Search results for: insurgents

Authors: Fantahun Ibrahim

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The Ethiopian army was one of the largest and most heavily armed ground forces in Africa between 1974 and 1991. It scored a decisive victory over Somalia’s armed forces in March 1978. It, however, failed to withstand the combined onslaught of the northern insurgents from Tigray and Eritrea and finally collapsed in 1991. At the heart of the problem was the army’s huge intelligence failure. The northern insurgents, on the other hand, had a cutting edge in intelligence gathering. Among other things they infiltrated the army high command and managed to get top secrets about the army. Commanders who had fallen into the hands of the insurgents in several battles were told to send letters to their colleagues in the command structure and persuade them to work secretly for the insurgents. Some commanders did work for the insurgents and played a great role in the undoing of military operations. Insurgent commanders were able to warn their fighters about air strikes before jet fighters took off from airfields in the northern theatre. It was not uncommon for leaders of insurgents to get the full details of military operations days before their implementation. Such intelligence failures led to major military disasters like the fall of Afabet (March, 1988), Enda Sellase (February, 1989), Massawa and Debre Tabor (February, 1990), Karra Mishig, Meragna and Alem Ketema (June, 1990). This paper, therefore, seeks to investigate the army’s intelligence failures using untapped archival documents kept at the Ministry of National Defence in Addis Ababa and interviewing key former commanders of the army and ex-leaders of the insurgents.

Keywords: Ethiopian army, intelligence, infiltration, insurgents

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Authors: Chanokporn Angsuviriya

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The objective of the study is to analyse linguistic devices reflecting the violence in the south border provinces; namely Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and Songkla on 1,344 front pages of three local newspapers; namely ChaoTai, Focus PhakTai and Samila Time and of two national newspapers, including ThaiRath and Matichon, between 2004 and 2005, and 2011 and 2012. The study shows that there are two important linguistic devices: 1) lexical choices consisting of the use of verbs describing violence, the use of quantitative words and the use of words naming someone who committed violent acts, and 2) metaphors consisting of “a violent problem is heat”, “a victim is a leaf”, and “a terrorist is a dog”. Comparing linguistic devices between two types of newspapers, national newspapers choose to use words more violently than local newspapers do. Moreover, they create more negative images of the south of Thailand by using stative verbs. In addition, in term of metaphors “a terrorist is a fox.” is only found in national newspapers. As regards naming terrorists “southern insurgents”, this noun phrase which is collectively called by national newspapers has strongly negative meaning. Moreover, “southern insurgents” have been perceived by the Thais in the whole country while “insurgents” that are not modified have been only used by local newspapers.

Keywords: linguistic devices, local newspapers, national newspapers, violence

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Authors: Aidelunuoghene Sunday Ojeifo

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More than a decade ago, the Islamist Terrorist group called Boko Haram has caused terrible violence in the north-eastern part of Nigeria. The group’s use of suicide attacks is a dreadful trait of international terrorist violence. It is certainly not in doubt that Boko Haram is the biggest headache of the Nigerian Government right now. The objective of this paper is to answer four fundamental questions about the extremist group: Who is Boko Haram? Why does the group rebel? How has the Nigerian state responded to the emergency and disaster in which more than 200 schoolgirls were abducted from their school in Chibok? Is there any assistance from other nations of the world to help Nigeria out of the grips of this cruel dilemma?

Keywords: Boko Haram, disaster, hazards, vulnerability, insurgents

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Authors: Lawan Ja’afar Tahir

