Search results for: coalition politics

Authors: Talal Alqahtani

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For all institutions, either public or private, communication is important now more than ever. This is because the importance of communication has grown over the years, and it has the ability to either break or make an organization. With globalization, the changing technology, and other emergent issues that affect organizations, the communication given out has had to be better, sharper, and both proactive and reactive. This is the reason why the importance of public relations has been on the increase. Institutions realize the importance of having a good image and having public relations experts who can effectively manage communication in an institution easily in times of crisis. Public relations itself is not, however, effective, and this has led to the adoption of rhetoric in communication. Rhetoric use has had a long transformation because, in the past, it was only used in politics. Rhetoric in communication has come to be appreciated and adopted by many diverse fields and sectors. This study looks at the job of rhetoric in public relations practice and how it can identify with the administration of an institution's notoriety.

Keywords: communication, notoriety, rhetoric, public relation

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Authors: Gohar Madoyan, Kristine Harutyunyan, Gevorg Barseghyan

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It is common knowledge that linguistic manipulation is and has always been a powerful instrument of political discourse. Politicians from different countries and through centuries have successfully used linguistic means to persuade the public. Yet, this persuasion should be linguistically unobtrusive. Small changes in wording may result in a huge difference in perception by the audience. Thus, manipulation is a strategy that is mostly used to convey a certain message to the manipulators, who should be aware of the vulnerabilities of their audience and who must use them to achieve control. Political manipulation, though commonly observed in the 21st century, can easily be traced back to ancient rhetoric, which warns us to choose words carefully while addressing the audience. On the other hand, modern manipulative techniques have become more sophisticated, making use of all scientific advances.

Keywords: manipulators, politics, persuasion, political discourse, linguo-stylistic analysis, rhetoric

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The Study of terrorism lends itself to the constructivist framework as constructivism focuses on the importance of ideas and norms in shaping interests and identities. Constructivism is pertinent to understand the phenomenon of a terrorist organization like the Islamic State (IS), which opportunistically utilizes radical ideas and norms to shape its ‘politics of identity’. This ‘identity’, which is at the helm of preferences and interests of actors, in turn, shapes actions. The paper argues that an effective counter-terrorism policy must recognize the importance of ideas in order to counter the threat arising from acts of radicalism and terrorism. Traditional theories of international relations, with an emphasis on state-centric security problematic, exhibit several limitations and problems in interpreting the phenomena of terrorism. With the changing global order, these theories have failed to adapt to the changing dimensions of terrorism, especially ‘newer’ actors like the Islamic State (IS). The paper observes that IS distinguishes itself from other terrorist organizations in the way that it recruits and spreads its propaganda. Not only are its methods different, but also its tools (like social media) are new. Traditionally, too, force alone has rarely been sufficient to counter terrorism, but it seems especially impossible to completely root out an organization like IS. Time is ripe to change the discourse around terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies. The counter-terrorism measures adopted by states, which primarily focus on mitigating threats to the national security of the state, are preoccupied with statist objectives of the continuance of state institutions and maintenance of order. This limitation prevents these theories from addressing the questions of justice and the ‘human’ aspects of ideas and identity. These counter-terrorism strategies adopt a problem-solving approach that attempts to treat the symptoms without diagnosing the disease. Hence, these restrictive strategies fail to look beyond calculated retaliation against violent actions in order to address the underlying causes of discontent pertaining to ‘why’ actors turn violent in the first place. What traditional theories also overlook is that overt acts of violence may have several causal factors behind them, some of which are rooted in the structural state system. Exploring these root causes through the constructivist framework helps to decipher the process of ‘construction of terror’ and to move beyond the ‘what’ in theorization in order to describe ‘why’, ‘how’ and ‘when’ terrorism occurs. Study of terrorism would much benefit from a constructivist analysis in order to explore non-military options while countering the ideology propagated by the IS.

