Search results for: political rights

Authors: Amber Salamanca-Blazek

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This paper explores the connection between gender ideology and the legality of same-sex marriage cross-nationally. The author questions what role gender ideology plays in the cultural shift concerning same-sex marriage currently underway around the world and the variations in the legal treatment of same-sex marriage at the national level. Existing literature on gender, gender ideology, the role of gender ideology in traditional and same-sex marriage, and the extent to which this connection has previously been examined is explored. Also, the author explores the relationship between gender ideology and the legality of same-sex marriage in three countries with the differing legality of same-sex marriage - The United States, where same-sex marriage was legalized in 2015, Australia, where same-sex marriage was legalized in 2017, and Iran, where the death penalty for homosexuality still exists. A comparison of gender ideology frameworks and an analysis of the political rhetoric surrounding same-sex marriage in each country are performed. It is argued that the important role of gender ideology in the legality of same-sex marriage has been greatly ignored and is in need of increased attention to assist gay rights activists in their framework. The link of gender ideology and patriarchal authority between the gay rights movement and the women’s rights movement are subsequently discussed. The author argues that because of this linkage between movements, there is a necessity for joint frameworks. Suggestions for future research are also provided.

Keywords: gender ideology, same-sex marriage, same-sex marriage legality, women's rights movement

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Authors: Uche A. Nnawulezi

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This study evolved from the need to look at and evaluate the difficulties in the domestication of International Laws and Human Rights Laws in Nigeria. Essentially, the paper-based its examination on documentary evidence and depended much on secondary sources, for example, textbooks, journals, articles, periodicals and research reports emanating from suggestions of international law experts, jurists and human rights lawyers on the development challenges in domesticating international laws and human rights laws in Nigeria. These data were analyzed by the application of content analysis and careful observation of the current municipal laws which has posed great challenges in the domestication of International laws. This paper might follow the historical backdrop of the practices in the use of International law in Nigeria and should likewise consider the challenges inherent in these practices. The paper suggests that a sustainable domestication of International Laws and its application in Nigerian courts will ensure a better enforcement of human rights within the domestic jurisdiction.

Keywords: international law, human rights, domestication, challenges

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Authors: Pouira Askary

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Indeed, in our globalized world which is facing with various international crises, the transnational corporations and other business enterprises have the capacity to foster economic well-being, development, technological improvement and wealth, as well as causing adverse impacts on human rights. The UN Human Rights Council declared that although the primary responsibility to protect human rights lie with the State but the transnational corporations and other business enterprises have also a responsibility to respect and protect human rights in the framework of corporate social responsibility. In 2011, the Human Rights Council endorsed the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, a set of guidelines that define the key duties and responsibilities of States and business enterprises with regard to business-related human rights abuses. In UN’s view, the Guiding Principles do not create new legal obligations but constitute a clarification of the implications of existing standards, including under international human rights law. In 2014 the UN Human Rights Council decided to establish a working group on transnational corporations and other business enterprises whose mandate shall be to elaborate an international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises. Extremely difficult task for the working group to codify a legally binding document to regulate the behavior of corporations on the basis of the norms of international law! Concentration of this paper is on the origins of those human rights applicable on business enterprises. The research will discuss that the social and ethical roots of the CSR are much more institutionalized and elaborated than the legal roots. Therefore, the first step is to determine whether and to what extent corporations, do have an ethical responsibility to respect human rights and if so, by which means this ethical and social responsibility is convertible to legal commitments.

Keywords: CSR, ethics, international law, human rights, development, sustainable business

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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Authors: Timothy Fwa Yerima

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This paper evaluates the development of human rights jurisprudence in Africa by the ECOWAS Court of Justice. It traces that though ECOWAS was not established with the aim of promoting and protecting human rights as the African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights, no doubt, the 1991 ECOWAS Court Protocol and the 1993 ECOWAS Revised Treaty give the ECOWAS Court its human rights mandate. The paper, however, points out that despite the availability of these two Laws, the ECOWAS Court had difficulty in its human rights mandate, in view of the twin problems of lack of access to the Court by private parties and personal jurisdiction of the Court to entertain cases filed by private parties. The paper considers the 2005 Supplementary Protocol, not only as an effective legal framework in West African Sub-Region that tackles these problems in human rights cases but also a strong foundation upon which the Court has been developing human rights jurisprudence in Africa through the interpretation and application of this Law and other sources of Law of the Court. After a thorough analysis of some principles laid down by the ECOWAS Court so far, the paper observes that human rights jurisprudence in Africa is growing rapidly; depicting that though the ECOWAS Court initially had difficulty in its human rights mandate, today it has a bright and visionary landing. The paper concludes that West African Sub-Region will witness a more effective performance of the ECOWAS Court if some of its challenges are tackled.