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This research work centered on the problem of free Arms flow around the Nigeria and Chad Border. The whole of the northeastern Nigerian region has been devastated by the crisis of insecurity facilitated by more than a decade of insurgency. One of the major issues of concern to security experts and personnel in the country is how the insurgents are getting access to weapons, which gave them more strength to fight the war for this long period, which has become so difficult to overcome. Among the possible avenues that continue to strengthen the enemies is the easy access to the arms flow from the neighboring countries, especially the Republic of Chad, which borders Nigeria to the east, where Boko Haram gained firm roots. This paper, therefore, looked at the nature of the waterway of the Nigeria/Chad Border, which has become a source of strength to the insurgents as the flow of weapons is one of the cheapest things on the Border. The availability of such arms flow has also led to the People abandoning their lands and economic and commercial activities, especially those settlements between the Border of these two countries. For more than eight years now, they have suspended their livelihood activities, roads were blocked and chances of survival in the rural areas were minimal due to the frequent attacks carried out by the insurgents. However, this research looks at the causes of the arms flow along the Border of these neighboring countries, the extent of damage done as a result of the availability of the weapons, and how far the Nigerian government has gone in curtailing the menace of the flow of dangerous weapons into the country. The research looked at the ways arm dealers are conniving with settlers along the border as well as the various ways they followed to reach their target. The work provided suggestion as to how the fragile Border should be managed with the view to reduce the influx of arms without control, which, according to this research, is the central factor that continues to unleash and give terror groups the opportunity to destroy people for more than a decade.

Keywords: border, insecurity, weapons, management

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Authors: Damilohun D. Ayoyo, Anthony Mpiani, Temitope B. Oriola

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The debate on women’s roles in insurgencies and terrorist organizations continues to garner scholarly attention. While some scholars view women insurgents and terrorists as perpetrators, others have argued that they are non-agents and victims. This paper de/reconstructs the notion of ‘women as perpetrators’ of terrorism. Drawing on the narratives of rescued female Boko Haram operatives, and Boko Haram’s tactics for recruiting and deploying women and girls, the paper advances three main arguments. First, the growing social construction of women as perpetrators of terrorism – particularly radical Islamic terrorism – downplays the socio-cultural and structural processes leading to women’s involvement with terrorist organizations. Second, women agency in Boko Haram activities is better understood when grounded in the cultural and structural contexts of Northern Nigeria, Boko Haram’s construction of ‘female,’ and the experiences of female Boko Haram operatives. Third, the mechanisms through which female Boko Haram operatives are recruited and deployed make them more of non-agents and victims than perpetrators of terrorism. The paper draws on the agency-structure approach and argues that the gendered power asymmetries embedded in the cultures and structures of Northern Nigeria –the base of Boko Haram– contribute to the nature and dynamics of women’s involvement in the insurgency. Although the paper does not negate the agency of women in terrorism, it aligns with the studies that consider women insurgents as more victims than perpetrators of terror.

Keywords: Boko Haram, female agency, Northern Nigeria, patriarchy, perpetrator of terror, radical Islamic terrorism, sharia, victim of terror, women insurgents

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Authors: Temitope Francis Abiodun

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The practice of intelligence is not limited to the machinery of a nation state alone, yet not much research or analysis has been directed towards the spy-crafts and tradecrafts engaged in by violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the international community. The rise of 'private sector intelligence' in more recent years has only just begun to be interrogated by practitioners and academics. However, the use of intelligence by insurgents and other groups assembled to achieve varied forms of politico-military outcomes has often been overlooked. This paper examined the factors and conditions that gave rise to an increase in violent non-state actors (VNSAs), strategies aiding their deployment of insurgent intelligence, and as well the implications of their activities on global security. The failed state theory was adopted, while a descriptive research design served as the framework for the study. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources. The paper, however, revealed there were massive deployments of insurgent intelligence by violent non-state actors in contrast to a faulty pre-conception that insurgents were not as highly trained in deployment of intelligence as state actors, having assumed that the VNSAs lacked the sophistication to produce intelligence. However, the strategic objectives of insurgents (VNSAs) were revealed to depend on well-organized information gathering operations that feed into the tactical executions of their insurgency. The paper recommends, therefore, there is a need for adequate training on the part of security personnel in the states to be alive to their responsibilities; and there is also a need to ensure adequate border control and management to checkmate the influx of the various violent or deadly movements across global frontiers.