Keywords: constructivism, counter terrorism, Islamic State, politics of identity

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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This exposition investigates the connection between two viewpoints on the nature of human rights. Agreeing with the “political” or “practical” point of view, human rights are claims that people have against certain regulation structures in specific present-day states, in the ethicalness of interface they have in settings that incorporate them. Agreeing with the more conventional “humanist” or “naturalistic” viewpoint, human rights are pre-institutional claims that people have against all other people in the ethicalness of interface characteristic of their common humankind. This paper contends that once we recognize the two viewpoints in their best light, we are able to see that they are complementary, and, in reality, we require both to form a great standardizing sense of the modern home of human rights. It clarifies how humanist and political contemplations can and ought to work in couple to account for the concept, substance, and legitimization of human rights.

Keywords: politics, human rights, humanities, mankind, law

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Authors: Hyein Ko

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In 2017, many signs of populism occurred around the world. This paper suggests that populism is not a sudden phenomenon, but a manifestation of common people’s will. By analyzing previous research, this paper proposes three factors related to populism: Inequality, experience of economic crisis, and rapid cultural change. With these three elements, four cases will be investigated in this article; two countries experienced populism, and the other two countries did not experience it. Comparing four cases by using three elements will give a fruitful foundation for further analysis regarding populism. In sum, aforementioned three elements are highly related to the occurrence of populism. However, there is one hidden factor: dissatisfaction with established politics. Thus, populism is not a temporal phenomenon. It is a red alert for democratic crisis.

Keywords: common people, democratic crisis, populism, Trump phenomenon

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Authors: Changdong Oh

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With the arrival of post-industrial society, social scientists have been giving attention to issues of which factors shape cleavage of political parties. Especially, there is a heated controversy over whether and how social and cultural values influence the identities of parties and voting behavior. Drawing from Moral Foundations Theory (MFT), which approached similar issues by considering the effect of five moral foundations on political decision-making of people, this study investigates the role of moral rhetoric in the evolution of Korean political parties. Researcher collected official announcements released by the major two parties (Democratic Party of Korea, Saenuri Party) from 2007 to 2016, and analyzed the data by using Word2Vec algorithm and Moral Foundations Dictionary. Five moral decision modules of MFT, composed of care, fairness (individualistic morality), loyalty, authority and sanctity (group-based, Durkheimian morality), can be represented in vector spaces consisted of party announcements data. By comparing the party vector and the five morality vectors, researcher can see how the political parties have actively used each of the five moral foundations to express themselves and the opposition. Results report that the conservative party tends to actively draw on collective morality such as loyalty, authority, purity to differentiate itself. Notably, such moral differentiation strategy is prevalent when they criticize an opposition party. In contrast, the liberal party tends to concern with individualistic morality such as fairness. This result indicates that moral cleavage does exist between parties in South Korea. Furthermore, individualistic moral gaps of the two political parties are eased over time, which seems to be due to the discussion of economic democratization of conservative party that emerged after 2012, but the community-related moral gaps widened. These results imply that past political cleavages related to economic interests are diminishing and replaced by cultural and social values associated with communitarian morality. However, since the conservative party’s differentiation strategy is largely related to negative campaigns, it is doubtful whether such moral differentiation among political parties can contribute to the long-term party identification of the voters, thus further research is needed to determine it is sustainable. Despite the limitations, this study makes it possible to track and identify the moral changes of party system through automated text analysis. More generally, this study could contribute to the analysis of various texts associated with the moral foundation and finding a distributed representation of moral, ethical values.

