21 women candidates out of 119 candidates in Sabah were fielded by the political parties contesting in the election. Sabah has 25 parliamentary seats. Out of 31 women members of Parliament who won the 15th General Election, only 3 women members of Parliament are from Sabah. Even in the 2020 Sabah State Election only nine (9) percent of the candidates or 43 women out of the 447 total candidates were fielded. The current Sabah State legislative Assembly saw only eight (8) percent or 7 women Assemblymen out of 79 Assemblymen in the legislative body. The number of female leaders in the legislative body in Malaysia has never exceeded 15 percent with the highest being 14.86 percent in the Lower House (Dewan Rakyat), 14.42 percent in the Upper House (Dewan Senat) and merely 8 percent in the Sabah State legislative Assembly. Thus, this paper will further discuss the strategies to tackle women leaders underrepresentation in politics particularly in Sabah, Malaysia and to provide suggestions to overcome this issue.

Keywords: women, leaders, politic, Sabah, Malaysia

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Authors: Bonguen Onouck Rolande Carole, Ndongo Barthelemy

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The climate change effects on the Lake Chad, coupled with population growth, have pushed large masses of people of various origins towards the lower part of the lower Logonewatershed in search of the benefits of environmental services, causing pressure on the environment and its resources. Economic services are therefore threatened, and the decrease in resources contributes to the deterioration of the social wellbeing resulting to conflicts among/between local communities, immigrants, displaced people, and foreigners. This paper is an information contribution on ethnical conflicts drivers in the area and the provided local management mechanisms such can help mitigate present or future conflicts in similar areas. It also prints out the necessity to alleviate water access deficit and encourage good practices for the population wellbeing. In order to meet the objective, in 2018, through the interface of the World Bank-Cameroon project-PULCI, data were collected on the field directly by discussing with the population and visiting infrastructures, indirectly by a questionnaire survey. Two administrative divisions were chosen (Logoneet Chari, Mayo-Danay) in which targeted localities were Zina, Mazera, Lahai, Andirni near the Waza Park and Yagoua, Tekele, Pouss, respectively. Due to some sociocultural and religious reasons, some information were acquired through the traditional chiefs. A desk study analysis based on resources access and availability conflicts history, and management mechanism was done. As results, roots drivers of ethnical conflicts are struggles over natural resources access, and the possibility of conflicts increases as the scarcity and vulnerabilities persist, creating more sociocultural gaps and tensions. The mitigation mechanisms though fruitful, are limited. There is poor documentation on the topic, the resources management policies of this basin are unsuitable and ineffective for some. Therefore, the restoration of environmental and ecosystems, the mitigation of climate change effects, and food insecurity are the challenges that must be met to alleviate conflicts in these localities.

Keywords: ethnic, communities, conflicts, mitigation mechanisms, natural resources, logone basin

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Authors: May Al Sahib

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This paper draws together an analysis of two autobiographical writings; Ahdaf Soueif’s Cairo: My City, Our Revolution (2012), Radwa Ashour’s Heavier than Radwa (2013), and Revolution is My Name: An Egyptian Woman’s Diary from Eighteen Days in Tahrir (2015). Soueif, Ashour, and Prince are Egyptian authors, activists, and cultural commentators who are fully aware that being a ‘third world’ citizen constrains the writer into taking a specific pattern in writing. However, this paper will analyze the choice of literary form in writing the 2011 January revolution. All texts give factual accounts of the revolution with all its contesting powers lingering with mixed references of anxiety and merriment that accentuates their sense of communal solidarity against social corruption and political positioning. Through shifting between the pronouns ‘I’ and ‘we’, these narratives do not solely engage with the personal life of the memorialist; but rather give an account of the collective. Both writers take us to the heart of high-spirited Tahrir Square in 2011 while millions are ranting to oust Hosni Mubarak, the 30 years ruling dictator. By utilizing the instrumentality of collective memory for expressing textual collectivity in their non-fictional writings, these writers are depicting the people power of Egyptians and the historical civil-resistance against governmental unfairness and establishing a certain type of patriotism that elevates and priorities itself from minor conflicts. Their de-individualizing type of life narrative represents the Arabic nation through vital socio-political situations that perpetuate the politics of resistance and collectivity with a constant fear of betraying it and erupts historical moments aiming for an improved future. The texts incorporate an explicit set of reported political series of thought that shape an overall public argument and representational ideas.