Keywords: terrorism, non-violent state actors, private sector intelligence, security

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Authors: Amin Tarzi

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The government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan was expected to keep the Taliban insurgents at bay after the departure of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-led forces in 2021, especially given the two decades of effort to establish security forces to safeguard Western-backed governing institutions. This articles reviews the reasons for the failure of the much larger and better-equipped Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) to stop the Taliban from taking over the Afghan capital of Kabul in a few days and analyzes the often-forgotten dimension of strategic calculations in this dialogue—namely the societal dimension. In this article, the author argues that this is one of the primary reasons that the ANSF and the Afghan government collapsed.

Keywords: societal warfare, Afghanistan, NATO, Taliban, military strategy

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Authors: Ujene Ikem Godspower

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Acts of terror perpetrated either by state or non-state actors are considered a social ill and impugn on the collective well-being of the society. As such, there is the need for social reparations, which is meant to ensure the healing of the social wounds resulting from the atrocities committed by errant individuals under different guises. In order to ensure social closure and effectively repair the damages done by anomic behaviors, society must ensure that justice is served and those whose rights and privileges have been denied and battered are given the necessary succour they deserve. With regards to the ongoing terrorism in the Northeast, the moves to rehabilitate and reintegrate Boko Haram members have commenced with the establishment of Operation Safe Corridor,1 and a proposed bill for the establishment of “National Agency for the Education, Rehabilitation, De-radicalisation and Integration of Repentant Insurgents in Nigeria”2. All of which Nigerians have expressed mixed feelings about. Some argue that the endeavor is lacking in ethical decency and justice and totally insults human reasoning. Terrorism and counterterrorism in Nigeria have been enmeshed in gross human rights violations both by the military and the terrorists, and this raises the concern of Nigeria’s ability to fairly and justiciably implement the deradicalization and reintegration efforts. On the other hand, there is the challenge of the community dwellers that are victims of terrorism and counterterrorism and their ability to forgive and welcome back their immediate-past tormentors even with the slightest sense of injustice in the process of terrorists reintegration and rehabilitation. With such efforts implemented in other climes, the Nigeria’s case poses a unique challenge and commands keen interests by stakeholders and the international community due to the aforementioned reasons. It is therefore pertinent to assess the communities’ level of involvement in the cycle of reintegration- hence, the objective of this paper. Methodologically as a part of my larger PhD thesis, this study intends to explore the three different local governments (Michika in Adamawa, Chibok in Borno, and Yunusari in Yobe), all based on the intensity of terrorists attacks. Twenty five in-depth interview will be conducted in the study locations above featuring religious leaders, Community (traditional) leaders, Internally displaced persons, CSOs management officials, and ex-Boko Haram insurgents who have been reintegrated. The data that will be generated from field work will be analyzed using the Nvivo-12 software package, which will help to code and create themes based on the study objectives. Furthermore, the data will be content-analyzed, employing verbatim quotations where necessary. Ethically, the study will take into consideration the basic ethical principles for research of this nature. It will strictly adhere to the principle of voluntary participation, anonymity, and confidentiality.

Keywords: boko haram, reintegration, rehabilitation, terrorism, victimology

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Authors: Luna Shamieh

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Various players are part of the game in an asymmetric war, all making efforts to provide human security to their own adherents. Although a fragile state is not able to provide sufficient and comprehensive services, it still provides special services and security to the elite; the insurgents as well provide services and security to their associates. The humanitarian organisations, on the other hand, provide some fundamental elements of human security, but only in the regions, they are able to access when possible (if possible). The counterinsurgents (security forces of the state and intervention forces) operate within a narrow band defined by the vision of the responsibility to protect and the perspective of the resolution of the conflict through combat; hence, the possibility to provide human security is shaken at this end. This article examines how each player provides human security from the perspective of freedom from want in order to secure basic and strategic needs, freedom from fear through providing protection against all kinds of violence, and the freedom to live in dignity. It identifies a vicious cycle caused by the intervention of the different players causing a centrifugal force that may lead to disintegration of the nation under war.