Keywords: moral foundations theory, moral politics, party system, Word2Vec

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Authors: Leslie Nobler

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African fabrics based specifically on the Dutch Wax Print, or Ankara, popularized during Africa's colonial era, have had an enormous impact on western fashion (especially in the US and UK), in the last half-decade. The trend has had an effect on the world of visual arts as well, which circuitously, also heavily impacts fashion design. In fashion, and notably in celebrity apparel choices, this is in part due to ‘identity’ and taking pride in one's African roots; in the visual arts, artists such as Yinka Shonibare and Njideka Akunyili Crosby are making statements about identity politics, colonialism up through post-colonialism, and racism. The ‘global village’ brought on by the internet has driven this proliferation, as have improvements in the printing technology with which the Ankara print is made, combining wax-resist with roller printing. The newest patterns can now be designed authentically in western African and easily sent electronically to Europe for printing. Examples of Ankara's new reach across the Atlantic abound. They have taken several paths, which the paper will detail. Briefly, the first is its greater utilization in the fashion world, from authentic textile shops in African American neighborhoods to copied (knocked-off) low-end reproductions in discount chains. Secondly, we are seeing far more uses of these textiles/patterns in important works of fine arts from major museums, in Philadelphia to Palm Beach to the Mass MOCA (in the US), all the way to the Israel Museum in Jerusalem, and everywhere in between. And lastly, but quite significantly, we see this trend throughout social media thanks to Instagram, Pinterest and celebrity photos –even at the recent royal wedding. What shall sustain this major new design direction is that Ankara changes with and adapts to the times. Some of it is now printed in West Africa, often in the Nigeria area. And some may be designed in Europe or even at knock-off apparel studios in NY or Asia. But it stays utterly relevant because the motifs are based on objects and scenes in everyday life. In my design studio and university design classes, this idea is first and foremost, from our big spiritual eye motifs to drawings of our art supplies to the ‘politically-loaded’ chain patterns. This first-hand creativity experience becomes part of the research of this paper, along with historic and contemporary sources of inquiry, both through a literature/image search and anecdotal experience into what is behind this exciting and surprising trend.

Keywords: African wax print, Ankara, identity (politics), textile design, surface design

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Authors: Gabriella Kengyel

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This study aims to describe the differences between the attitudes of the right-wing extremists with internal or external control towards migrants. They both have a significantly higher score on Rotter's Locus of Control Scale, and they are quite xenophobic (54%) according to Bogardus Social Distance Scale. Present research suggests their motives are different. Principle components analysis shows that extremists with internal control reject migrants because of welfare chauvinism and they think that there is some kind of political conspirationism behind the European Refugee Crisis. Contrarily extremist with external control believe in a common enemy and they are significantly more ethnocentric and less skeptical in politics. Results suggest that extremist with internal control shows hostility toward minorities and migrants mainly because of their own reference group.

Keywords: control, extremist, migrant, right-wing

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Authors: Felicia Iyabode Olasehinde, Michael Maiye Olumorin

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To achieve a liveable and sustainable city, decision makers must engage in holistic approach to the planning and development of infrastructure such as roads. From observation there is great disparity in the development of roads in the northern part of the city while the south is being starved with this infrastructure. This paper attempts to make a comparison between the natures of roads in the north as against the south. The methodology to be adopted is survey research using clusters in the four local government making Kaduna Metropolis. The analysis of the road will be based on existing planning standards for roads in urban areas. This will now provide useful information for critical stakeholders at all levels of governance responsible for achieving liveable and sustainable cities.

Keywords: infrastructure, liveable, sustainable, urbanroads

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

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Organised crime in Mexico evolves faster that our capacity to understand and explain it. Organised gangs have become successful entrepreneurs in many ways ad they have somehow mimicked the working ways of the authorities and in many cases, they have successfully infiltrated the governmental spheres. This business model is only possible under a clear scheme of rampant impunity. Impunity, however, is not exclusive to the PRI. Nor the PRI, PAN, or PRD can claim the monopoly of corruption, but what is worse is that none can claim full honesty in their acts either. The current security crisis in Mexico shows a crisis in the Mexican political party system. Corruption today is not only a problem of dishonesty and the correct use of public resources. It is the principal threat to Mexican democracy, governance, and national security.

Keywords: security, war on drugs, drug trafficking, Mexico, Latin America, United States

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Authors: Seember Susan Aondoakura