Keywords: access, African human rights, ECOWAS court of justice, jurisprudence, personal jurisdiction

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Authors: Prajwal Raj Gyawali, Aastha Dahal

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The tension between human rights and loans provided by international development banks with hidden conditions in the pretext of development is a complex issue with significant implications for the rights of citizens in borrowing countries. It is important for all parties involved, including international banks, borrowing countries, and affected communities, to consider and respect human rights in the negotiation and implementation of development projects. Yet, it is rare for human rights actors or communities to have a seat at the negotiation table when loans are finalized. In our research, we conducted negotiation simulations in law schools to examine how international loan negotiations would play out if human rights actors and communities had seats at the table. We ran the negotiation simulations in Bangladesh, Nepal and India. We found that the presence of community groups and human rights actors makes a difference in loan outcomes. While the international development loan was accepted as opposed to rejected by negotiators in three countries, the cultural values of the respective countries played a significant part in terms of the final agreement. We present the findings and their implications for the design of human rights courses in law schools as well as larger policy implications for expanding the participation of actors in international development loan negotiations.

Keywords: law, development, debt, human rights

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Authors: A. V. Shashkova

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The aim of the present article is to analyze the position of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation on the matter of restricting the constitutional rights of citizens to inviolability of professional and banking secrecy in effecting controlling activities. The methodological ground of the present Article represents the dialectic scientific method of the socio-political, legal and organizational processes with the principles of development, integrity, and consistency, etc. The consistency analysis method is used while researching the object of the analysis. Some public-private research methods are also used: the formally-logical method or the comparative legal method, are used to compare the understanding of the ‘secrecy’ concept. The aim of the present article is to find the root of the problem and to give recommendations for the solution of the problem. The result of the present research is the author’s conclusion on the necessity of the political will to improve Russian legislation with the aim of compliance with the provisions of the Constitution. It is also necessary to establish a clear balance between the constitutional rights of the individual and the limit of these rights when carrying out various control activities by public authorities. Attempts by the banks to "overdo" an anti-money laundering law under threat of severe sanctions by the regulators actually led to failures in the execution of normal economic activity. Therefore, individuals face huge problems with payments on the basis of clearing, in addition to problems with cash withdrawals. The Bank of Russia sets requirements for banks to execute Federal Law No. 115-FZ too high. It is high place to attract political will here. As well, recent changes in Russian legislation, e.g. allowing banks to refuse opening of accounts unilaterally, simplified banking activities in the country. The article focuses on different theoretical approaches towards the concept of “secrecy”. The author gives an overview of the practices of Spain, Switzerland and the United States of America on the matter of restricting the constitutional rights of citizens to inviolability of professional and banking secrecy in effecting controlling activities. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation basing on the Constitution of the Russian Federation has its special understanding of the issue, which should be supported by further legislative development in the Russian Federation.

Keywords: constitutional court, restriction of constitutional rights, bank secrecy, control measures, money laundering, financial control, banking information

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Authors: Mariel Encar H. Uy, Paula Marie G. Pacle

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The purpose of this research is to present a Single Country Comparative Contextual Description Study of Strong Islamic Influences in Relation to the Politics of Republic of Indonesia. This paper recognizes that even the coalition of secular and moderate Islamic parties protect the minority rights of all the constituents, Islam is still the dominant religion among the other recognized religions in Indonesia (Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism). In this study, it will also detail the involvement on the religions’ beliefs and techniques; participation of political actors, depending on what religion they belong and adhere to; the tensions whenever the government interferes with Islamists and other religions; the government’s solution or public policies implemented to maintain peace and order of Indonesia. This paper will develop a conceptual framework to describe how the Religion and Political Stability is interdependent with each other.