Keywords: asymmetric war, counterinsurgency, fragile state, human security, insurgency

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Authors: Ghzlan Mahmoud Abdel Aziz

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This case study aims to identify the intrastate conflicts between the nation state and armed groups. Nowadays, most wars weaken states against armed groups. Thus, it is very important to negotiate with such groups in order to reinforce the law for the protection of victims. These armed groups are the cause of conflicts and they are related with many of humanitarian issues that result out of conflicts. In this age of rivalry; terrorists, insurgents, or transnational criminal parties have surfaced to the top as a reaction to these armed groups in an effort to set up a new world order. Moreover, the intra state conflicts became increasingly treacherous than the interstate conflicts, particularly when nation state systems deal with armed groups which try to influence the state. The unexpected upraising of the Arab Spring during 2011 in parts of the Middle East and North Africa formed various patterns of conflicts. The events of the Arab Spring resulted in current and long term change across the region. Significant modifications in the level, strength and period of armed conflict around the world have been made. Egypt was in the center of these events. It has fought back the armed groups under the name of terrorism and spread common disorder and violence among civilians. On this note, this study focuses on the problem of the transformation in the methods of organized violence within one state rather than between two state or more and analyzes the objectives, strategies, and internal composition of armed groups and the environments that foster them, with a focus on the Egyptian case.

Keywords: armed groups, conflicts, Egyptian armed forces, intrastate conflicts

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Authors: Halilu Babaji, Adamu Buba

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The proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) and its illicit trafficking in West Africa and Nigeria in particular, pose a major threat to peace, security and development in the Sub-region. The high circulation of these weapons in the region is a product of the interplay of several factors, which derives principally from the internal socio-economic and political dynamics compounded by globalization. The process of globalization has congealed both time and space making it easier for ideas, goods, persons, services, information, products and money to move across borders with fewer restrictions. And this has a negative effect in the entire region making it easier for arms, ammunition, insurgents, criminal and drugs to flow within national boundaries. The failure of public security in most parts of Nigeria has lead communities to indulge in different forms of ‘self-help ‘security measures, ranging from vigilante groups to community-owned arms stockpiling. Having lost confidence in the Nigerian state, parties to some of these conflicts have become entangled in a security dilemma. The quest to procure more arms to guarantee personal and community protection from perceived and real enemies is fuelling the ‘domestic arms race ‘. Therefore, as small arms remain-and proliferate – development is impeded. The impact of SALW on economic well being and national development in Nigeria is of vast significant. Therefore the need to collect these arms in circulation in Nigeria particularly the volatile area of North-east is of very important. This will hopefully contribute to government effort in building a free, secured and peaceful society.

Keywords: arms, development, proliferation, security

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Authors: Ehosa Peter Ogbeni

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Religious conflict and insurgency are staying as growing phenomena globally especially within the West African region: this 'new wars’ in this part of the globe has brought many of its economies to the brink of collapse, creating humanitarian casualties and concerns for the visitors and international community. This ‘ugly’ trend has also affected the social, economic and political life of the West African region. Over the years, various religious and insurgency groups have raised arms against civilians and the government, the most recent extremist group, Boko Haram continues to expand and commit violent acts, such as sporadic suicide bombings and killing of innocent citizens and foreigners within the West African region especially in countries like Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad etc. It would have been expected that academic research focus on investigating the West African region; this is not the situation as most of the research on religious conflict and insurgencies have focused more on other parts of the World. Insurgencies and Religious Conflict studies in West Africa have fallen short of literature and very limited literature covers the activities of Boko Haram arm struggle. This research therefore, aims to fill the gap by investigating the role of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in managing the growing trend of religious conflicts and insurgency in West African States, by using Boko Haram as a case to review. This research adopted the critical theory paradigm using aspects of qualitative research techniques in carrying out its investigation. The findings of this research will help develop a framework that will aid the (ECOWAS) amongst other stakeholders in managing religious and insurgency motivated conflict.