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This paper examines the international legal framework established to address the challenges women and girls experience in situations of violent conflict. The United Nations (UN) women, peace, and security agenda (hereafter WPS agenda, the Agenda) aspire to make wars safer for women. It recognizes women's agency in armed conflict and their victimization and formulates measures for their protection. The Agenda also acknowledges women's participation in conflict transformation and post-conflict reconstruction. It also calls for the involvement of women in conflict transformation, encourages the protection of women from sex and gender-based violence (SGBV), and provides relief and recovery from conflict-related SGBV. Using Third World Critical Feminist Theory, this paper argues that the WPS agenda overly focus on the protection of women from SGBV occurring in the less developed and conflict-ridden states in the global south, obscures the complicity of western states and economies to the problem, and silences the privileges that such states derive from war economies that continue to fuel conflict. This protectionist approach of the UN also obliterates other equally pressing problems in need of attention, like the high rates of economic degradation in conflict-ravaged societies of the global south. Prioritising protection also 'others' the problem, obliterating any sense of interconnections across geographical locations and situating women in the less developed economies of the global south as the victims and their men as the perpetrators. Prioritising protection ultimately situates western societies as saviours of Third World women with no recourse to their role in engendering and sustaining war. The paper demonstrates that this saviour mentality obliterates chances of any meaningful coalition between the local and the international in framing and addressing the issue, as solutions are formulated from a specific lens—the white hegemonic lens.

Keywords: conflict, protection, security, SGBV

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Authors: Aimee Carrillo Rowe

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Drawing on theories of plurinationalism and Indigenous sovereignty, this essay argues for a “landbody” method of culture critique. This method analyzes the relationship between land and bodies in queer Xicana performances. The study finds that queer Xicana performances navigate complex relationships between settler and Indigenous positionalities. By shifting the focus in the field of U.S. intercultural communication from political struggles for inclusion within the settler nation-state to an interrogation of the land politics upon that underwrite sovereignty, the paper develops a decolonial, hemispheric approach to the field of intercultural communication.

Keywords: indigenous studies, settler colonial studies, critical ethnic studies, landbody, decolonization, Chicana feminism, queer Xicana performance

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Authors: Nour Aladdin

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This paper explores the interconnectedness of belonging, space, and identity in Anglo Arab literature, particularly Saleem Haddad’s Guapa and Hasan Namir’sGod in Pink. This paper suggest that Rasa and Ramy, the queer Arab characters respectively, do not belong in either the Middle East or the West. Using Amin Maalouf’s analysis of the Arab identity, specifically his argument that an individual identifies strongly with the aspect of their identity that is under attack, this paper argues that all of Rasa and Ramy’s spaces are politically charged - a term that denotes that all values and beliefs instilled in Arabs and their spaces are heavily influenced by Arab politics, culture, and, often times religion. Therefore, the politically charged environments Rasa and Ramy inhabit will always be against one part of their identity, which is why they cannot identify as queer and Arab simultaneously. For Rasa, the unnamed Middle Eastern country, his home environment, as well as the so-called safe space nightclub, condemn his queerness, leading him to connect more to his sexual orientation. However, Rasa associates himself with his Arab roots when he migrates to America, a different form of politically charged space that minoritizes his ethnicity. Similarly, Ramy’s spaces are naturally religiopolitical after Islam heightened in Iraq during the Iraq War; as a result, Ramy’s home environment, Sheikh Ammar’s house, the mosque, and the nightclub are influenced by the religiopolitics and bombard his ability to identify as not only a queer Arab but a queer Arab Muslim. Ultimately, because Rasa and Ramy are constantly in movement, their identity attributes are also in movement. This paper is divided into three sections. The first section focuses on Guapa and the Arab Spring’s politics, mainly its influence on queer Arabs in and around the Middle East. Drawing from a number of queer and Arab gender theories, I analyze all of Rasa’s spaces as politically charged that prevent him from the means to be queer and Arab. The second section examines God in Pink in close connection to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Ramy’s spaces are religiopolitically charged, that prevent him to embrace all of his identity attributes – nationality, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and religious affiliation – concomitantly. The last section considers the rapid use of technology and social media in the Middle East as a means to provide deviant heterotopic spaces for queer Arabs. With the rise of subtle and covert queer heterotopias, there is a slow and steady shift of queer tolerance in the Arab world.

