Search results for: sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah)

Authors: Satabdi Das

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Background:The abortion debate has polarized women, pitting them against each other in the binary of pro-choice and pro-life. While the followers of pro-choice views the right to an abortion as inherent to a women's right to sovereignty, the latter believes that it is unethical to kill a unborn baby as it is in a way denying the foetus' right to life. So there are innumerable arguments and counter arguments without hyphenation and the dilemma remains that which one is more significant – the mother's right to terminate pregnancy or the foetus' right to life. This pro-life and pro-choice debate has an western root which is more about reproductive freedom. But the Western standard of looking at abortion debate is not fully relevant in the Indian context. The situation is entirely different here. Sex selective foeticide is a social ill in India which cannot be explained through the prism of abortion debate only. It must take into account the problems of forced female foeticide. Objectives: Against this backdrop the study sheds light on the following issues: -How the Reproductive debate has been evolved? -How it is relevant in the Indian Context where female foeticide is a harsh reality? -How one should address the dilemma between life and death in the context of pro life-pro choice debate? Methodology: The study employs historical analytical and descriptive analytical methods and uses primary documents like governmental documents and secondary sources like analytical articles in books, journals, and relevant websites. Findings: -Fertility control is not a modern day phenomenon. It has its roots throughout ancient, medieval and present epochs. However, there existed debates over the rights of the foetus and the question of ethics pertaining to the act of abortion. -Pre-natal sex determination for sex selective abortion is a common phenomenon in India because of the wish for male heirs. The cultural preferences for male child over female ones have resulted in the disappearance of girl children. -When does the life begin has not been recognized by any law. Considering Indian case, it can be said that the Pro life/ pro choice is not that relevant as it is in the US. Here the women are often denied the basic human rights. They are murdered at the womb in many places. Their right to lives are jeopardised in that way. In the liberal abortion regime of India, women's choice to end a pregnancy is limited among very few enlightened families. In many cases, it is the decision of the family to end a pregnancy for boy preference. For that pre natal sex determination plays a crucial role. Conclusion: In India, we can be pro life only when the right to life of the unborn can be secured irrespective of its sex. Similarly we belong to pro-choice group only when the choice to terminate a baby is entirely decided by the mother for her own reasons.

Keywords: female foeticide, India, prolife/pro choice, right to abortion

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Authors: Nikkey Keshri

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Arctic is a polar region located at the north of the earth. This consists of the Arctic Ocean and other parts of Canada, Russia, the United States, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Iceland. Arctic has vast natural resources which are exploited with modern technology, and the economic opening up of Russia has given new opportunities. All these states have connected with the Arctic region for economic activities and this effect the region ecology. The pollution problem is a serious threat to the people health living around pollution sources. Due to the prevailing worldwide sea and air currents, the Arctic area is the fallout region for long-range transport pollutants, and in some places the concentrations exceed the levels of densely populated urban areas. The Arctic is especially vulnerable to the effects of global warming, as has become apparent in the melting sea ice in recent years. Climate models predict much greater warming in the Arctic than the global average, resulting in significant international attention to the region. The global warming has an adverse impact on the climate, indigenous people, wildlife, and infrastructure. However, there are several opportunities that have emerged in the form of shipping routes, resources, and new territories. The shipping route through the Arctic is a reality and is currently navigable for a few weeks during summers. There are large deposits of oil and gas, minerals and fish and the surrounding countries with Arctic coastlines are becoming quite assertive about exercising their sovereignty over the newfound wealth. The main part of the research is that how the opening of Northern Sea Route is providing opportunities or problem in the Arctic and it is becoming geopolitically important. It focuses on the interest Arctic and non Arctic states, their present and anticipated global geopolitical aims. The Northern Sea Route might open up due to climate changes and that Iceland might benefit or has an impact from the situation. Efforts will be made to answer the research question: ‘Whether Opening of North Sea Route is providing opportunities or becoming a risk for Arctic region?’ Every research has a structure which usually called design. In this research, both Qualitative and Quantitative method is used in terms of various literature, maps, pie- charts, etc to find out the answer for the research question. The aim of this research is to find out the impact of Opening of North Sea Route over Arctic region and how this make arctic geopolitically important. The aim behind this research is to find out the impact of climate change and how the particular geographical area is being affected.

Keywords: climate change, geopolitics, international relation, Northern Sea Route

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Authors: Shalini Shawari Matharage

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The worldwide refugee challenge has arisen as a critical concern, with millions of individuals fleeing their home countries owing to conflict, persecution, and human rights violations. Since the establishment of an international framework in 1951 for tackling the humanitarian needs of refugees and asylum seekers, many developed and developing countries have adopted a refugee admittance framework into their national immigration policy and steadily changed their domestic legislation to assist the resettlement of refugees. However, many developed nations have put forth strict limitations on refugee admission in the midst of the continuing refugee crisis, claiming factors including national sovereignty, security of their borders, and national economy. Two such developed nations that have been restrictive on refugees is Japan and the United Kingdom. Despite their contrasting histories, migration methods, and viewpoints on diversity in modern society, the two notably developed nations have taken similar restrictive approaches in refugee policy in the recent years. This study attempts to investigate the underlying causes that led these countries to adopt strict refugee policies and how those policies have affected their compliance with international human rights responsibilities. The study employs a head-to-head methodology to examine the structural inequities in Japan and the United Kingdom's refugee policies. Using data from the UNHCR Refugee Data Finder, official government policy proposals, statements, and academic works, the study evaluates the contemporary refugee legislations, fundamental causes, and subsequent implications. The study illustrates a combination of economic, security, and demographic issues, as well as political rigidity and negative public perceptions, as major determinants of the two countries' restrictive refugee policies. The findings shed light on the restrictive actions taken by Japan and the UK, raising concerns about potential breaches in obligations to their commitments to international law and human rights obligations. Understanding the underlying issues influencing these policies allows lawmakers and activists to establish more compassionate refugee policies that adhere to international human rights and protect vulnerable individuals fleeing persecution. Ultimately, this study aims to contribute to the development of sensible refugee policies that uphold human rights and humanitarian values.