Keywords: diversity of religion in indonesia, secularization in Indonesia, motivations of political actors, voter turnouts based on religion

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Authors: Luljeta Plakolli-Kasumi

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In the digital age, the relationship between traditional property rights and online intellectual property rights is becoming increasingly complex. On the one hand, the internet and advancements in technology have allowed for the widespread distribution and use of digital content, making it easier for individuals and businesses to access and share information. On the other hand, the rise of digital piracy and illegal file-sharing has led to increased concerns about the protection of intellectual property rights. This paper aims to examine the relationship between traditional property rights and online intellectual property rights in the digital age by analyzing the current legal frameworks, key challenges and controversies that arise, and potential solutions for addressing these issues. The paper will look at how traditional property rights concepts such as ownership and possession are being applied in the online context and how they intersect with new and evolving forms of intellectual property such as digital downloads, streaming services, and online content creation. It will also discuss the tension between the need for strong intellectual property protection to encourage creativity and innovation and the public interest in promoting access to information and knowledge. Ultimately, the paper will explore how the legal system can adapt to better balance the interests of property owners, creators, and users in the digital age.

Keywords: intellectual property, traditional property, digital age, digital content

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Ayyoub Jamali, Alena Kozlova

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The Russian invasion of Ukraine has tested the mettle of the international community, prompting not only States but also non-state actors to take deterrent action in response. Indeed, international sports organisations, namely FIFA and UEFA, have been rather successful in shifting the power dynamics by introducing a complete ban on the Russian national and club teams. This article aims to inquire into the human rights implications of such actions taken by international sports organisations. First, the article departs from an assessment of the legal status of FIFA and UEFA under international law and reflects on how a legal link could be established vis-à-vis their human rights obligations. Second, it examines the human rights aspects of the impugned measures by FIFA and UEFA on the part of the Russian athletes, further scrutinising them against the international human rights law principle of non-discrimination through a proportionality test. Last, it draws basic pathways for how possible human rights violations committed in the context of measures adopted by such organisations could be remedied, outlining the challenges of arbitration and litigation in Switzerland.

Keywords: FIFA, UEFA, FUR, ban, human rights, Russia, Ukraine, non-state actors

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Authors: Rafael Bezerra de Souza, José Ribas Vieira

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The judicial litigation on socio-economic rights (SERs), in a context of increasing centrality of the judiciary as an area of political debate for civil society actors, has assumed greater importance in the last two decades. This tendency to seek social change through the courts generated a long tradition of research on the role of legal institutions and of legal mobilization in the US and some European countries. However, little is known about these processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa. A significant portion of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine did not bother to investigate the phenomenon of constitutional judicial litigation of socio-economic rights, in a practical and empirical look, from the functioning of democratic institutions. The central issue of this study draws attention to the theoretical and analytic deficit of Brazilian constitutional doctrine: the lack of a holistic understanding of the effects and impact of judicial decisions. Consequently, for a proper understanding was analyzed if the trend of judicial litigation in Brazil - to ensure the fulfillment of its institutional mission to protect and ensure the effectiveness of socio-economic rights - has been accompanied by the establishment of institutional mechanisms that enable decision making and the implementation of SERs in complex cases involving structural and public policy. The lack of empirical studies in Law in order to verify this hypothesis justified the adoption of the case study method as an interdisciplinary methodological strategy between Law and Political Science, aiming to construct an explanation of the Raposa Serra do Sol Case and, in a complementary way, the process-tracing technique. Drawings of small-n type or case studies, when guided by theory, are more suitable to problems it is supposed to increase the potential of intensive analysis of causal processes. As a preliminary result, the Brazilian Supreme Court was not a sufficient agent to implement a relevant social change and to assure the protection of the social rights, because there were few measures that directly impacted the behavior of other institutional political actors and should, therefore, be considered another actor within a complex institutional arrangement.