Keywords: resistance narrative, life-writing, Tahrir memoir, Middle Eastern literature

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Authors: G. T. Ntuli

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This paper critically examines the gender dynamics of a Zulu girl child in her religio-cultural context from the postcolonial feminist perspective. As one of the former colonized ethnic groups in the South African context, the Zulu tribe used to have particular and contextual religio-cultural ways of a girl’s upbringing. This included traditional and cultural norms that any member of the community could not infringe without serious repercussions from the community members. However, the postcolonial social position of a girl child within this community became ambiguous and unpredictable due to colonial changes that enhanced gender dynamics that propelled tribal communities into deeper patriarchal structures. In the empirical study conducted within the Zulu context, which investigated the retrieval of ubuntombi (virginity) as a Zulu cultural heritage, identity and sex education as a path to adulthood, it was found that a Zulu girl child’s social position is geared towards double oppression due to gender dynamics that she experiences in her lifetime. It is these gender dynamics that are examined in this paper from the postcolonial feminist perspective. These gender dynamics are at play from the birth of a girl child, developmental stage to puberty and marriage rituals. These rituals and religio-cultural practices are meant to shape and mold a ‘good woman’ in the Zulu cultural context but social gender inequality that elevates males over females propel women social status into life denying peripheral positions. Consequently, in the place of a ‘good woman’ in the communal view, an oppressed and dehumanized woman becomes the outcome of such gender dynamics, more often treated with contempt, despised and violated in many demeaning ways. These do not only leave women economically and socio-politically impoverished, but also having to face violence of all kinds such as domestic, emotional, sexual and gender-based violence that are increasingly becoming a scourge in some of the sub-Saharan African countries including South Africa. It is for this reason that this paper becomes significant, not only within the Zulu context where the research was conducted, but also in all the countries that practice and promote patriarchal tendencies in the name of religio-cultural practices. There is a need for a different outlook as to what it means to be a ‘good woman’ in the cultural context, because if the goodness of a woman is determined by life denying cultural practices, such practices need to be deconstructed and discarded.

Keywords: feminist, gender dynamics, postcolonial, religio-cultural, Zulu girl child

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Authors: Marina Petrova

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Language policy issues related to the preservation and development of the native languages of the Russian peoples and the state languages of the national republics are increasingly becoming the focus of recent attention of educators and parents, public and national figures. Is it legal to teach the national language or the mother tongue as the state language? Due to that dispute language phobia moods easily evolve into xenophobia among the population. However, a civilized, intelligent multicultural personality can only be formed if the country develops bilingualism and multilingualism, and languages as a political tool help to find ‘keys’ to sufficiently closed national communities both within a poly-ethnic state and in internal relations of multilingual countries. The purpose of this study is to design and theoretically substantiate an efficient model of language education in the innovatively developing Republic of Sakha. 800 participants from different educational institutions of Yakutia worked at developing a multilingual model of education. This investigation is of considerable practical importance because researchers could build a methodical system designed to create conditions for the formation of a cultural language personality and the development of the multilingual communicative competence of Yakut youth, necessary for communication in native, Russian and foreign languages. The selected methodology of humane-personal and competence approaches is reliable and valid. Researchers used a variety of sources of information, including access to related scientific fields (philosophy of education, sociology, humane and social pedagogy, psychology, effective psychotherapy, methods of teaching Russian, psycholinguistics, socio-cultural education, ethnoculturology, ethnopsychology). Of special note is the application of theoretical and empirical research methods, a combination of academic analysis of the problem and experienced training, positive results of experimental work, representative series, correct processing and statistical reliability of the obtained data. It ensures the validity of the investigation’s findings as well as their broad introduction into practice of life-long language education.

Keywords: intercultural communication, language policy, multilingual and multicultural education, the Sakha Republic of Yakutia

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Neeraj Shetye

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A common phenomenon between the rise of leaders like Mussolini and Adolf Hitler in the 20th century is their 'charisma'. They possessed the ability to seduce the crowd not just by the things they said but also by the way they said it. Aristotle defined rhetoric as an art of persuasion and reasoning which is how social scientists understand the concept. Political rhetoric in a modern democracy has several complexities including the huge number of speakers, quantity of information, diverse viewpoints, number of candidates and the impact of digital age. Politics in India since the seventies have been 'visibly dominated' by uses of rhetorical language and with a number of slogans. This idea of how language can steer an individual to establish or adopt a certain viewpoint has not been a focus of study in the Indian discourse. In a linguistically diverse region such as India, the idea of political rhetoric is vast and may not be accomplished in a year. There are in-depth studies by western thinkers on European or American political rhetoric unlike their Asian counterparts such as China, India or any of the Pacific nations. India saw an integration of states based on languages. Keeping this idea in mind, this paper aims to cover one political party that rose to its prominence over five decades and most significantly known for its conservative expression: Shivsena. Shivsena’s rise during the eighties and eventually establishing their government in the nineties are two fascinating periods to focus especially with a simultaneous rise of Bombay underworld, Babri demolition and major economic policy changes in the form of liberalisation (1991) and globalization (1995). This project attempts to study this with a two-fold methodology: literature review and fieldwork. There is an immense literature on Shivsena by both its admirers and critiques, contributing to both sides of the debate. Scholars have been writing about this party over these years and have keenly observed its growing popularity amongst the masses. There is just one intention behind this project, and it is to connect and analyse the vast, dispersed literature that is available and contribute to a field that has not been adequately analysed in the academic discourse.