Keywords: belonging, identity, spaces, queer, arabness, middle east, orientalism

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Authors: Molly Meadows

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Following the presidency of Donald J. Trump, Americans have become hyperaware of ethnocentrisms that plague the culture. The president's egoist ethics encouraged a divide between what the citizens of the US identified as just or unjust. In the race for global supremacy and leading ideology, fears have arisen, exacerbated by the ethnocentricity of the country's leader, pointing to the possible harmful ethical standards of competing nations. Due to the concept of ethical absolutism, an international code of ethics would not be possible, and the changes needed to eliminate the stigma surrounding other cultures of thought would need to come from the governing body of the US. As the current leading global ideology, the US would need its government to embody a transformational leadership style in order to unite the motivations of the citizens and encourage intercultural tolerance.

Keywords: ethics, transformational leadership, American politics, egoism, cultural intelligence, ethical relativism

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Authors: Moses Joseph

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Language is a veritable tool in the hands of politicians. They use it to shape social realities; create new meanings and ultimately to acquire, exercise and sustain power in the society. Language and politics both share a symbiotic relationship. The former is the medium through which members of the society communicate and cohabitate while the later is used to gain and exercise power in the society. Language therefore is the epicenter of every human activity and politicians explore, deploy and manipulate it to advance their personal interests. This paper examines the ideological use of language in Okediran’s Tenants of the House. The study further shows that language is used as an instrument of political domination and manipulation through the display of emotiveness. The study concludes that politicians do not innocently use language but deliberately employ them to foreground their ideological position.

Keywords: language, ideology, political domination, manipulation

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Authors: Kayode Julius Oni

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Without mincing words, democracy is by far the most popular form of government in the world today. No matter how we look at it, and regardless of the variant, most leaders in the world today wish to be seen or labeled as Democrats. Perhaps, its attractions in terms of freedom of allocation, accountability, smooth successions of leadership and a lot more, account for its appeal to the ordinary people. The governance style in Nigeria since 1999 cannot be said to be different from the military. Elections are manipulated, judicial processes abused, and the ordinary people do not have access to the dividends of democracy. The paper seeks to address the existing failures experienced under democratic rule in Nigeria which have to transcend into violation of human rights in the conduct of government business. The paper employs the primary and secondary sources of data collection, and it is highly descriptive and critical.

Keywords: democracy, human rights, Nigeria, politics, republic

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Authors: Kehinde Emmanuel Atanlusi

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It is impossible to stifle the gust of social change as it makes its way through institutionalised hierarchies on its way to expressing itself. This advancement might also have repercussions for institutions, families, and politics, so modifying the norms and establishing new societal ideals. In the following paragraphs, it will explore how gender roles in the family have changed over time, how this has affected consumption, and how marketing has been influenced by these changes. It was decided to use the empirical research method, which led to several discoveries, one of which was that marketing in the pre-modern era was predicated on metanarratives and gender stereotypes. However, these aspects of marketing have undergone significant transformations in the post-modern era, which led to the formation of an assumption regarding what future marketing trends will be like. In spite of the fact that post-modern marketing methods have a number of drawbacks, it was suggested that these strategies be embraced and updated in the future in order to expand consumer bases and target audiences.

Keywords: Marketing, Gender Roles, Advertising, Decentralisation, Fragmentation

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Authors: Naufal Ahmad Rijalul Alam

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This article presents a quality of education for the poor people in Indonesia and the offering of strategy to be done. It also investigates the influence of Islamic Education which stands behind the religious values in developing effort of government to respond the problem with using humanities approaches in medium society. The offering strategy resulted in four agenda: 1) building a shared commitment, 2) encouraging the improvement of the quality of public and private schools, 3) encouraging the use of 'the indicator of disaffection' for gifted children, and 4) encouraging the enlargement of vocational training centers and polytechnics. The conclusion is that the quality of education can be increased with these four agenda, although they are not too easy because it deals with other factors such as the economy, politics, and culture which is happening in the country.

Keywords: quality education, poor people, strategy of Islamic education, medium community

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Authors: Muhaimin Bin Sulam, Abdul Mutalib Embong, Azelin Mohamed Noor

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This paper presents the reinvention of the role of education (tarbiyyah) in the social influence of organizations focusing on the sustainability of a specific religio-political organization. The objective of the paper is to describe how the position secured by education could transform the organization while maintaining its objective and vision. The study employed the qualitative approach that involves data from conducted interviews. An analysis on the role political leaders play in educating the organization in the context of ideological struggle is also analyzed. The process description also evaluates how education could intellectualize its followers and members which inspires them to submit to their leaders and the organization. This extensive cultivation of religio-political doctrine could offer a new interpretation on politics.