Keywords: immigration, Japan, refugee policy, united kingdom

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Authors: Barbara Pemberton

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Now that people of all faiths are experiencing suffering due to many global issues, shared narratives may provide common ground in which true understanding of each other may take root. This paper will consider the all too common problem of suffering and address how adherents of the three great monotheistic religions seek understanding and the appropriate believer’s response from the same story found within their respective sacred texts. Most scholars from each of these three traditions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam— consider the writings of the Tanakh/Old Testament to at least contain divine revelation. While they may not agree on the extent of the revelation or the method of its delivery, they do share stories as well as a common desire to glean God’s message for God’s people from the pages of the text. One such shared story is that of Job, the servant of Yahweh--called Ayyub, the prophet of Allah, in the Qur’an. Job is described as a pious, righteous man who loses everything—family, possessions, and health—when his faith is tested. Three friends come to console him. Through it, all Job remains faithful to his God who rewards him by restoring all that was lost. All three hermeneutic communities consider Job to be an archetype of human response to suffering, regarding Job’s response to his situation as exemplary. The story of Job addresses more than the distribution of the evil problem. At stake in the story is Job’s very relationship to his God. Some exegetes believe that Job was adapted into the Jewish milieu by a gifted redactor who used the original ancient tale as the “frame” for the biblical account (chapters 1, 2, and 4:7-17) and then enlarged the story with the complex center section of poetic dialogues creating a complex work with numerous possible interpretations. Within the poetic center, Job goes so far as to question God, a response to which Jews relate, finding strength in dialogue—even in wrestling with God. Muslims only embrace the Job of the biblical narrative frame, as further identified through the Qur’an and the prophetic traditions, considering the center section an errant human addition not representative of a true prophet of Islam. The Qur’anic injunction against questioning God also renders the center theologically suspect. Christians also draw various responses from the story of Job. While many believers may agree with the Islamic perspective of God’s ultimate sovereignty, others would join their Jewish neighbors in questioning God, not anticipating answers but rather an awareness of his presence—peace and hope becoming a reality experienced through the indwelling presence of God’s Holy Spirit. Related questions are as endless as the possible responses. This paper will consider a few of the many Jewish, Christian, and Islamic insights from the ancient story, in hopes adherents within each tradition will use it to better understand the other faiths’ approach to suffering.

Keywords: suffering, Job, Qur'an, tanakh

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Authors: Teresa Shuk-Ching Poon

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This paper sets out to examine the changing employment relations practices in Hong Kong’s retail banking sector over a period of more than 10 years. The major objective of the research is to examine whether and to what extent local institutional influences have overshadowed global market forces in shaping strategic management decisions and employment relations practices in Hong Kong, with a view to drawing implications to comparative employment relations studies. Examining the changing pattern of employment relations, this paper finds the industrial relations strategic choice model (Kochan, McKersie and Cappelli, 1984) appropriate to use as a framework for the study. Four broad aspects of employment relations are examined, including work organisation and job design; staffing and labour adjustment; performance appraisal, compensation and employee development; and labour unions and employment relations. Changes in the employment relations practices in two multinational retail banks operated in Hong Kong are examined in detail. The retail banking sector in Hong Kong is chosen as a case to examine as it is a highly competitive segment in the financial service industry very much susceptible to global market influences. This is well illustrated by the fact that Hong Kong was hit hard by both the Asian and the Global Financial Crises. This sector is also subject to increasing institutional influences, especially after the return of Hong Kong’s sovereignty to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since 1997. The case study method is used as it is a suitable research design able to capture the complex institutional and environmental context which is the subject-matter to be examined in the paper. The paper concludes that operation of the retail banks in Hong Kong has been subject to both institutional and global market changes at different points in time. Information obtained from the two cases examined tends to support the conclusion that the relative significance of institutional as against global market factors in influencing retail banks’ operation and their employment relations practices is depended very much on the time in which these influences emerged and the scale and intensity of these influences. This case study highlights the importance of placing comparative employment relations studies within a context where employment relations practices in different countries or different regions/cities within the same country could be examined and compared over a longer period of time to make the comparison more meaningful.

Keywords: employment relations, institutional influences, global market forces, strategic management decisions, retail banks, Hong Kong

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Authors: Sunaina Sunaina

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The emergence of Thailand as a modern nation was amalgamation of several minority groups. Eventually, the nation tried to mitigate these diversities in the name of nationalism in the backdrop of colonial powers presence in neighboring nations. However, the continued imposition of modern nation building processes (which is a western concept) in the post-colonial era deepen the feelings of alienation among the minority groups and leads to separatist conflicts. It is significant that whatever form these conflicts take, will impact the security of nation as well as the region of Southeast Asia. This paper tries to explore the possible factors behind the state policies adopted by the government of Thailand to manage the insurgency in Southern provinces in the south. The protracted insurgency in the South has historical roots as Pattani kingdom had glorious period whether it was trade or commerce or education and its assimilation was never accepted by the leaders of these areas. But after assimilation of southern provinces in the state, it has been the state policy as an important factor in promoting or mitigating the insurgency. Initial protests from the elite class of southern provinces inflated into a more organized and violent uprising after Second World War. It was only the decade of 1990s that a relative peace could prevail for some time. The violence reemerged in 2004 with more intensity and till today this area is suffering with violence. Period of different Prime Ministers dealt this insurgency in different ways sometimes very hard line approach had been adopted especially under Primeminstership of Thaksin Shinawatra. Recently, the peace talks which were started during the period of Yinglunck Shinawatra and were carried forward by Junta government also halted. And again, the region stays in a very volatile state. Violence in these provinces not only questions the capability of government to provide political solution to the problem, but also emerges as a major threat to the internal security of the state. The current era where global terrorism is spreading fast, such vulnerable areas may work as a new ground for its proliferation in Southeast Asia. The paper attempts to understand how Thailand’s historical experience of security determines a different approach to national unity which limits the prospects for autonomy in the South. In conjunction with this experience it is nature of national politics and leadership that influences the nature of policies on the ground in Southern Thailand. The paper also tries to bring out conflict between state sovereignty and self-determination as demanded by many in the southern provinces.