Keywords: India, language, political rhetoric, Shivsena, slogans

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Authors: Antonia Syn

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Politicians’ outlooks on the nature of energy futures and an ‘Energy Transition’ have evolved considerably alongside a steady movement towards renewable energies, buttressed by lower technology costs, rising environmental concerns, and favourable national policy decisions. This paper seeks to examine the degree to which an energy transition has become an incontrovertible ‘status quo’ in parliament, and whether politicians share similar understandings of energy futures or narrate different stories under the same label. Parliamentarians construct different understandings of the same reality, in the form of co-existing and competing discourses, shaping and restricting how policy problems and solutions are understood and tackled. Approaching energy policymaking from a parliamentary discourse perspective draws directly from actors’ concrete statements, offering an alternative to policy literature debates revolving around inductive policy theories. This paper uses computer-assisted discourse analysis to describe fundamental discursive changes in British parliamentary debates around energy futures. By applying correspondence cluster analyses to Hansard transcripts from 1986 to 2010, we empirically measure the policy positions of Labour and Conservative politicians’ parliamentary speeches during legislatively salient moments preceding significant energy transition-related policy decisions. Results show the concept of a technology-based, market-driven transition towards fossil-free and nuclear-free renewables integration converged across Labour and the Conservatives within three decades. Specific storylines underwent significant change, particularly in relation to international outlooks, environmental framings, treatments of risk, and increases in rhetoric. This study contributes to a better understanding of the role politics plays in the energy transition, highlighting how politicians’ values and beliefs inevitably determine and delimit creative policymaking.

Keywords: quantitative discourse analysis, energy transition, renewable energy, British parliament, public policy

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Authors: Daniel Schwarz, Jan Fivaz, Alessia Neuroni

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Although digitization is a buzzword in almost every election campaign, the political parties leave voters largely in the dark about their specific positions on digital issues. In the run-up to the 2019 elections in Switzerland, the ‘Digitization Monitor’ project (DMP) was launched in order to change this situation. Within the framework of the DMP, all 4,736 candidates were surveyed about their digital policy positions and values. The DMP is designed as a digital policy supplement to the existing ‘smartvote’ voting advice application. This enabled a direct comparison of the digital policy attitudes according to the DMP with the topics of the ‘smartvote’ questionnaire which are comprehensive in content but mainly related to conventional policy areas. This paper’s main research goal is to analyze and visualize possible differences between conventional and digital policy areas in terms of response patterns between and within political parties. The analysis is based on dimensionality reduction methods (multidimensional scaling and principal component analysis) for the visualization of inter-party differences, and on standard deviation as a measure of variation for the evaluation of intra-party unity. The results reveal that digital issues show a lower degree of inter-party polarization compared to conventional policy areas. Thus, the parties have more common ground in issues on digitization than in conventional policy areas. In contrast, the study reveals a mixed picture regarding intra-party unity. Homogeneous parties show a lower degree of unity in digitization issues whereas parties with heterogeneous positions in conventional areas have more united positions in digital areas. All things considered, the findings are encouraging as less polarized conditions apply to the debate on digital development compared to conventional politics. For the future, it would be desirable if in further countries similar projects to the DMP could emerge to broaden the basis for conclusions.

Keywords: comparison of political issue dimensions, digital awareness of candidates, digital policy space, party positions on digital issues

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Authors: Havva Nur Tarakci, Bahar Urhan Torun

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The transformation that is seen in every area of life by technology, especially internet technology changes the structure of political communications too. Internet, which is at the top of new communication technologies, affects political communications with its structure in a way that no traditional communication tools ever have and enables interaction and the channel between receiver and sender, and it becomes one of the most effective tools preferred among the political communication applications. This state as a result of technological convergence makes Internet an unobtainable place for political communication campaigns. Political communications, which means every kind of communication strategies that political parties called 'actors of political communications' use with the aim of messaging their opinions and party programmes to their present and potential voters who are a target group for them, is a type of communication that is frequently used also among social media tools at the present day. The electorate consisting of different structures is informed, directed, and managed by social media tools. Political parties easily reach their electorate by these tools without any limitations of both time and place and also are able to take the opinions and reactions of their electorate by the element of interaction that is a feature of social media. In this context, Facebook, which is a place that political parties use in social media at most, is a communication network including in our daily life since 2004. As it is one of the most popular social networks today, it is among the most-visited websites in the global scale. In this way, the research is based on the question, “How do the political parties use Facebook at the campaigns, which they conduct during the election periods, for informing their voters?” and it aims at clarifying the Facebook using practices of the political parties. In direction of this objective the official Facebook accounts of the four political parties (JDP–AKParti, PDP–BDP, RPP-CHP, NMP-MHP), which reach their voters by social media besides other communication tools, are treated, and a frame for the politics of Turkey is formed. The time of examination is constricted with totally two weeks, one week before the mayoral elections and one week after the mayoral elections, when it is supposed that the political parties use their Facebook accounts in full swing. As a research method, the method of content analysis is preferred, and the texts and the visual elements that are gotten are interpreted based on this analysis.