Keywords: courts, case study, judicial litigation, social change

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Authors: Yin Cheung Lam

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In 1949, the ratification of the Geneva Conventions heralded the international community’s adoption of a new universal and non-discriminatory approach to human rights in situations of conflict. However, with the proliferation of international terrorism after the 9/11 attacks on the United States (U.S.), the international community’s uneven and contradictory implementations of international humanitarian law (IHL) questioned its agenda of universal human rights. Specifically, the derogation from IHL has never been so pronounced in the U.S. led ‘War on Terror’. While an extensive literature has ‘assessed the impact’ of the implementation of the Geneva Conventions, limited attention has been paid to interrogating the ways in which the Geneva Conventions and its resulting implementation have functioned to discursively reproduce certain understandings of human rights between states and non-state actors. Through a discursive analysis of the Geneva Conventions and the conceptualization of human rights in relation to terrorism, this thesis problematises the way in which the U.S. has understood and reproduced understandings of human rights. Using the U.S. ‘War on Terror’ as an example, it seeks to extend previous analyses of the U.S.’ practice of IHL through a qualitative discursive analysis of the human rights content that appears in the Geneva Conventions in addition to the speeches and policy documents on the ‘War on Terror’.

Keywords: discursive analysis, human rights, non-state actors, war on terror

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Authors: Lottie Lane

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It is habitually assumed and stated that the World Bank should engage and comply with international human rights standards. However, the basis for holding the Bank to such standards is unclear. Most advocates of the idea invoke aspects of international law to argue that the Bank has existing obligations to act in compliance with human rights standards. The Bank itself, however, does not appear to accept such arguments, despite having endorsed the importance of human rights for a considerable length of time. A substantial challenge is that under the current international human rights law framework, the World Bank is considered a non-state actor, and as such, has no direct human rights obligations. In the absence of clear legal duties for the Bank, it is necessary to look at the tools available beyond the international human rights framework to encourage the Bank to comply with human rights standards. This article critically examines several bases for arguing that the Bank should comply and engage with human rights through its policies and practices. Drawing on the Bank’s own ‘good governance’ approach as well as the United Nations’ ‘human rights-based-approach’ to development, a new basis is suggested. First, the relationship between the World Bank and human rights is examined. Three perspectives are considered: (1) the legal position – what the status of the World Bank is under international human rights law, and whether it can be said to have existing legal human rights obligations; (2) the Bank’s own official position – how the Bank envisages its relationship with and role in the protection of human rights; and (3) the relationship between the Bank’s policies and practices and human rights (including how its attitudes are reflected in its policies and how the Bank’s operations impact human rights enjoyment in practice). Here, the article focuses on two examples – the (revised) 2016 Environmental and Social Safeguard Policies and the 2012 case-study regarding Gambella, Ethiopia. Both examples are widely considered missed opportunities for the Bank to actively engage with human rights. The analysis shows that however much pressure is placed on the Bank to improve its human rights footprint, it is extremely reluctant to do so explicitly, and the legal bases available are insufficient for requiring concrete, ex ante action by the Bank. Instead, the Bank’s own ‘good governance’ approach to development – which it has been advocating since the 1990s – can be relied upon. ‘Good governance’ has been used and applied by many actors in many contexts, receiving numerous different definitions. This article argues that human rights protection can now be considered a crucial component of good governance, at least in the context of development. In doing so, the article explains the relationship and interdependence between the two concepts, and provides three rationales for the Bank to take a ‘human rights-based approach’ to good governance. Ultimately, this article seeks to look beyond international human rights law and take a governance approach to provide a convincing basis upon which to argue that the World Bank should comply with human rights standards.

Keywords: World Bank, international human rights law, good governance, human rights-based approach

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Authors: Sara Vora (Hoxha)

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The present article delves into the intricate matters concerning Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) and cross-border jurisdiction within the confines of the European Union (EU). The prevalence of cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) disputes has increased in tandem with the globalization of commerce and the widespread adoption of technology. The European Union (EU) is not immune to this trend. The manuscript presents a comprehensive analysis of various forms of intellectual property rights (IPR), such as patents, trademarks, and copyrights, and the regulatory framework established by the European Union (EU) to oversee these rights. The present article examines the diverse approaches employed for ascertaining the appropriate jurisdiction within the European Union (EU), and their potential application in the sphere of cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) conflicts. The article sheds light on jurisdictional issues and outcomes of significant cross-border intellectual property rights (IPR) disputes in the European Union (EU). Additionally, the document provides suggestions for effectively managing intellectual property rights conflicts across borders within the European Union, which encompasses the utilization of alternative methods for resolving disputes. The article highlights the significance of comprehending the relevant jurisdiction in the European Union for Intellectual Property Rights (IPR). It also offers optimal approaches for enterprises and individuals who aim to safeguard their intellectual property beyond national boundaries. The primary objective of this article is to furnish a thorough comprehension of Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) and the relevant jurisdiction in the European Union (EU). Additionally, it endeavors to provide pragmatic recommendations for managing cross-border IPR conflicts in this intricate and ever-changing legal milieu.