Keywords: insurgency, southern Thailand, security, nation building

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Authors: Faye Cosgrove, Donna Peacock

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This paper examines current state strategies for dealing with vulnerable people in police custody and identifies the underpinning discourses and practices which inform these strategies. It has previously been argued that the state has utilised contradictory and conflicting responses to the control of crime, by employing opposing strategies of denial and adaptation in order to simultaneously both display sovereignty and disclaim responsibility. This paper argues that these contradictory strategies are still being employed in contemporary criminal justice, although the focus and the purpose have now shifted. The focus is upon the ‘vulnerable’ suspect, whose social identity is as incongruous, complex and contradictory as his social environment, and the purpose is to redirect attention away from negative state practices, whilst simultaneously displaying a compassionate and benevolent countenance in order to appeal to the voting public. The findings presented here result from intensive qualitative research with police officers, with health care professionals, and with civilian volunteers who work within police custodial environments. The data has been gathered over a three-year period and includes observational and interview data which has been thematically analysed to expose the underpinning mechanisms from which the properties of the system emerge. What is revealed is evidence of contemporary state practices of denial relating to the harms of austerity and the structural relations of vulnerability, whilst simultaneously adapting through processes of ‘othering’ of the vulnerable, ‘responsibilisation’ of citizens, defining deviance down through diversionary practices, and managing success through redefining the aims of the system. The ‘vulnerable’ suspect is subject to individual pathologising, and yet the nature of risk is aggregated. ‘Vulnerable’ suspects are supported in police custody by private citizens, by multi-agency partnerships, and by for-profit organisations, while the state seeks to collate and control services, and thereby to retain a veneer of control. Late modern ambivalence to crime control and the associated contradictory practices of abjuration and adjustment have extended to state responses to vulnerable suspects. The support available in the custody environment operates to control and minimise operational and procedural risk, rather than for the welfare of the detained person, and in fact, the support available is discovered to be detrimental to the very people that it claims to benefit. The ‘vulnerable’ suspect is now subject to the bifurcated logics employed at the new limits of the sovereign state.

Keywords: custody, policing, sovereign state, vulnerability

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Authors: Bec Strating

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This paper examines the ways that domestic politics and pressure–generated through lobbying, public diplomacy campaigns and other tools of soft power-contributes to the formation of short-term and long-term national interests, priorities and strategies of states in their international relations. It primarily addresses the conceptual problems regarding the kinds of influence that lobby groups wield in foreign policy and how this influence might be assessed. Scholarly attention has been paid to influential foreign policy lobbies and interest groups, particularly in the areas of US foreign policy. Less attention has been paid to how lobby groups might influence the foreign policy of a middle power such as Australia. This paper examines some of the methodological complexities in developing and conducting a research project that can measure the nature and influence of lobbies on foreign affairs priorities and activities. This paper will use Australian foreign policy in the context of its historical bilateral relationship with Indonesia as a case study for considering the broader issues of domestic influences on foreign policy. Specifically, this paper will use the so-called ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ as an example of an interest group. The term ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ is used in media commentary and scholarship to describe an amorphous collection of individuals who have sought to influence Australian foreign policy in favour of Indonesia. The term was originally applied to a group of Indonesian experts at the Australian National University in the 1980s but expanded to include journalists, think tanks and key diplomats. The concept of the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ was developed largely through criticisms of Australia’s support for Indonesia’s sovereignty of East Timor and West Papua. Pro-Independence supporters were integral for creating the ‘lobby’ in their rhetoric and criticisms about the influence on Australian foreign policy. In these critical narratives, the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ supported a realist approach to relations with Indonesia during the years of President Suharto’s regime, which saw appeasement of Indonesia as paramount to values of democracy and human rights. The lobby was viewed as integral in embedding a form of ‘foreign policy exceptionalism’ towards Indonesia in Australian policy-making circles. However, little critical and scholarly attention has been paid to nature, aims, strategies and activities of the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby.' This paper engages with methodological issues of foreign policy analysis: what was the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’? Why was it considered more successful than other activist groups in shaping policy? And how can its influence on Australia’s approach to Indonesia be tested in relation to other contingent factors shaping policy? In addressing these questions, this case study will assist in addressing a broader scholarly concern about the capacities of collectives or individuals in shaping and directing the foreign policies of states.

Keywords: foreign policy, interests groups, Australia, Indonesia

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Authors: Athanasia Petropoulou

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While there is a common understanding that a person’s sex, gender, gender identity, and sexual orientation shape every stage of the migration experience, theories of international migration had until recently not been focused on exploring and incorporating a gender perspective in their analysis. In a similar vein, refugee law has long been the object of criticisms for failing to recognize and respond appropriately to women’s and sexual minorities’ experiences of persecution. The present analysis attempts to depict the challenges faced by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and U.S. courts when adjudicating in cases involving asylum claims with a gendered perspective. By providing a comparison between adjudicating strategies of international and national jurisdictions, the article aims to identify common or distinctive approaches in addressing gendered based claims. The paper argues that, despite the different nature of the judicial bodies and the different legal instruments applied respectively, judges face similar challenges in this context and often fail to qualify and address the gendered dimensions of asylum claims properly. The ECtHR plays a fundamental role in safeguarding human rights protection in Europe not only for European citizens but also for people fleeing violence, war, and dire living conditions. However, this role becomes more difficult to fulfill, not only because of the obvious institutional constraints but also because cases related to claims of asylum seekers concern a domain closely linked to State sovereignty. Amid the current “refugee crisis,” risk assessment performed by national authorities, like in the process of asylum determination, is shaped by wider geopolitical and economic considerations. The failure to recognize and duly address the gendered dimension of non - refoulement claims, one of the many shortcomings of these processes, is reflected in the decisions of the ECtHR. As regards U.S. case law, the study argues that U.S. courts either fail to apply any connection between asylum claims and their gendered dimension or tend to approach gendered based claims through the lens of the “political opinion” or “membership of a particular social group” reasons of fear of persecution. This exercise becomes even more difficult, taking into account that the U.S. asylum law inappropriately qualifies gendered-based claims. The paper calls for more sociologically informed decision-making practices and for a more contextualized and relational approach in the assessment of the risk of ill-treatment and persecution. Such an approach is essential for unearthing the gendered patterns of persecution and addressing effectively related claims, thus securing the human rights of asylum seekers.