Keywords: Facebook, political communications, social media, electrorate

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Authors: Yudia Mailani Putri, Martalena Purba, B. J. Istiti Kandarina

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Background: Obesity has been recognized as a global health problem. Individuals classified as overweight and obese are increasing at an alarming rate. This condition is associated with psychological and physiological problems. as a person reaches adulthood, somatic growth ceases. At this stage, the human body has developed fully, to a stable state. As the capital of Riau Province in Indonesia, Pekanbaru is dominated by Malay ethnic population habitually consuming cholesterol-rich fatty foods as a daily menu, a trigger to the onset of obesity resulting in high prevalence of degenerative diseases. Research objectives: The aim of this study is elaborating the relationship between high-fat consumption pattern, stress level, physical activity and the incidence of obesity in adult women in Pekanbaru city. Research Methods: Among the combined research methods applied in this study, the first stage is quantitative observational, analytical cross-sectional research design with adult women aged 20-40 living in Pekanbaru city. The sample consists of 200 women with BMI≥25. Sample data is processed with univariate, bivariate (correlation and simple linear regression) and multivariate (multiple linear regression) analysis. The second phase is qualitative descriptive study purposive sampling by in-depth interviews. six participants withdrew from the study. Results: According to the results of the bivariate analysis, there are relationships between the incidence of obesity and the pattern of high fat foods consumption (energy intake (p≤0.000; r = 0.536), protein intake (p≤0.000; r=0.307), fat intake (p≤0.000; r=0.416), carbohydrate intake (p≤0.000; r=0.430), frequency of fatty food consumption (p≤0.000; r=0.506) and frequency of viscera foods consumption (p≤0.000; r=0.535). There is a relationship between physical activity and incidence of obesity (p≤0.000; r=-0.631). However, there is no relationship between the level of stress (p=0.741; r=0.019-) and the incidence of obesity. Physical activity is a predominant factor in the incidence of obesity in adult women in Pekanbaru city. Conclusion: There are relationships between high-fat food consumption pattern, physical activity and the incidence of obesity in Pekanbaru city whereas physical activity is a predominant factor in the occurrence of obesity, supported by the unchangeable pattern of high-fat foods consumption.

Keywords: obesity, adult, high in fat, stress, physical activity, consumption pattern

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Authors: Esra Polat

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Partial Least Squares Discriminant Analysis (PLSDA) is a statistical method for classification and consists a classical Partial Least Squares Regression (PLSR) in which the dependent variable is a categorical one expressing the class membership of each observation. PLSDA can be applied in many cases when classical discriminant analysis cannot be applied. For example, when the number of observations is low and when the number of independent variables is high. When there are missing values, PLSDA can be applied on the data that is available. Finally, it is adapted when multicollinearity between independent variables is high. The aim of this study is to determine the economic and/or demographic indicators, which are effective in grouping the 28 European Union (EU) member countries and 7 candidate countries (including potential candidates Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosova) by using the data set obtained from database of the World Bank for 2014. Leaving the political issues aside, the analysis is only concerned with the economic and demographic variables that have the potential influence on country’s eligibility for EU entrance. Hence, in this study, both the performance of PLSDA method in classifying the countries correctly to their pre-defined groups (candidate or member) and the differences between the EU countries and candidate countries in terms of these indicators are analyzed. As a result of the PLSDA, the value of percentage correctness of 100 % indicates that overall of the 35 countries is classified correctly. Moreover, the most important variables that determine the statuses of member and candidate countries in terms of economic indicators are identified as 'external balance on goods and services (% GDP)', 'gross domestic savings (% GDP)' and 'gross national expenditure (% GDP)' that means for the 2014 economical structure of countries is the most important determinant of EU membership. Subsequently, the model validated to prove the predictive ability by using the data set for 2015. For prediction sample, %97,14 of the countries are correctly classified. An interesting result is obtained for only BiH, which is still a potential candidate for EU, predicted as a member of EU by using the indicators data set for 2015 as a prediction sample. Although BiH has made a significant transformation from a war-torn country to a semi-functional state, ethnic tensions, nationalistic rhetoric and political disagreements are still evident, which inhibit Bosnian progress towards the EU.

Keywords: classification, demographic indicators, economic indicators, European Union, partial least squares discriminant analysis

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Authors: Siwach Sripokangkul, Autthapon Muangming