Keywords: intellectual property rights (IPR), cross-border jurisdiction, applicable laws and regulations, dispute resolution, best practices

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Authors: Yustina Trihoni Nalesti Dewi

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Gross violations of human rights consisting of crime against humanity, genocide and war crime, are serious international crimes. Prohibition such crimes have obtain to the level of international norms of jus cogens based on conventions and customary international law. Therefore, the duty of the state to punish the crimes is obligatory. The legal consequence of jus cogens is obligation erga omnes which are a matter of state responsibility. When a state is not willing or neglects to do so in its national law, it results in state responsibility to be imposed by international human rights and humanitarian law. This article reviews the concept of jus cogens and obligatio erga omnes that appear as two sides of the same coin. It also explains how international human rights and humanitarian law set down the duty of the state to punish gross violations of human rights.

Keywords: duty of states, gross violations of human rights, jus cogens, obligatio erga omnes

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Authors: Donato Vese

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According to the common interpretation, in a legal system, public powers are established by law. Exceptions are admitted in an emergency or particular relationship with public power. However, we currently agree that law allows public administration a margin of decision, even in the case of non-discretionary acts. Hence, the administrative decision not exclusively established by law becomes the rule in the ordinary state of things, non-only in state of exception. This paper aims to analyze and discuss different ideas on discretionary power on the Rule of Law and Rechtsstaat. Observing the legal literature in Europe and Nord and South America, discretionary power can be described as follow: it could be considered a margin that law accords to the executive power for political decisions or a choice between different interpretations of vague legal previsions. In essence, this explanation admits for the executive a decision not established by law or anyhow not exclusively established by law. This means that the discretionary power of public administration integrates the law. However, integrating law does not mean to decide according to the law, but it means to integrate law with a decision involving public power. Consequently, discretionary power is essentially free will. In this perspective, also the Rule of Law and the Rechtsstaat are notions explained differently. Recently, we can observe how the European notion of Rechtsstaat is founded on the formal validity of the law; therefore, for this notion, public authority’s decisions not regulated by law represent a problem. Thus, different systems of law integration have been proposed in legal literature, such as values, democracy, reasonableness, and so on. This paper aims to verify how, looking at those integration clauses from a logical viewpoint, integration based on the recourse to the legal system itself does not resolve the problem. The aforementioned integration clauses are legal rules that require hard work to explain the correct meaning of the law; in particular, they introduce dangerous criteria in favor of the political majority. A different notion of public power can be proposed. This notion includes two main features: (a) sovereignty belongs to persons and not the state, and (b) fundamental rights are not grounded but recognized by Constitutions. Hence, public power is a system based on fundamental rights. According to this approach, it can also be defined as the notion of public interest as concrete maximization of fundamental rights enjoyments. Like this, integration of the law, vague or subject to several interpretations, must be done by referring to the system of fundamental individual rights. We can think, for instance, to fundamental rights that are right in an objective view but not legal because not established by law.

Keywords: administrative discretion, free will, fundamental rights, public power, sovereignty

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Authors: Yrfet Shkreli

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To determine the content of human rights norms in national constitutions, international law - in the form of treaties, declarations and case law from international monitoring bodies, and comparative case law from other countries - is often discussed in the judgments of domestic courts. This paper explores the extent to which international law has influenced domestic human rights case law in Africa. The paper first explores how the human rights provisions of African constitutions came into being before turning to the role played by international law in the constitutional order of various African states and how treaties, declarations and findings of international monitoring bodies have been used in African countries to interpret and expand on constitutional human rights provisions.