Keywords: asylum, European court of human rights, gender, human rights, U.S. courts

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Authors: Camila Lee Park, Mauro Fracarolli Nunes

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Understood as the preference for products and services that do not involve moral dilemmas, ethical consumption has been increasingly discussed by scholars, practitioners, and consumers. Among its diverse trends, the defense of animal rights and welfare seems to have gained particular momentum in past decades. Not surprisingly, companies, governments, ideologues, and virtually any institution or group interested in (re)shaping society invest in the building of narratives oriented to influence consumption behavior. The animal rights movement, for example, is devoted to the elimination of the use of animals in science, as well as of commercial animal agriculture and hunting activities. Although advances in ethical consumption may be observed in practice, it still seems more popular as rhetoric. Diverse scholars have addressed the disparities between self-professed ethical consumers and their actual purchase patterns, with differences being attributed to factors such as price sensitivity, lack of information, quality, cynicism, and limited availability. The gap is also linked to the 'consumer sovereignty myth', according to which consumers are only able to choose from a pre-determined range of choices made before products reach them. On the other hand, academics also debate ethical consumption behavior as more likely to occur when it assumes compliance with social norms. As sustainability becomes a permanent issue, customers may tend to adhere to ethical consumption, either because of an individual value or due to a social one. Regardless of these efforts, the actual value attributed to ethical businesses remains unclear. Likewise, the power of stakeholders’ initiatives to influence corporate strategies is dubious. In search to offer new perspectives on these matters, the present study concentrates on the following research questions: Do customers value products/companies that respect animal rights? If so, does such enhanced value convert into actions from the part of the companies? Broadly, we aim to understand if customers’ perception holds performative traits (i.e., are capable of either trigger or contribute to changes in organizational behaviour around the respect for animal rights). In addressing these issues, two preliminary behavioral vignette-based experiments were conducted, with the perspectives of 307 participants being assessed. Building on a case of the cosmetics industry, social, emotional, and functional values were hypothesized as directly impacting positive word-of-mouth, which, in turn, would carry direct effects on purchase intention. A first structural equation model was analyzed with the combined samples of studies I and II. Results suggest that emotional value strongly impacts both positive word-of-mouth and purchase intention. Data confirms initial expectations on customers valuing products and companies that comply with ethical postures concerning animals, especially if social-oriented practices are also present.

Keywords: animal rights, business ethics, emotional value, ethical consumption

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Authors: Tsuiping Chen

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It has always been an international consensus that food forms a big part of any culture since the old times. However, this idea has not been globally concretized until the announcement of including food or cuisine as intangible cultural heritage by UNESCO in 2010. This announcement strengthens the value of food culture, which is getting more and more notice by every country. Although Taiwan is not one of the members of the United Nations, we cannot detach ourselves from this important global trend, especially when we have a lot of culinary students expected to join the world culinary job market. These students should have been well educated with the knowledge of world food culture to make them have the sensibility and perspectives for the occurring global food issues before joining the culinary jobs. Under the premise of the above concern, the researcher and also the instructor took on action research with one class of students in the 'Food Culture' course watching, discussing, and analyzing 12 culinary documentary films selected from one decade’s (2007-2016) of Berlin Culinary Cinema in one semester of class hours. In addition, after class, the students separated themselves into six groups and joined 12 times of one-hour-long focus group discussion on the 12 films conducted by the researcher. Furthermore, during the semester, the students submitted their reflection reports on each film to the university e-portfolio system. All the focus discussions and reflection reports were recorded and collected for further analysis by the researcher and one invited film researcher. Glaser and Strauss’ Grounded Theory (1967) constant comparison method was employed to analyze the collected data. Finally, the findings' results were audited by all participants of the research. All the participants and the researchers created 200 items of food culture products, 74 items of food culture practices, and 50 items of food culture perspectives from the action research journey through watching culinary documentaries. The journey did broaden students’ points of view on world food culture and enhance their capability on perspective construction for food culture. Four aspects of significant findings were demonstrated. First, learning food culture through watching Berlin culinary films helps students link themselves to the happening global food issues such as food security, food poverty, and food sovereignty, which direct them to rethink how people should grow, share and consume food. Second, watching different categories of documentary food films enhances students’ strong sense of responsibility for ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all people in every corner of the world. Third, watching these documentary films encourages students to think if the culinary education they have accepted in this island is inclusive and the importance of quality education, which can promote lifelong learning. Last but not least, the journey of the culinary documentary film watching in the 'Food Culture' course inspires students to take pride in their profession. It is hoped the model of teaching food culture with culinary documentary films will inspire more food culture educators, researchers, and the culinary curriculum designers.

Keywords: food culture, action research, culinary documentary films, food culture products, practices, perspectives

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Authors: Debarpita Pande

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On 22nd May 2013 Chinese Premier Li Keqiang on his visit to Pakistan tabled a proposal for connecting Kashgar in China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region with the south-western Pakistani seaport of Gwadar via the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (hereinafter referred to as CPEC). The project, popularly termed as 'One Belt One Road' will encompass within it a connectivity component including a 3000-kilometre road, railways and oil pipeline from Kashgar to Gwadar port along with an international airport and a deep sea port. Superficially, this may look like a 'game changer' for Pakistan and other countries of South Asia but this article by doctrinal method of research will unearth some serious flaws in it, which may change the entire economic system of this region heavily affecting the socio-economic conditions of South Asia, further complicating the complete geopolitical situation of the region disturbing the world economic stability. The paper besets with a logical analyzation of the socio-economic issues arising out of this project with an emphasis on its impact on the Pakistani and Indian economy due to Chinese dominance, serious tension in international relations, security issues, arms race, political and provincial concerns. The research paper further aims to study the impact of huge burden of loan given by China towards this project where Pakistan already suffers from persistent debts in the face of declining foreign currency reserves along with that the sovereignty of Pakistan will also be at stake as the entire economy of the country will be held hostage by China. The author compares this situation with the fallout from projects in Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, and several countries of Africa, all of which are now facing huge debt risks brought by Chinese investments. The entire economic balance will be muddled by the increment in Pakistan’s demand of raw materials resulting to the import of the same from China, which will lead to exorbitant price-hike and limited availability. CPEC will also create Chinese dominance over the international movement of goods that will take place between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans and hence jeopardising the entire economic balance of South Asia along with Middle Eastern countries like Dubai. Moreover, the paper also analyses the impact of CPEC in the context of international unrest and arms race between Pakistan and India as well as India and China due to border disputes and Chinese surveillance. The paper also examines the global change in economic dynamics in international trade that CPEC will create in the light of U.S.-China relationship. The article thus reflects the grave consequences of CPEC on the international economy, security and bilateral relations, which surpasses the positive impacts of it. The author lastly suggests for more transparency and proper diplomatic planning in the execution of this mega project, which can be a cause of economic complexity in international trade in near future.