Keywords: religious conflict, insurgencies, Boko haram, ECOWAS (economics community of West African states), peace building, conflict resolution

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Authors: Mukhtar Sarkin-Kebbi

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Insurgency, religious extremism and other related religious crises become hydra-headed in Nigeria, which caused destruction of human lives and properties worth of billions naira. As result, millions people were displaced and million children were out of school most of whom from Muslims community. The wrong teaching and misinterpretation of Islam by some Muslim community fuel the spread of extremist ideology hatred among Muslim sects, non-Muslims and emergency of extremist groups, like Boko Haram. A multi-religious country like Nigeria to realise its development in all human aspects, there must be unity and religious tolerance. Many agreed that changing the ideologies of insurgents and religious extremism will require intellectual role with vigorous campaign. Muslim scholars can play a vital role in promoting social reform and peaceful coexistence. This paper discusses the importance of unity among Muslim community and religious tolerance in light of the Qur’an and the Hadith. The paper also reviews the relationship between Muslims and non Muslims during the life time the Prophet (S.A.W.) in order to serve as exemplary model. Contemporary issues such as religious extremism, sectarians, intolerance and their consequences were examined. To minify religious intolerance and extremism,the paper identifies the roles to be played by Muslim scholars with references from Qur’an and Sunnah. The paper concludes that to realise overall human development and eternal salvation, Muslim should shun away from any religious crises and embrace unity and religious tolerance. Finally the paper recommends among others that only pious and learned scholars should be allowed to preach in any religious gathering, Muslim should exercise patience, tolerance in dealing with Muslims and non Muslims. Muslims should leave by example from the teaching of Qur’an and Sunnah of the Prophet (S.A.W.).

Keywords: Muslim scholars, peace building, religious extremism, religious tolerance

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Authors: Chinwe Juliana Abara, Dayo Keshi

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Through cultural heritage materials, nations witness significant boom in the world of art and tourism as well as attract foreign investors and tourists to the benefit of the regions and countries where they are located. There are notable heritage sites which record visits by tourists in their thousands annually. According to UNESCO the cultural heritage reflects the life of the community, its history and its identity. Its preservation helps to rebuild broken communities, re-establish their identities, and link their past with their present and future. During any form of conflict or war, a lot happen. People die, houses destroyed and every other thing in the society suffers. Wars and conflicts in various countries have claimed antiquities, heritage materials, contemporary Arts, Galleries, Museums, Archives and very important Monuments and Heritage sites. My Paper deals with the effects of insurgencies and conflicts on cultural heritage and tourism industries in Nigeria and how they can be protected and restored so as to yield the desirable economic gains. Preceding from the premise that conflict of any type puts our cultural heritage at risk; this paper also explores the practical challenges and opportunities available to us in the face of incessant ethnic and Boko Haram (western education is abomination) insurgents and their wanton destruction of lives and properties. There will be a review of relevant literature and documents on the effects of violence on heritage materials and tourism industries in Nigeria particularly and other parts of the world in generally .My paper also highlights the activities the National Council for Arts and Culture as well as other Cultural Agencies in Nigeria have employed to sensitize the stakeholders, the youth, the elderly, and the community at large on the need for peaceful co-existence so as to collectively strive to safeguard and secure our cultural heritage in the face of all these challenges for posterity and desirable economic gains.

Keywords: cultural heritage, conflict, tourism, insurgency, challenges

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Authors: Cecil Blake, Tolu Kayode-Adedeji, Innocent Chiluwa, Charles Iruonagbe

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National, regional and international security threats have dominated the twenty-first century thus far. Insurgencies that utilize “terrorism” as their primary strategy pose the most serious threat to global security. States in turn adopt terrorist strategies to resist and even defeat insurgents who invoke the legitimacy of statehood to justify their action. In short, the era is dominated by the use of terror tactics by state and non-state actors. Globally, there is a powerful network of groups involved in insurgencies using Islam as the bastion for their cause. In Africa, there are Boko Haram, Al Shabaab and Al Qaeda in the Maghreb representing Islamic groups utilizing terror strategies and tactics to prosecute their wars. The task at hand is to discover and to use multiple ways of handling the present security threats, including novel approaches to policy formulation, implementation, monitoring and evaluation that would pay significant attention to the important role of culture and communication strategies germane for discursive means of conflict resolution. In other to achieve this, the proposed research would address inter alia, root causes of insurgences that predicate their mission on Islamic tenets particularly in Africa; discursive and non-discursive counter-terrorism approaches fashioned by African governments, continental supra-national and regional organizations, recruitment strategies by major non-sate actors in Africa that rely solely on terrorist strategies and tactics and sources of finances for the groups under study. A major anticipated outcome of this research is a contribution to answers that would lead to the much needed stability required for development in African countries experiencing insurgencies carried out by the use of patterned terror strategies and tactics. The nature of the research requires the use of triangulation as the methodological tool.