Keywords: European Union, global governance, globalization, normative power

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Authors: Afeez Kolawole Shittu

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Democracy as practiced across the globe is sustained with the increase participation of all eligible voters irrespective of class, race, colour, and disabilities. However, there is a perception within the contemporary African society that people with disability (PWDs) belongs to charity and welfare. This is exacerbated with little understanding among African counties including Nigeria that persons with disability have fundamental rights inevitably rooted in the constitution. This significant viewpoint has continued to militate against the social inclusion of persons with disabilities in various aspects of societal lives including their political participation It is instructive to note that the political right of PWDs has been protected by various international conventions. Article 29 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights and Dignities for Persons with Disability (CRPD) guaranteed the participation of persons with disability in the political process. Domesticating and ratification of this right has been a challenge for many African countries including Nigeria. Against the backdrop, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections in Nigeria provided forum for the participation of persons with disability in election through implementations of electoral act. Section 56 (1) and (2) of the 2010 Electoral Act (as amended) provide for voting participation of persons with disability. This study examines the implementation of the electoral act and how it impacts the voting participation of persons with disability vis-à-vis other challenges affecting the participation of PWDs in electoral process in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. This paper draws on mixed method in sourcing relevant information from the respondents. Interview will be conducted among INEC officials, Civil Society Organisations, Joint National Association of Persons with Disability (JONAPWD). Questionnaire and Focus Group Discussion will be held among different forms of PWDs. The data will be analysed using appropriate descriptive statistics and inferential statistics, as well as thematic content analysis. The study will enlighten understanding on the awareness of the political rights of PWDs as well as improving their electoral participation for sustainable democracy in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country.

Keywords: electoral reforms, voting participation, persons with disabilities

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Authors: Rose Hattab

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Women have been an important dynamic in religious context and the state-building process of Arab countries throughout history. During the 1970s as the movement for women’s activism and rights developed, the Iraqi state under the Ba’ath Party began to provide Iraqi women with legal and civil rights. This was done to liberate women from the grasps of social traditions and was a tangible espousing of equality between men and women in the process of nation-building. Whereas women’s rights were stronger and more supported throughout the earliest years of the Ba’ath Regime (1970-1990), the aftermath of the Gulf War and economic sanctions on the conditions of Iraqi society laid the foundation for a division of women’s rights between civil and religious authorities. Personal status codes that were secured in 1959 were being pushed back by amendments made in coordination with religious leaders. Civil laws were present on paper, but religious authority took prominence in practice. The written legal codes were inclusive of women’s rights, but there is not an active or ensured practice of these rights within Iraqi society. This is due to many different factors, such as religious, sectarian, political and conservative reasons that hold back or limit the ability for Iraqi women to have autonomy in aspects such as participation in the workforce, getting married, and ensuring social justice. This paper argues that the Personal Status Code introduced in 1959 – which replaced Sharia-run courts with personal status courts – provided Iraqi women with equality and increased mobility in social and economic dynamics. The statewide crisis felt after the Gulf War and the economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations led to a stark shift in the Ba’ath party’s political ideology. This ideological turn guided the social system to the embracement of social conservatism and religious traditions in the 1990s. The effect of this implementation continued after the establishment of a new Iraqi government during 2003-2005. Consequently, Iraqi women's rights in employment, marriage, and family became divided into paper and practice by religious authorities and civil law from that period to the present day. This paper also contributes to the literature by expanding on the gap between legal codes on paper and in practice, through providing an analysis of Iraqi women’s rights in the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 and Iraq’s Penal Code. The turn to conservative and religious traditions is derived from the multiplicity of identities that make up the Iraqi social fabric. In the aftermath of a totalitarian regime, active wars, and economic sanctions, the Iraqi people attempted to unite together through their different identities to create a sense of security in the midst of violence and chaos. This is not an excuse to diminish the importance of women’s rights, but in the process of building a new nation-state, women were lost from the narrative. Thus, the presence of gender equity is found in the written text but is not practiced and upheld in the social context.