Keywords: China, CPEC, international trade, Pakistan

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Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

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Countless Filipinos are reeling in dire economic inequality while many others are victims of human trafficking. Where there is extreme economic inequality, majority of the Filipinos are deprived of basic needs to have a good life, i.e., decent shelter, safe environment, food, quality education, social security, etc. The problem on human trafficking poses a scandal and threat in respect to human rights and dignity of a person on matters of sex, gender, ethnicity and race among others. The economic inequality and trafficking in persons are social pathologies that needed considerable amount of attention and visible solution both in the national and international level. However, the Philippine government seems falls short in terms of goals to lessen, if not altogether eradicate, the dire fate of many Filipinos. The lack of solidarity among Filipinos seems to further aggravate injustice and create hindrances to economic equity and protection of Filipinos from syndicated crimes, i.e., human trafficking. Indifference towards the welfare and well-being of the Filipino people trashes them into an unending cycle of marginalization and neglect. A transnational solidaristic action in response to these concerns is imperative. The subsequent sections will first discuss the notion of solidarity and the motivating factors for collective action. While solidarity has been previously thought of as stemming from and for one’s own community and people, it can be argued as a value that defies borders. Solidarity bridges peoples of diverse societies and cultures. Although there are limits to international interventions on another’s sovereignty, such as, internal political autonomy, transnational solidarity may not be an opposition to solidarity with people suffering injustices. Governments, nations and institutions can work together in securing justice. Solidarity thus is a positive political action that can best respond to issues of economic, class, racial and gender injustices. This is followed by a critical analysis of some data on Philippine economic inequality and human trafficking and link the place of transnational solidaristic arrangements. Here, the present work is interested on the normative aspect of the problem. It begins with the section on economic inequality and subsequently, human trafficking. It is argued that a transnational solidarity is vital in assisting the Philippine governing bodies and authorities to seriously execute innovative economic policies and developmental programs that are justice and egalitarian oriented. Transnational solidarity impacts a corrective measure in the economic practices, and activities of the Philippine government. Moreover, it is suggested that in order to mitigate Philippine economic inequality and human trafficking concerns it involves a (a) historical analysis of systems that brought about economic anomalies, (b) renewed and innovated economic policies, (c) mutual trust and relatively high transparency, and (d) grass-root and context-based approach. In conclusion, the findings are briefly sketched and integrated in an optimistic view that transnational solidarity is capable of influencing Philippine governing bodies towards socio-economic transformation and development of the lives of Filipinos.

Keywords: Philippines, Filipino, economic inequality, human trafficking, transnational solidarity

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Authors: Abdulmajeed Abdullah Alqarni

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This paper is devoted a study of the current frameworks applicable to foreign investments at the levels of domestic and international law, with a particular focus on the legitimate balance to be achieved between the rights of the host state and the legal protections owed to foreign investors. At the wider level of analysis, the paper attempts to map and critically examine the relationship between foreign investment and economic development. In doing so, the paper offers a study in how current discourses and practices on investment law can reconcile the competing interests of developing and developed countries. The study draws on the growing economic imperative for developing nations to create a favorable investment climate capable of attracting private foreign investment. It notes that that over the past decades, an abundance of legal standards that establish substantive and procedural protections for legal forms of foreign investments in the host countries have evolved and crystalized. The study then goes on to offer a substantive analysis of legal reforms at the domestic level in countries such as Saudi Arabia before going on to provide an in- depth and substantive examination of the most important instruments developed at the levels of international law: bilateral investment agreements and double taxation agreements. As to its methods, the study draws on case studies and from data assessing the link between double taxation and economic development. Drawing from the extant literature and doctrinal research, and international and comparative jurisprudence, the paper excavates and critically examines contemporary definitions and norms of international investment law, many of which have been given concrete form and specificity in an ever-expanding number of bilateral and multilateral investment treaties. By reconsidering the wider challenges of conflicts of law and jurisdiction, and the competing aims of the modern investment law regime, the study reflects on how bilateral investment treaties might succeed in achieving the dual aims of rights protection and economic sovereignty. Through its examination of the double taxation phenomena, the study goes on to identify key practical challenges raised by the implementation of bilateral treaties whilst also assessing the sufficiency of the domestic and international legal solutions that are proposed in response. In its final analysis, the study aims to contribute to existing scholarship by assessing contemporary legal and economic barriers to the free flow of investment with due regard for the legitimate concerns and diversity of developing nations. It does by situating its analysis of the domestic enforcement of international investment instrument in its wider historical and normative context. By focusing on the economic and legal dimensions of foreign investment, the paper also aims to offer an interdisciplinary and holistic perspective on contemporary issues and developments in investment law while offering practical reform proposals that can be used to be achieve a more equitable balance between the rights and interests of states and private entities in an increasingly trans nationalized sphere of investment regulation and treaty arbitration.