Keywords: religiopolitical organization, Malaysia, education (Tarbiyyah), followers, political movement

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Authors: Mom Bishwakarma

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This research traces out how the Dalit in Nepal evolved from the early 1950s to the current day, from invoking Dalit against caste discrimination through to the asserting proportional representation in state structures. The research focused most closely on the formation of Dalit association and resistance, as well as on the different struggles throughout this period. It then discusses the expansion of Dalit movement in NGOs, its internationalization and responses. The research sees that Dalit movement has been influenced by its network with the national and international civil rights movement particularly Dalit movement in India and argues that Dalit movement in Nepal have in many ways, challenged the orthodox based caste stratification for Dalit equality and justice. It can be seen that at the same time as Dalit participation was increasing, divisions by caste line also emerged. Rather reshaping the power structures, Dalit movement encircled into division and contentious politics.

Keywords: Dalit, equality, justice, movements, Nepal

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Authors: Kalinina Anastasiya, Pevnaya Mariya

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The authors present the results of research of educational and cultural habitat of international students at Ural Federal University, revealing problem zones in the organization of adaptation program in 2014-2015 as well as innovations in adaptation program for 2015-2016. The research is based on U-curve theory of culture shock and theory of human capital. The authors provide also the first results for all stakeholders of practically implemented pilot adaptation program for foreign students which was based on the human capital approach.

Keywords: adaptation, human capital, international students, student volunteering, social community, youth politics

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Authors: Dina Tawfic, Robert Hassan

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The current chapter addresses Al-Azhar's strategy to counter extremism in tandem with reflecting on the ideology of the Islamic establishment itself. The topic is motivated by the fact that some of the Western governments have been relying on Al-Azhar to counter the ideology of Islamist radicalism and violent extremism, in particular during the rise of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (known as ISIS/ ISIL/ Daesh) in 2014/2015. In his visit to Egypt in June 2016, Brett McGurk, the then U.S. envoy for the global coalition to counter ISIS, commended Al-Azhar’s “intellectual and reforming role” in refuting the ideology of extremism. On the other hand, Egyptian liberal intellectuals, such as Farag Fouda (1945- 1992) and Nasr Hamed Abu Zeid (1943-2010), had always questioned the ideological capability of Al-Azhar to counter extremism, citing the rigidity and resistance of the Islamic establishment to carry out genuine reformation. This chapter aims to discuss the following research questions: what is the strategy of Al-Azhar to counter extremism? Does Al-Azhar have a solid strategy to combat online propaganda produced by violent extremist groups? Is it applicable to identify Al-Azhar ideological identity? and is it capable of countering extremism? To answer these questions, I conducted intensive interviews with seven senior scholars and officials at Al-Azhar and the Endowments ministry from September to December 2020. Using a qualitative approach as a backdrop, this project uses semi-structured interviews to collect data. Participants were briefed on the purpose of the study and consented to be interviewed and to record their interviews. Some of the participants chose to conceal their names. All the interviews were conducted in Arabic via Zoom. The researcher then transcribed and translated the interviews into English. A purposive sample is used to select the seven interviewees, based on their prominence and experience in the field of counter-extremism and Al-Azhar affairs. The researcher uses a snowball sample to select the sample, in which a personal contact recommends other officials within the establishment.

Keywords: Al-Azhar, Egypt, Counter-Extremism, Political Islam, Ideology

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Authors: Estela Macedo Alves

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This paper is an overview on public policy analysis focused on the study of Brazilian public policy making process. The methodology is based on the review of some theories on the subject, linking them to Brazilian reality. The study presents basic policy analysis concepts, such as policy, polity and politics. It is emphasized John Kingdon's Multiple Stream Model, because of its clarifying aspects concerning public policies formulation process in democratic countries. In this path it was possible to establish interpretations on environmental public policies in Brazil and understand its methods, instead of presenting only a case study. At the end, it is possible to connect theory with Brazilian reality, identifying negative and positive points of its political processes and structure.