Keywords: counter-terrorism, discourse, Nigeria, security, terrorism

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Authors: Vivek Mahadev, Manoj Kumar, Neelu Mathur, Brahm Dutt Pandey

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Perimeter guarding and protection of critical installations require prompt intrusion detection and assessment to take effective countermeasures. Currently, visual and electronic surveillance are the primary methods used for perimeter guarding. These methods can be costly and complicated, requiring careful planning according to the location and terrain. Moreover, these methods often struggle to detect stealthy and camouflaged insurgents. The object of the present work is to devise a surveillance technique using seismic sensors that overcomes the limitations of existing systems. The aim is to improve intrusion detection, assessment, and characterization by utilizing seismic sensors. Most of the similar systems have only two types of intrusion detection capability viz., human or vehicle. In our work we could even categorize further to identify types of intrusion activity such as walking, running, group walking, fence jumping, tunnel digging and vehicular movements. A virtual fence of 60 meters at GCNEP, Bahadurgarh, Haryana, India, was created by installing four underground geophones at a distance of 15 meters each. The signals received from these geophones are then processed to find unique seismic signatures called features. Various feature optimization and selection methodologies, such as LightGBM, Boruta, Random Forest, Logistics, Recursive Feature Elimination, Chi-2 and Pearson Ratio were used to identify the best features for training the machine learning models. The trained models were developed using algorithms such as supervised support vector machine (SVM) classifier, kNN, Decision Tree, Logistic Regression, Naïve Bayes, and Artificial Neural Networks. These models were then used to predict the category of events, employing weighted ensemble voting to analyze and combine their results. The models were trained with 1940 training events and results were evaluated with 831 test events. It was observed that using the weighted ensemble voting increased the efficiency of predictions. In this study we successfully developed and deployed the virtual fence using geophones. Since these sensors are passive, do not radiate any energy and are installed underground, it is impossible for intruders to locate and nullify them. Their flexibility, quick and easy installation, low costs, hidden deployment and unattended surveillance make such systems especially suitable for critical installations and remote facilities with difficult terrain. This work demonstrates the potential of utilizing seismic sensors for creating better perimeter guarding and protection systems using multiple machine learning models in weighted ensemble voting. In this study the virtual fence achieved an intruder detection efficiency of over 97%.

Keywords: geophone, seismic perimeter surveillance, machine learning, weighted ensemble method

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Authors: Francesco Saverio Angiò