Keywords: foreign investment, bilateral investment treaties, international tax law, double taxation treaties

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Authors: Lina Shinhwa Koo

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The Korean Empire, or Daehanjeguk, was proclaimed by King Gojong (1852–1919) in 1897 with the aim of promoting its sovereignty as a nation-state amid the political situation with threats from neighbouring countries, such as Japan and Russia. The Korean Empire period (1897–1910), which lasted until 1910, when Japan annexed Korea, is a pivotal time in the modern history of Korea. It was also during the period when many infrastructures for tourism, including transportation and lodging systems, were established. Throughout the Korean Empire period, tourists from Japan and Euro-American countries popularly visited Korea after it opened its doors relatively recently. The government of the Korean Empire also actively engaged with foreign officials and professionals. Train stations were built to connect Busan, where foreigners first arrived through the port of Jemulpo, with Seoul, the capital of Korea. In addition, hotels were built to accommodate the increasing number of tourists. Shedding new light on the modern architectural history of Korea, this paper discusses buildings that were made for tourism during the Korean Empire period to examine the historical background behind the tourism development in Korea and the concept of travelling related to architecture history. Foreigners came to Korea for varying reasons, from ethnographic research and diplomacy to business and missionary. They also played a key role in the transportation and hotel businesses. For instance, American entrepreneur James R. Morse received a concession to construct a railway between Busan and Seoul in 1896, which was later granted to a Japanese firm. Japanese entrepreneurs came to Korea and built hotels, such as Daebul Hotel in Incheon and Paseonggwan in Seoul. Sontag Hotel, Station Hotel and Hotel du Palais, all located in central areas of Seoul, were owned by German, British and French entrepreneurs, respectively. Each building showed distinctive architectural elements. For example, Sontag Hotel was built in Russian architectural style, whereas Paseonggwan was created with a combination of Japanese and European styles. Such various architectural designs indicated the multicultural urban scenes of the Korean Empire at the time. The existing scholarship has paid more attention to the royal buildings built during the Korean Empire period, such as Seokjojeon of the Duksu Palace. However, it is important to study the tourism-related architecture that reflected the societal situation of the Korean Empire when contrasting ideologies, landscapes, historical narratives and political tensions intertwined and co-existed. Examining both textual and visual resources, such as news articles and photographs, this paper surveys architectural styles and the trajectories of selective examples of hotels and train stations within the discussion of temporality and spatiality in the discipline of social science. In doing so, one can re-assess the history of the Korean Empire as the intersection of modern and traditional, intrinsic and extrinsic and national and international.

Keywords: Korean empire, modern Korean architecture, tourism, hotel, train station

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: Matthew Arnaouti, Michael Baird, Gabrielle Cahill, Tamara Worlton, Michelle Joseph

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Introduction: Over ten years after the 7.0 magnitude Earthquake struck the capital of Haiti, impacting over three million people and leading to the deaths of over two hundred thousand, the multinational humanitarian response remains the largest disaster relief effort to date. This study critically evaluates the multi-sector and multinational disaster response to the Earthquake, looking at how the lessons learned from this analysis can be applied to future disaster response efforts. We put particular emphasis on assessing the interaction between civilian and military sectors during this humanitarian relief effort, with the hopes of highlighting how concrete guidelines are essential to improve future responses. Methods: An extensive scoping review of the relevant literature was conducted - where library scientists conducted reproducible, verified systematic searches of multiple databases. Grey literature and hand searches were utilised to identify additional unclassified military documents, for inclusion in the study. More than 100 documents were included for data extraction and analysis. Key domains were identified, these included: Humanitarian and Military Response, Communication, Coordination, Resources, Needs Assessment and Pre-Existing Policy. Corresponding information and lessons-learned pertaining to these domains was then extracted - detailing the barriers and facilitators to an effective response. Results: Multiple themes were noted which stratified all identified domains - including the lack of adequate pre-existing policy, as well as extensive ambiguity of actors’ roles. This ambiguity was continually influenced by the complex role the United States military played in the disaster response. At a deeper level, the effects of neo-colonialism and concern about infringements on Haitian sovereignty played a substantial role at all levels: setting the pre-existing conditions and determining the redevelopment efforts that followed. Furthermore, external factors significantly impacted the response, particularly the loss of life within the political and security sectors. This was compounded by the destruction of important infrastructure systems - particularly electricity supplies and telecommunication networks, as well as air and seaport capabilities. Conclusions: This study stands as one of the first and most comprehensive evaluations, systematically analysing the civilian and military response - including their collaborative efforts. This study offers vital information for improving future combined responses and provides a significant opportunity for advancing knowledge in disaster relief efforts - which remains a more pressing issue than ever. The categories and domains formulated serve to highlight interdependent factors that should be applied in future disaster responses, with significant potential to aid the effective performance of humanitarian actors. Further studies will be grounded in these findings, particularly the need for greater inclusion of the Haitian perspective in the literature, through additional qualitative research studies.

Keywords: civilian and military collaboration, combined response, disaster, disaster response, earthquake, Haiti, humanitarian response

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Authors: Sultana Afrin Nipa

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Life on Earth cannot thrive or survive without water. Water is intimately tied with community, culture, spirituality, identity, socio-economic progress, security, self-determination, and livelihood. Thus, access to water is a United Nations recognized human right due to its significance in these realms. However, there is often conflict between those who consider water as the spiritual and cultural value and those who consider it an economic value thus being threatened by economic development, corporate exploitation, government regulation, and increased privatization, highlighting the complex relationship between water and culture. The Colorado River basin is home to over 29 federally recognized tribal nations. To these tribes, it holds cultural, economic, and spiritual significance and often extends to deep human-to-non-human connections frequently precluded by the Westphalian regulations and settler laws. Despite the recognition of access to rivers as a fundamental human right by the United Nations, tribal communities and their water rights have been historically disregarded through inter alia, colonization, and dispossession of their resources. Law of the River such as ‘Winter’s Doctrine’, ‘Bureau of Reclamation (BOR)’ and ‘Colorado River Compact’ have shaped the water governance among the shareholders. However, tribal communities have been systematically excluded from these key agreements. While the Winter’s Doctrine acknowledged that tribes have the right to withdraw water from the rivers that pass through their reservations for self-sufficiency, the establishment of the BOR led to the construction of dams without tribal consultation, denying the ‘Winters’ regulation and violating these rights. The Colorado River Compact, which granted only 20% of the water to the tribes, diminishes the significance of international legal frameworks that prioritize indigenous self-determination and free pursuit of socio-economic and cultural development. Denial of this basic water right is the denial of the ‘recognition’ of their sovereignty and self-determination that questions the effectiveness of the international law. This review assesses the international legal frameworks concerning indigenous rights and water justice and aims to pinpoint gaps hindering the effective recognition and protection of Indigenous water rights in Colorado River Basin. This study draws on a combination of historical and qualitative data sets. The historical data encompasses the case settlements provided by the Bureau of Reclamation (BOR) respectively the notable cases of Native American water rights settlements on lower Colorado basin related to Arizona from 1979-2008. This material serves to substantiate the context of promises made to the Indigenous people and establishes connections between existing entities. The qualitative data consists of the observation of recorded meetings of the Central Arizona Project (CAP) to evaluate how the previously made promises are reflected now. The study finds a significant inconsistency in participation in the decision-making process and the lack of representation of Native American tribes in water resource management discussions. It highlights the ongoing challenges faced by the indigenous people to achieve their self-determination goal despite the legal arrangements.