Keywords: civil rights, Iraqi women, nation building, religion and conflict

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Authors: Abdulrahman Fahim M. Alsulami

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This paper is dedicated to a detailed investigation of the interaction between the agreement on trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in Australia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The chosen research object is complex and requires a thorough examination of a set of factors influencing the problem under investigation. At the moment, to the author’s best knowledge’ there is no academic research that would conceptualize and critically compare the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in these two countries. While there is a substantial amount of information in the literature on certain aspects of the problem, the existing knowledge about certain aspects of the health-related regulatory frameworks in Australia and Saudi Arabia barely explains in detail the specifics of the ways in which the TRIPS agreement interacts with (BITs) in the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights. Therefore, this paper will address an evident research gap by studying an intriguing yet under-researched problem. The paper comprises five subsections. The first subsection provides an overview of the investment climate in Saudi Arabia and Australia with an emphasis on the health care industry. It will cover political, economic, and social factors influencing the investment climate in these countries, the systems of intellectual property rights protection, recent patterns relevant to the investment climate’s development, and key characteristics of the investment climate in the health care industry. The second subsection analyses BITs in Saudi Arabia and Australia in light of the countries’ responsibilities under the TRIPS Agreement. The third subsection provides a critical examination of the interaction between the TRIPS Agreement and BITs in Saudi Arabia on the basis of data collected and analyzed in previous subsections. It will investigate key discrepancies concerning the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights in Saudi Arabia and Australia from the position of BITs’ interaction with the TRIPS Agreement and explore the existing procedures for clarifying priorities between them in regulating health-related intellectual property rights. The fourth subsection of the paper provides recommendations concerning the transformation of BITS into a TRIPS+ dimension in regulating health-related intellectual property rights in Saudi Arabia and Australia. The final subsection provides a summary of differences between the Australian and Saudi BITs from the perspective of the regulation of health-related intellectual property rights under the TRIPS agreement and bilateral investment treaties.

Keywords: Australia, bilateral investment treaties, IP law, public health sector, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Lina Fernanda González

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Through this essay, an attempt will be made to make visible the work of the international network of the Women in Black (henceforth WB), on the one hand. On the other hand, the work of Women International Courts as a political practice will be showed as well, focusing their work into generating a collective identity - becoming thusly a peace building space, rescuing in this way the symbolic value of their practices consisting in peaceful resistance as political scenarios, that serve, too, a pedagogical and healing purposes.

Keywords: collective actions, women, peace, human rights and humanitarian international law

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Authors: Abiodun Odusote

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This paper gives content to the Provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, it offers new perspectives on the nature of fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy and the duties of citizens. It makes inquiries into the justiciability of these rights and examines the reasoning of the Nigerian courts in the interpretation and enforcement of the rights. The paper examines the emerging jurisprudence in India and South Africa and lessons are drawn from their respective models of enforcement of similar rights. The paper concludes by proposing more creative and novel alternatives to the enforcement and enjoyments of these rights, including: enforcement through Acts of Parliament, enforcement through other Constitutional provisions, indirect enforcement, enforcement through regional and international courts, enforcement by constructive engagement, and enforcement through electoral process. Overall, it is shown that there are available a variety of practical and effective ways of improving the realization and enjoyment of the provisions of Chapter II of the CFRN.

Keywords: constructive-engagement, indirect enforcement, judicial activism, justiciability, social rights

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Authors: Aysha Alshehri

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This paper provides a literature review of the sources of women’s rights under the Saudi legal framework, taking account of the constitutional primacy of Sharia under the Saudi legal system as well as the state’s obligations under international law. Building on one of the central aims of the paper, it conducts an exploration of how Saudi Arabia already has or might be further able to more clearly delineate its position and reservations in the adoptions of international human rights agreements while preserving its core religious beliefs and societal practices in regard to women’s rights at the domestic level. In this regard, the paper will consider the apparent tension between certain jurisprudential and customary aspects on gender equality and contemporary discourses of women’s rights from within and outside the Muslim world. Particular attention will be devoted to the question of the causes behind the lack of direct application of women’s rights mentioned by international reports and any challenges this may bring in the contexts of Saudi Arabia’s evolving gender equality policies.

Keywords: Islamic Constitution, executive actions, gender equality, judicial review

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Authors: Eugen Neagoe, Victor Balanica

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A Smart Building Controller (SBC) is a server software that offers secured access to a pool of building specific resources, executes monitoring tasks and performs automatic administration of a building, thus optimizing the exploitation cost and maximizing comfort. This paper brings to discussion the issues that arise with the secure exploitation of the SBC administered resources and proposes a technical solution to implement a robust secure access system based on roles, individual rights and privileges (special rights).