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The Dao Din group is a gathering of students from the Faculty of Law, Khon Kaen University, a leading university in the northeast of Thailand. The Dao Din group has been one of the most prominent student movements in the past four decades since the bloody massacre of the 6th of October 1976. The group of student is a movement who gather to oppose and protest against different capitalist-run projects that have impacted upon the environment since 2009. The students have become heroes in Thai society and receive support from various groups, especially the middle class who regard the students as role models for the youth. Subsequently, the Dao Din group has received numerous awards between 2011-2013. However, the Dao Din group opposed the military coup d’état of 2014 and the subsequent military junta. Under the military dictatorship regime (2014-present), security officials have hunted, insulted, arrested, and jailed members of the group many times amidst silence from most of the from the middle class. Therefore, this article posits the question of why the Dao Din group which was once the hero and hope of Thai society, has become a political victim in only a few years. The study methods used are the analysis of documentaries, news articles, and interviews with representatives of the Dao Din group. The author argues that Thailand’s middle class previously demonstrated a positive perception of the Dao Din group precisely because that group had earlier opposed policies of the elected Yingluck Shinawatra government, which most of the middle class already despised. However, once the Dao Din group began to protest against the anti-Yingluck military government, then the middle class turned to harshly criticize the Dao Din group. So it can be concluded that the Thai middle class tends to put its partisan interests ahead of a civil society group which has been critical of elected as well as military administrations. This has led the middle class to support the demolishing of Thai democracy. Such a Thai middle-class characteristic not only poses a strong bulwark for the perpetuation of military rule but also destroys a civil society group (composed of young people) who should be the future hope of the nation rather than under the Thai society of darkness.

Keywords: Dao Din student activists, the military coup d’état of 2014, Thai politics, human rights violations

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Authors: Mohamad Shamsuri Juhari

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Fathers who positively involve themselves in their children’s lives will have had a constructive influence on the latter’s social, behavioural, and psychological development. This paper will share the preliminary findings of an ongoing research project which investigates Singaporean fathers from the nation’s minority Malay-Muslim community who commit the reverse, that is, it intends to study the reasons behind these fathers’ non-involvement during the period of their children’s developing years be it through absence, disinterest or ignorance. For instance, children from homes with absentee fathers are more likely to develop deficiencies in attitude and conduct. A father’s negative show of parental skills can also cause setbacks in the child’s education, economic instability in the latter’s future family life, as well as the likelihood of an ensuing intergenerational transmission of criminal behaviour. In the context of the minority Singaporean Malay-Muslim community, the need to investigate the challenges faced by fathers from the ethnic group in carrying out their parental roles arose due to the perceptible rise in statistics reflecting delinquency among its youths. This has resulted in other associated issues such as teenage pregnancies (and the subsequent cyclical patterns of divorce and single motherhood), over-representation in the data for drug offences, and under-representation in statistics reflecting academic achievement. While other factors are known to be involved, these negative outcomes have also been attributed to the lack of fatherly guidance in the affected Malay families. This still-ongoing research project is being carried out in two phases: The first by means of secondary research as well as exploratory data collection via roundtable and focus group discussions with fathers from diverse socio-economic backgrounds. This sets the way for the second phase in which a survey will be undertaken, followed by a series of in-depth face-to-face interviews. The research findings will then be translated into intervention initiatives to overcome the identified challenges. Based on the results collated from Phase 1 of the research, this paper will share a ‘first look’ on the challenges to effective parenting faced by Malay-Muslim fathers in Singapore specifically those relating to the socio-cultural domains of attitude, knowledge, and practice.

Keywords: Malay fathers, socio-cultural domains, attitude, knowledge, practice

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Authors: Naziema Jappie

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There is a wealth of knowledge about JEDI (Justice Equity Diversity Inclusion), but unfortunately this remains at a discrete initiative level at universities. South African universities are committed to social justice by promoting inclusive teaching, learning and research environments, diversity and equity in access and participation of students and staff regardless of age; disability; gender; sexual orientation; nationality, ethnic or national origin; religion; and socioeconomic background in all aspects of higher education at a national level. Universities strive to promote and protect equal rights and equity of access is safeguarded for international students by recognizing the foreign policies and practices. Nevertheless, many international students remain underrepresented, alienated and often without employment. Universities see internationalisation as a commercial venture, but where does JEDI fit into this plan? Given the focus on diversity in higher education institutions, one would assume that JEDI should have a broader compass rather than a narrow scope. Over the past decades, national trends have emerged in the commitment to international diversification by admitting students and recruiting staff, mainly from the African continent. Most importantly, emergence of statements of broader diversity and equity plans across the campuses, included in the strategic plans of institutions are counterproductive to the statements of the Employment Equity plans and targets when aligned to the recruitment processes. These trends are certainly significant and relevant given the increasing diverse populations in higher education. What is missing in JEDI initiatives is the lack of global perspective and situating JEDI within a larger and inclusive context to embrace institutional internationalization. It is not a separate construct but internationalization framework takes the JEDI vision from local to global. Embracing JEDI and internationalization are fundamental for future economic growth. JEDI creates diverse perspectives and builds a team of top diverse and international talent that will gives a competitive edge. Increasing internationalization efforts and creating a knowledge platform will affect the innovation performance of the economy. Transforming South African policies require a comprehensive educational strategy on justice, equity, diversity, and inclusion (JEDI).