Keywords: colorado river, indigenous rights, law of the river, water governance, water justice

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Authors: Muhammad Alhada Fuadilah Habib, Ayla Karina Budita, Cut Rizka Al Usrah, Mukhammad Fatkhullah, Kanita Khoirun Nisa, Siti Muslihatul Mukaromah

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In this contemporary era, the term of development often emphasised merely on the economic growth aspect. Development of a program often considered as superior by the government, in fact, it often raises various problems. The problems occur because the development policies determined by the government tend to favor private entrepreneurs and impose on the oppression toward the community. The development promised to prosper the community's life, turn out in fact of harming the community, threatening the survival of the community and damaging the ecosystem of nature where the community hangs their life to it. Nowadays many natural resources should be used for the community’s life prosperity. However, the prosperity is conquered by the private entrepreneurs that are regulated through the free market mechanism and wrapped in democratization. This condition actually is a form of neoliberalism that builds new administration order system which is far from the meaning of the word democracy. The government should play more role in protecting community's life and prosperity, but in fact, the government sides with the private entrepreneurs for the sake of the economic benefits regardless of other aspects of the community’s life. This unjustified condition presents a wide range of social movements from the community in response to the neoliberalis policy that actually eliminates the doctrine of community sovereignty. Social movements performed by Yogyakarta south coastal area community, as the focus of the discussion in this paper, is one of the community’s response toward the government policies related to the construction of the ferruginous sand quarry which is tend to favor on private entrepreneurs and highly prejudicing or even threatening the survival of Yogyakarta south coastal area community. The data collection in this study uses qualitative research methods with in-depth interview data collection techniques and purposive informant determination techniques. This method was chosen in order to obtain the insightful data and detailed information to uncover the injustice policies committed by the government-private entrepreneurs toward Yogyakarta south coastal area community. The brief results of this study show that the conflicts between the community and government-private entrepreneurs occurred because of the differences of interests and paradigm of natural resource management. The resistance movements done by the community to fight back the government-private entrepreneurs was conducted by forming an organization called Paguyupan Petani Lahan Pantai Kulon Progo (PPLP-KP). This organization do the resistances through two ways; firstly, quiet action done through various actions such as; refusing against the socialization, performing discussion to deliberate their argument with the government-private entrepreneurs, complaining the problems to the central government, creating banners or billboards which contain the writing of rejection, performing pray rituals to invoke the justice from the God, as well as instill the resistance ideology to their young generation. Secondly, the rough action also is done through various actions such as; doing roadblocks, conducting rallies, as well as doing clash with the government apparatus. In case the resistances done by the community are seen from the pattern. Actually, the resistances are reaction toward the aggression carried out by the government-private entrepreneurs.

Keywords: community resistance, conflict, ferruginous sand quarry construction, social movement

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Authors: Karisma Karisma, Pardis Moslemzadeh Tehrani

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This study aims to conduct a high-level strategic dialogue on the lack of consensus, consistency, and legal certainty regarding blockchain-based energy prosumerism so that appropriate institutional and governance structures can be put in place to address the inadequacies and gaps in the legal and regulatory framework. The drive to achieve national and global decarbonization targets is a driving force behind climate goals and policies under the Paris Agreement. In recent years, efforts to ‘demonopolize’ and ‘decentralize’ energy generation and distribution have driven the energy transition toward decentralized systems, invoking concepts such as ownership, sovereignty, and autonomy of RE sources. The emergence of individual and collective forms of prosumerism and the rapid diffusion of blockchain is expected to play a critical role in the decarbonization and democratization of energy systems. However, there is a ‘regulatory void’ relating to individual and collective forms of prosumerism that could prevent the rapid deployment of blockchain systems and potentially stagnate the operationalization of blockchain-enabled energy sharing and trading activities. The application of broad and facile regulatory fixes may be insufficient to address the major regulatory gaps. First, to the authors’ best knowledge, the concepts and elements circumjacent to individual and collective forms of prosumerism have not been adequately described in the legal frameworks of many countries. Second, there is a lack of legal certainty regarding the creation and adaptation of business models in a highly regulated and centralized energy system, which inhibits the emergence of prosumer-driven niche markets. There are also current and prospective challenges relating to the legal status of blockchain-based platforms for facilitating energy transactions, anticipated with the diffusion of blockchain technology. With the rise of prosumerism in the energy sector, the areas of (a) network charges, (b) energy market access, (c) incentive schemes, (d) taxes and levies, and (e) licensing requirements are still uncharted territories in many countries. The uncertainties emanating from this area pose a significant hurdle to the widespread adoption of blockchain technology, a complementary technology that offers added value and competitive advantages for energy systems. The authors undertake a conceptual and theoretical investigation to elucidate the lack of consensus, consistency, and legal certainty in the study of blockchain-based prosumerism. In addition, the authors set an exploratory tone to the discussion by taking an analytically eclectic approach that builds on multiple sources and theories to delve deeper into this topic. As an interdisciplinary study, this research accounts for the convergence of regulation, technology, and the energy sector. The study primarily adopts desk research, which examines regulatory frameworks and conceptual models for crucial policies at the international level to foster an all-inclusive discussion. With their reflections and insights into the interaction of blockchain and prosumerism in the energy sector, the authors do not aim to develop definitive regulatory models or instrument designs, but to contribute to the theoretical dialogue to navigate seminal issues and explore different nuances and pathways. Given the emergence of blockchain-based energy prosumerism, identifying the challenges, gaps and fragmentation of governance regimes is key to facilitating global regulatory transitions.