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The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant / Syria (ISIL/S), Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad, also known as ‘Boko Haram’ (BH), have fought successfully against Syria and Iraq, Mali, Nigeria’s government, respectively. According to Napoleoni, the ‘shell-state’ concept can explain the economic dimension and the financing model of the ISIL insurgency. However, she argues that AQIM and BH did not properly plan their financial model. Consequently, her idea would not be suitable to these groups. Nevertheless, AQIM and BH’s economic performances and their (short) territorialisation suggest that their financing models respond to a well-defined strategy, which they were able to adapt to new circumstances. Therefore, Napoleoni’s idea of ‘shell-state’ can be applied to the three jihadist armed groups. In the last five years, together with other similar entities, ISIL/S, AQIM and BH have been fighting against governments with insurgent tactics and terrorism acts, conquering and ruling a quasi-state; a physical space they presented as legitimate territorial entity, thanks to a puritan version of the Islamic law. In these territories, they have exploited the traditional local economic networks. In addition, they have contributed to the development of legal and illegal transnational business activities. They have also established a justice system and created an administrative structure to supply services. Napoleoni’s ‘shell-state’ can describe the evolution of ISIL/S, AQIM and BH, which has switched from an insurgency to a proto or a quasi-state entity, enjoying a significant share of power over territories and populations. Napoleoni first developed and applied the ‘Shell-state’ concept to describe the nature of groups such as the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), before using it to explain the expansion of ISIL. However, her original conceptualisation emphasises on the economic dimension of the rise of the insurgency, focusing on the ‘business’ model and the insurgents’ financing management skills, which permits them to turn into an organisation. However, the idea of groups which use, coordinate and grab some territorial economic activities (at the same time, encouraging new criminal ones), can also be applied to administrative, social, infrastructural, legal and military levels of their insurgency, since they contribute to transform the insurgency to the same extent the economic dimension does. In addition, according to Napoleoni’s view, the ‘shell-state’ prism is valid to understand the ISIL/S phenomenon, because the group has carefully planned their financial steps. Napoleoni affirmed that ISIL/S carries out activities in order to promote their conversion from a group relying on external sponsors to an entity that can penetrate and condition local economies. On the contrary, ‘shell-state’ could not be applied to AQIM or BH, which are acting more like smugglers. Nevertheless, despite its failure to control territories, as ISIL has been able to do, AQIM and BH have responded strategically to their economic circumstances and have defined specific dynamics to ensure a flow of stable funds. Therefore, Napoleoni’s theory is applicable.

Keywords: shell-state, jihadist insurgency, proto or quasi-state entity economic planning, strategic financing

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Authors: Miyoko Taniguchi

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Conflict and violence have prevailed over the last four decades in conflict-affected areas in Muslim Mindanao, despite the signing of several peace agreements between the Philippine government and Islamic separatist insurgents (the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)), and peacebuilding activities on the ground. In the meantime, the peace talks had been facilitated and mediated by international actors such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and its member countries such as Indonesia, and Malaysia, and Japan. In 2014, both the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the MILF finally reached a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CAB) in 2014 under the Aquino III administration, though a Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) based on the CAB was not enacted at the Catholic-majority of the Philippine Congress. After a long process of deliberations at the Congress, Republic Act 11054, known as the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL), was enacted in 2018 under the Duterate administration. In the beginning, President Duterte adopted an 'inclusive approach' that involves the MILF, all factions of the MNLF, non-Islamized indigenous peoples, and other influential clan leaders to align all peace processes under a single Bangsamoro peace process. A notable difference from past administrations, there is an explicit recognition of all agreements and legislations based on the rights of each stakeholder. This created a new identity as 'Bangsamoro', the residents of Muslim Mindanao, enhancing political legitimacy. Besides, it should be noted an important role of 'insider mediators' -a platform for the Bangsamoro from diverse sectors attempting to work within their respective organizations in Moro society. Give the above background, this paper aims at probing the effectiveness of insider mediation as one of the alternative approaches for mediation in the peace process. For the objectives, this research uses qualitative methods such as process-tracing and semi-structured interviews from diverse groups of stakeholders at from the state to the regional level, including the government officials involved in peace process under the Presidential Office, rebels (MILF and MNLF), civil society organizations involved in lobbying and facilitating peace process, especially in the legislative process. The key outcomes and findings are that the Insider Mediators Group, formed in 2016, had taken on a significant role in facilitating the achievement of a wider consensus among stakeholders on major Moro issues such as BBL’s passing during the last administration to call for unity among the Bangsamoro. Most of its members are well-educated professionals affiliated with the MILF, the MNLF, and influential clans. One of the group’s biggest achievements has been the lobbying and provision of legal advice to legislators who were not necessarily knowledgeable about the peace process during the deliberation of the bicameral conference of the BBL, which eventually led to its passage. It can be concluded that in the long run, strengthening vertical and horizontal relations between the Moro society and the State and among the Moro peoples that can be viewed as a means to sustainable peace.

Keywords: insider mediation, Mindanao, peace process, Moro Islamic liberation front

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