Keywords: equity, diversity, inclusion, internationalization, justice, higher education

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Authors: Margherita Cardellini

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To our knowledge, dark skinned children are often victims of discrimination from adults and society, but few studies specifically focus on skin color discrimination on children coming from the same children. Even today, the 'color blind children' ideology is widespread among adults, teachers, and educators and maybe also among scholars, which seem really careful about study expressions of racism in childhood. This social and cultural belief let people think that all the children, because of their age and their brief experience in the world, are disinterested in skin color. Sometimes adults think that children are even incapable of perceiving skin colors and that it could be dangerous to talk about melaninic differences with them because they finally could notice this difference, producing prejudices and racism. Psychology and neurology research projects are showing for many years that even the newborns are already capable of perceiving skin color and ethnic differences by the age of 3 months. Starting from this theoretical framework we conducted a research project to understand if and how primary school children talk about skin colors, picking up any stereotypes or prejudices. Choosing to use the focus group as a methodology to stimulate the group dimension and interaction, several stories about skin color discrimination's episodes within their classroom or school have emerged. Using the photo elicitation technique we chose to stimulate talk about the research object, which is the skin color, asking the children what was ‘the first two things that come into your mind’ when they look the photographs presented during the focus group, which represented dark and light skinned women and men. So, this paper will present some of these stories about episodes of discrimination with an escalation grade of proximity related to the discriminatory act. It will be presented a story of discrimination happened within the school, in an after-school daycare, in the classroom and even episode of discrimination that children tell during the focus groups in the presence of the discriminated child. If it is true that the Declaration of the Right of the Child state that every child should be discrimination free, it’s also true that every adult should protect children from every form of discrimination. How, as adults, can we defend children against discrimination if we cannot admit that even children are potential discrimination’s actors? Without awareness, we risk to devalue these episodes, implicitly confident that the only way to fight against discrimination is to keep her quiet. The right not to be discriminated goes through the right to talk about its own experiences of discrimination and the right to perceive the unfairness of the constant depreciation about skin color or any element of physical diversity. Intercultural education could act as spokesperson for this mission in the belief that difference and plurality could really become elements of potential enrichment for humanity, starting from children.

Keywords: colorism, experiences of discrimination, primary school children, skin color discrimination

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Authors: Lucian Vasile Bagiu, Paraschiva Bagiu

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The novel written in Italian and published in Italy in 1992 by the Romanian scholar Marin Mincu is meant for the foreign reader, aiming apparently at a better knowledge of the historical character of Vlad the Empalor (Vlad Dracul), within the European cultural, political and historical context of 1463. Throughout the very well written tome, one comes to realize that one of the underlining levels of the fiction is the exposing of various fundamental features of the Romanian culture and civilization. The author of the diary, Dracula, makes mention of Corpus Hermeticum no less than fifteen times, suggesting his own diary is some sort of a philosophical counterpart. The essay focuses on several ‘truths’ and ‘wisdom’ revealed in the fictional teachings of Dracula. The boycott of History by the Romanians is identified as an echo of the philosophical approach of the famous Romanian scholar and writer Lucian Blaga. The orality of the Romanian culture is a landmark opposed to written culture of the Western Europe. The religion of the ancient Dacian God Zalmoxis is seen as the basis for the Romanian existential and/or metaphysical ethnic philosophy (a feature tackled by the famous Romanian historian of religion Mircea Eliade), with a suggestion that Hermes Trismegistus may have written his Corpus Hermeticum being influenced by Zalmoxis. The historical figure of the last Dacian king Decebalus (death 106 AD) is a good pretext for a tantalizing Indo-European suggestion that the prehistoric Thraco-Dacian people may have been the ancestors of the first Romans settled in Latium. The lost diary of the Emperor Trajan The Bello Dacico may have proved that the unknown language of the Dacians was very much alike Latin language (a secret well hidden by the Vatican). The attitude towards death of the Dacians, as described by Herodotus, may have later inspired Pitagora, Socrates, the Eleusinian and Orphic Mysteries, etc. All of these within the Humanistic and Renascentist European context of the epoch, Dracula having a close relationship with scholars such as Nicolaus Cusanus, Cosimo de Medici, Marsilio Ficino, Pope Pius II, etc. Thus The Diary of Dracula turns out as exciting and stupefying as Corpus Hermeticum, a book impossible to assimilate entirely, yet a reference not wise to be ignored.

Keywords: Corpus Hermeticum, Dacians, Dracula, Zalmoxis

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Authors: Amir Shouri, Fereshteh Tabe