Keywords: smart building controller, software security, access rights, access authorization

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Authors: Lu Anne A. Godinez, May Claudine I. Gador, Preacious G. Gumolon, Louiechi Von R. Mendoza, Neil Bryan N. Moninio

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Gender equality and women empowerment is the third of eight Millennium Development Goals. Understanding corruption’s linkages to gender equality issues and how it impacts women’s empowerment is part of the broader process of advancing women’s rights and understanding the gender dimensions of democratic governance. Taking a long view of political (corruption index) and the social (women empowerment) dimension — a view from 2015 to 2030, a context based forecast was conducted to forecast the ASEAN corruption index in the next 15 years, answering the question: “Does women political involvement decrease corruption rate index of ASEAN countries in the next 15 years?” The study have established that there will be an increase women political involvement in the ASEAN countries in the next 15 years that will cause a drop on corruption rate index. There will be a significant decline on corruption rate index in 2030. This change entails reform not only in the political aspect of progress, but to the social aspect as well. Finally, the political aspect is increasing at a constant rate however a double or triple increase of the social aspect is seen to be the key solution for corruption.

Keywords: women, women political involvement, corruption, gender equity index, economic participation, educational attainment, political empowerment, control of corruption, regulatory quality, rule of law, voice and accountability government effectiveness, political stability and corruption perception index

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Authors: Agne Andrijauskaite

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The observance of procedural rights by administrative authorities is essential for the effective implementation of subjective rights and is part and parcel of the notion of good governance. Whilst a lot of legal scholarship addresses the scope and content of such rights under the European Union legal framework, a very limited attention is given to their application in the case law of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) despite its growing engagement with the subject. This paper written as a part of a wider project on the development of pan-European principles of good administration by the Council of Europe aims to fill this lacuna. This will be done by delimiting the scope and extent of individual procedural safeguards through an analysis of the practice of the ECtHR. The right to be heard, the right to access the files and the right to a decision in reasonable time by administrative authorities will be selected as loci classici for the purpose of this article. The results presented in the paper should contribute to the awareness of growing body of ECtHR’s case-law revolving around administrative procedural law and the growing debate on the notion of good governance found therein within academic community.

Keywords: European Court of Human Rights, good governance, procedural rights, procedural Law

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: Monika Florczak-Wator

Abstract:

The model of positive obligations of the state concerning the protection of the rights of an individual was created within the jurisdiction of the German Federal Constitutional Court in the 1970s. That model assumes that the state should protect an individual against infringement of their fundamental rights by another individual. It is based on the idea concerning the modification of the function and duties of the state towards an individual and society. Initially the state was perceived as the main infringer of the fundamental rights of an individual formulating the individual’s obligations of negative nature (obligation of noninterference), however, at present the state is perceived as a guarantor and protector of the fundamental rights of an individual of positive nature (obligation of protection). Examination of the chosen judicial decisions of that court will enable us to determine what the obligation of protection is specifically about, when it is updated and whether it is accompanied by claims of an individual requesting the state to take actions protecting their fundamental rights against infringement by the private entities. The comparative perspective for the German model of positive obligations of the state will be an analogous model present in the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. It is justified to include it in the research as the Convention, similarly to the constitution, focuses on the protection of an individual against the infringement of their rights by the state and both models have been developed within the jurisdiction for several dozens of years. Analysis of the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland as well as judgements of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal will allow for the presentation of the application the model of the protective duties of the state in Poland.

Keywords: human rights, horizontal relationships, constitution, state protection

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Authors: Mohsen Qasemi

Abstract:

In the international economic order multilateral trading system which established by General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1947 (GATT) was dominant until about two decades ago. Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) have changed this order and become an important phenomenon. One of the main objectives of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a central institution of multilateral trading system is raising standards of living. There are many scholars who suggest that WTO should take steps to protect human rights in its activities. Although it has always been opposing views who declare that since WTO has no explicit rule for human rights, it has no human rights related obligations. At the time that the WTO was established, member states began to join RTAs and since then, the escalating growth of these agreements and their effects on multilateral trading system has been controversial. There are some aspects of RTAs that have received too little attention from scholars. It is important to take a different view and evaluate the RTAs based on non-commercial aspects. The present paper seeks to answer this question: which system could be more useful in protecting human rights, RTAs or WTO?

Keywords: WTO, RTAs, human rights, multilateral trading system, non discrimination

Procedia PDF Downloads 334