Keywords: blockchain technology, energy sector, prosumer, legal and regulatory.

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Authors: Sophy Joseph

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The study uses the concept of ‘Settler city’ to understand the nature of peripheralization that a neoliberal city initiates. The settler city designs powerless communities without inherent rights, title and sovereignty. Kathputli Colony, home to generations of artists/craftsmen, who have kept heritage of arts/crafts alive, has undergone eviction of its population from urban space. The proposed study, ‘Neoliberal Settler City: Socio-spatial segregation and livelihood of artists/craftsmen in Delhi’ would problematize the settler city as a colonial technology. The colonial regime has ‘erased’ the ‘unwanted’ as primitive and swept them to peripheries in the city. This study would also highlight how structural change in political economy has undermined their crafts/arts by depriving them from practicing/performing it with dignity in urban space. The interconnections between citizenship and In-Situ Private Public Partnership in Kathputli rehabilitation has become part of academic exercise. However, a comprehensive study connecting inherent characteristics of neoliberal settler city, trajectory of political economy of unorganized workers - artists/craftsmen and legal containment and exclusion leading to dispossession and marginalization of communities from the city site, is relevant to contextualize the trauma of spatial segregation. This study would deal with political, cultural, social and economic dominant behavior of the structure in the state formation, accumulation of property and design of urban space, fueled by segregation of marginalized/unorganized communities and disowning the ‘footloose proletariat’, the migrant workforce. The methodology of study involves qualitative research amongst communities and the field work-oral testimonies and personal accounts- becomes the primary material to theorize the realities. The secondary materials in the forms of archival materials about historical evolution of Delhi as a planned city from various archives, would be used. As the study also adopt ‘narrative approach’ in qualitative study, the life experiences of craftsmen/artists as performers and emotional trauma of losing their livelihood and space forms an important record to understand the instability and insecurity that marginalization and development attributes on urban poor. The study attempts to prove that though there was a change in political tradition from colonialism to constitutional democracy, new state still follows the policy of segregation and dispossession of the communities. It is this dispossession from the space, deprivation of livelihood and non-consultative process in rehabilitation that reflects the neoliberal approach of the state and also critical findings in the study. This study would entail critical spatial lens analyzing ethnographic and sociological data, representational practices and development debates to understand ‘urban otherization’ against craftsmen/artists. This seeks to develop a conceptual framework for understanding the resistance of communities against primitivity attached with them and to decolonize the city. This would help to contextualize the demand for declaring Kathputli Colony as ‘heritage artists village’. The conceptualization and contextualization would help to argue for right to city of the communities, collective rights to property, services and self-determination. The aspirations of the communities also help to draw normative orientation towards decolonization. It is important to study this site as part of the framework, ‘inclusive cities’ because cities are rarely noted as important sites of ‘community struggles’.

Keywords: neoliberal settler city, socio-spatial segregation, the livelihood of artists/craftsmen, dispossession of indigenous communities, urban planning and cultural uprooting

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Authors: Chiu-Yin Leung

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This research investigates a complex assemblage among indigenous identities, socio-political organization and national apparatus in the border landscape of post-colonial Hong Kong. This former British colony had designated a transient mode of governance in its New Territories and particularly the northernmost borderland in 1951-2012. With a discriminated system of land provisions for the indigenous villagers, the place has been inherited with distinctive village-based culture, historic monuments and agrarian practices until its sovereignty return into the People’s Republic of China. In its latest development imperatives by the national strategic planning, the frontier area of Hong Kong has been identified as a strategy site for regional economic integration in South China, with cross-border projects of innovation and technology zones, mega-transport infrastructure and inter-jurisdictional arrangement. Contemporary literature theorizes borders as the material and discursive production of territoriality, which manifest in state apparatus and the daily lives of its citizens and condense in the contested articulations of power, security and citizenship. Drawing on the concept of assemblage, this paper attempts to tract how the border regime and infrastructure in Hong Kong as a city are deeply ingrained in the everyday lived spaces of the local communities but also the changing urban and regional strategies across different longitudinal moments. Through an intensive ethnographic fieldwork among the borderland villages since 2008 and the extensive analysis of colonial archives, new development plans and spatial planning frameworks, the author navigates the genealogy of the border landscape in Ta Kwu Ling frontier area and its implications as the milieu for new state space, covering heterogeneous fields particularly in indigenous rights, heritage preservation, rural sustainability and regional economy. Empirical evidence suggests an apparent bias towards indigenous power and colonial representation in classifying landscape values and conserving historical monuments. Squatter and farm tenants are often deprived of property rights, statutory participation and livelihood option in the planning process. The postcolonial bureaucracies have great difficulties in mobilizing resources to catch up with the swift, political-first approach of the mainland counterparts. Meanwhile, the cultural heritage, lineage network and memory landscape are not protected altogether with any holistic view or collaborative effort across the border. The enactment of land resumption and compensation scheme is furthermore disturbed by lineage-based customary law, technocratic bureaucracy, intra-community conflicts and multi-scalar political mobilization. As many traces of colonial misfortune and tyranny have been whitewashed without proper management, the author argues that postcolonial justice is yet reconciled in this fragmented border landscape. The assemblage of border in mainstream representation has tended to oversimplify local struggles as a collective mist and setup a wider production of schizophrenia experiences in the discussion of further economic integration among Hong Kong and other mainland cities in the Pearl River Delta Region. The research is expected to shed new light on the theorizing of border regions and postcolonialism beyond Eurocentric perspectives. In reassembling the borderland experiences with other arrays in state governance, village organization and indigenous identities, the author also suggests an alternative epistemology in reconciling socio-spatial differences and opening up imaginaries for positive interventions.

Keywords: heritage conservation, indigenous communities, post-colonial borderland, regional development, rural sustainability

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