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Thoughtful and sequential design strategies will shape the future of human being’s lifestyle. Design, as a product, either being for small furniture on sidewalk or a multi-story structure in urban scale, will be important in creating the sense of quality for citizens of a city. Technology besides economy has played a major role in improving design process and increasing awareness of clients about the character of their required design product. Architects along with other design professionals benefited from improvements in aesthetics and technology in building industry. Accordingly, the expectation platforms of people about the quality of habitable space have risen. However, the question is if the quality of architectural design product has increased with the same speed as technology and client’s expectations. Is it behind or a head of technological and economical improvements? This study will work on developing a model of planning for New York City, from the past to present to future. The role of thoughtful thinking at design stage regardless of where or when it is for; may result in a positive or negative aspect. However, considering design objectives based on the need of human being may help in developing a successful design plan. Technology, economy, culture and people’s support may be other parameters in designing a good product. ‘Design Forms Urban Space’ is going to be done in an analytical, qualitative and quantitative work frame, where it will study cases from all over the world and their achievements compared to New York City’s development. Technology, Organic Design, Materiality, Urban forms, city politics and sustainability will be discussed in different cases in international scale. From design professional’s interest in doing a high quality work for a particular answer to importance of being a follower, the ‘Zero-Carbon City’ in Persian Gulf to ‘Polluted City’ in China, from ‘Urban Scale Furniture’ in cities to ‘Seasonal installations’ of a Megacity, will all be studied with references and detailed look to analysis of each case in order to propose the most resourceful, practical and realistic solutions to questions on ‘A Good Design in a City’, ‘New City Planning and social activities’ and ‘New Strategic Architecture for better Cities’.

Keywords: design quality, urban scale, active city, city installations, architecture for better cities

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Authors: Afees Adebayo Salam

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This paper attempts an in-depth analysis of the economic impact of Ogbomoso migrant community in the Jos metropolis. It discusses the factors that motivated a sizeable number of Ogbomoso people (from southwestern Nigeria) to leave their hometown for a new place/space in Jos (northern Nigeria). It examines the historical antecedent of Ogbomoso migrants in northern Nigeria with emphasis on Jos metropolis. The movement of Ogbomoso migrants to Jos was dictated by the economic and social challenges of colonial and post-colonial periods. The political crisis of the 1960s was a contributory factor to the process of Ogbomoso migration to other parts of Nigeria. In the aftermath, many people migrated from Ogbomoso to different parts of the country and beyond to seek for better economic opportunities. The establishment of Ogbomoso migrant community in Jos was dated back to the colonial era when taxation was introduced by the British. Many people could not pay these taxes from their peasant farming activities, while some embarked on migration to places such as Jos, Kaduna, Kano, Keffi and Bauchi due to the harsh economic situation at home. Their settlement in Jos brought about success in several spheres of human endeavours. Ogbomoso migrants dominated both paid jobs and private business sector such as textile merchants, food stuff sellers, herbalists, printers, transporters, and religious missionaries, as well as clerical officers in the government establishments. Their remittances were invested in different sectors of Ogbomoso economy. The migrants had in one way or the other contributed to the socio-economic development of their host community in Jos as entrepreneurs. Branches of such industries were located in their hometown of Ogbomoso as a clear demonstration of community development. The remittance pattern of the migrants has transformed Ogbomoso to enviable position. Moreover, the economic success of Ogbomoso migrants over the period under review indicates the process of nation building due to peaceful nature of inter-ethnic engagements between Ogbomoso migrants and their host community in Jos. Therefore, the paper makes use of oral, archival and secondary sources to analyse the processes of migration and its economic impact. Oral interviews were conducted in Ogbomoso town with veteran migrants and their family members. Interviews were also conducted in Jos with the indigenous host community as well as other urban residents. Archival materials were obtained from Arewa House Archives and the National Archives, Kaduna and the National Archives, Ibadan.

Keywords: Ogbomoso migrants, Jos metropolis, community development, economic impact

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Authors: Alana E. Jansen

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With such a large proportion of organisations relying on the use of team-based structures, it is surprising that so few teams would be classified as high-performance teams. While the impact of team composition on performance has been researched frequently, there have been conflicting findings as to the effects, particularly when examined alongside other team factors. To broaden the theoretical perspectives on this topic and potentially explain some of the inconsistencies in research findings left open by other various models of team effectiveness and high-performing teams, the present study aims to use the Job-Demands-Resources model, typically applied to burnout and engagement, as a framework to examine how team composition factors (particularly diversity in team member characteristics) can facilitate or hamper team effectiveness. This study used a virtual interview design where participants were asked to both rate and describe their experiences, in one high-performing and one low-performing team, over several factors relating to demands, resources, team composition, and team effectiveness. A semi-structured interview protocol was developed, which combined the use of the Likert style and exploratory questions. A semi-targeted sampling approach was used to invite participants ranging in age, gender, and ethnic appearance (common surface-level diversity characteristics) and those from different specialties, roles, educational and industry backgrounds (deep-level diversity characteristics). While the final stages of data analyses are still underway, thematic analysis using a grounded theory approach was conducted concurrently with data collection to identify the point of thematic saturation, resulting in 35 interviews being completed. Analyses examine differences in perceptions of demands and resources as they relate to perceived team diversity. Preliminary results suggest that high-performing and low-performing teams differ in perceptions of the type and range of both demands and resources. The current research is likely to offer contributions to both theory and practice. The preliminary findings suggest there is a range of demands and resources which vary between high and low-performing teams, factors which may play an important role in team effectiveness research going forward. Findings may assist in explaining some of the more complex interactions between factors experienced in the team environment, making further progress towards understanding the intricacies of why only some teams achieve high-performance status.

Keywords: diversity, high-performing teams, job demands and resources, team effectiveness

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Authors: Gina Longo

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Social media, internet technology, and affordable travel have created avenues like tourism and internet chatrooms for Western women to meet foreign partners without paid, third-party intermediaries in regions like the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where men from mid-level developing countries meet and marry Western women and try to relocate. Foreign nationals who marry U.S. citizens have an expedited track to naturalization. U.S. immigration officials require that “green card” petitioning couples demonstrate that their relationships are “valid and subsisting” (i.e., for love) and not fraudulent (i.e., for immigration papers). These requirements are ostensibly gender- and racially-neutral, but migration itself is not; black and white women petitioners who seek partners from these regions and solicit advice from similar others about the potential obstacles to their petitions’ success online. Using an online ethnography and textual analysis of conversation threads on a large on-line immigration forum where U.S. petitioners exchange such information, this study examines how gendered and racialized standards of legitimacy are applied to family and sexuality and used discursively online among women petitioners differently to achieve “genuineness” and define “red flags” indicating potential marriage fraud. This paper argues that forum-women members police immigration requests even before cases reach an immigration officer, and use this social media platform to reconstruct gendered and racialized hierarchies of U.S. citizenship. Women petitioners use the formal criteria of U.S. immigration in ways that reveal gender and racial ideologies, expectations for conformity to a gendered hegemonic family ideal, and policing of women’s sexual agency, fertility, and desirability. These intersectional norms shape their online discussions about the suitability of marriages and of the migration of non-citizen male partners of color to the United States.

Keywords: marriage fraud, migration, online forums, women

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Authors: Diptimayee Nayak, V. Upadhyay

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This paper posits the attempt of conservation and the idea of protected areas from the Marxian primitive accumulation to the politics of sustainability. Using field survey data and secondary literature, this paper analyses an Indian wildlife sanctuary, the Bhitarkanika, Odisha and finds how the hegemony of power among different management regimes attempted for conservation and the present protected area management regime attempted to imbibe the policy of ecotourism for achieving sustainability. The paper contends that the current policy of ecotourism in protected areas acts as a veil for the local deprived people, to avoid many legal conflicts like property rights, livelihood, and man-wildlife issues. Moreover, opening the scope to accumulate on the part of tour operators, the policy of ecotourism establishes a nexus between the profit holders/tour operators (the capitalists) and the power hegemony on the part of management authorities. The sustainability attempt of ecotourism may lead to private benefits maximising the profit accumulation and can expand and continue, showing the bulk of employment generation of local people at petty odd jobs, grabbing a lion share! Positing ecotourism as a capitalist project as against the general assumption of one of the drivers of sustainable development, the paper shows that ecotourism in practice may end up ruining the very social-environmental set up, leading to unsustainability related to waste management, equality, culture, relationship and above all polarised private accumulators in absence of sound mechanism. The paper ends with the caveat that while shopping for neoliberal conservation, the conservators found ecotourism as a product without finalising the hallmark of mechanism/ institutions with appropriate modus operandii to check/guard the quality assurance/standard of ecotourism for sustainability. The paper proposes sound structural and institutional mechanism of ecotourism to be developed to harness sustainability in the local economy as well as in conservation.

Keywords: conservation, ecotourism, Marxian capitalism, protected areas, sustainability

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Authors: Afia Shahid

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The writing of Samuel Beckett is associated with meaning in the meaninglessness and the production of what he calls ‘literature of unword’. The casual escape from the world of words in the form of silences and pauses, in his play Waiting for Godot, urges to ask question of their existence and ultimately leads to investigate the theory behind their use in the play. This paper proposes that these absences (silence and pause) in Beckett’s play force to think ‘beyond’ language. This paper asks how silence and pause in Beckett’s text speak for the emergence of poststructuralist text. It aims to identify the significant features of the philosophy of deconstruction in the play of Beckett to demystify the hostile complicity between literature and philosophy. With the interpretive paradigm of poststructuralism this research focuses on the text as a research data. It attempts to delineate the relationship between poststructuralist theoretical concerns and text of Beckett. Keeping in view the theoretical concerns of Poststructuralist theorist Jacques Derrida, the main concern of the discussion is directed towards the notion of ‘beyond’ language into the absences that are aimed at silencing the existing discourse with the ‘radical irony’ of this anti-formal art that contains its own denial and thus represents the idea of ceaseless questioning and radical contradiction in art and any text. This article asks how text of Beckett vibrates with loud silence and has disrupted language to demonstrate the emptiness of words and thus exploring the limitless void of absences. Beckett’s text resonates with silence and pause that is neither negation nor affirmation rather a poststructuralist’s suspension of reality that is ever changing with the undecidablity of all meanings. Within the theoretical notion of Derrida’s Différance this study interprets silence and pause in Beckett’s art. The silence and pause behave like Derrida’s Différance and have questioned their own existence in the text to deconstruct any definiteness and finality of reality to extend an undecidable threshold of poststructuralists that aims to evade the ‘labyrinth of language’.

Keywords: Différance, language, pause, poststructuralism, silence, text

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