Keywords: Brazilian policies, environmental public policy, multiple stream model, public policy analysis

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Authors: Metrek Almetrek, Naser Alqahtani, Eisa Ghazwani, Mona Asiri, Mohammed Alqahtani, Magboolah Balobaid

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Background: Advocacy of potential for community coalitions to positively address social determinants of health and quality of life, little is known about the views of stakeholders involved in such efforts. This study sought to assess the provinces leaders’ perspectives about social determinants related to the Health Neighborhood Initiative (HNI), a new county effort to support community coalitions. Method and Subjects: We used a descriptive, qualitative study using personal interviews in 2022. We conducted it in the community coalition's “main cities committees” set across service planning areas that serve vulnerable groups located in the seven registered healthy cities to WHO (Abha, Tareeb, Muhayel, Balqarn, Alharajah, Alamwah, and Bisha). We conducted key informant interviews with 76 governmental, profit, non-profit, and community leaders to understand their perspectives about the HNI. As part of a larger project, this study focused on leaders’ views about social determinants of health related to the HNI. All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed. An inductive approach to coding was used, with text segments grouped by social determinant categories. Results: Provinces leaders described multiple social determinants of health and quality of life that were relevant to the HNI community coalitions: housing and safety, community violence, economic stability, city services coordination and employment and education. Leaders discussed how social determinants were interconnected with each other and the need for efforts to address multiple social determinants simultaneously to effectively improve health and quality of life. Conclusions: Community coalitions have an opportunity to address multiple social determinants of health and quality of life to meet the social needs of vulnerable groups. Future research should examine how community coalitions, like those in the HNI, can actively engage with community members to identify needs and then deliver evidence-based care.

Keywords: social determinants, health and quality of life, vulnerable groups, qualitative research

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Authors: Sapir Handelman

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Brief Solution Focused Negotiation is a powerful conflict resolution tool. It can be applied in almost all dimensions of our social life, from politics to family. The initiative invites disputing parties to negotiate practical solutions to their conflict. The negotiation is conducted in a framework of rules, structure, and timeline. The paper presents a model of Brief Solution Focused Negotiation that rests on three pillars: Transformation – turning opposing parties into a negotiating cooperative; Practicality – focusing on practical solutions to a negotiable problem; Discovery – discovering key game changers. This paper introduces these three building blocks. It demonstrates the potential contribution of each one of them to negotiation success. It shows that an effective combination of these three elements has the greatest potential to build, maintain and successfully conclude Brief Solution Focused Negotiation.

Keywords: conflict, negotiation, negotiating cooperative, game changer

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Authors: Libia Jiménez Chávez

Abstract:

This is a study of freedom riders and their courageous journey for civil rights, but the year was not 1961. It was 2003. This paper chronicles the emergence of a new civil rights movement for immigrant rights through an oral history of the 2003 U.S. Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride (IWFR). During the height of the post-9/11 immigrant repression, a bloc of organizations inspired by the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s mobilized 900 multinational immigrants and their allies in the fight for legal status, labor protections, family reunification, and civil rights. The activists visited over 100 U.S. cities, met with Congressional leaders in the nation’s capital, and led a rally of over 50,000 people in New York City. This unified effort set the groundwork for the national May Day immigration protests of 2006. Movements can be characterized in two distinct ways: physical movement and social movements. In the past, historians have considered immigrants both as people and as participants in social movements. In contrast, studies of recent migrants tend to say little about their involvement in immigrant political mobilizations. The dominant literature on immigration portrays immigrants as objects of exclusion, border enforcement, detention, and deportation instead of strategic political actors. This paper aims to change this perception. It considers the Freedom Riders both as immigrants who were literally on the move and as participants in a social movement. Through interviews with participants and archival video footage housed at the University of California Los Angeles, it is possible to study this mobile protest as a movement. This contemporary immigrant struggle is an opportunity to explore the makeup and development of a heterogenous immigrant coalition and consider the relationship between population movements and social justice. In addition to oral histories and archival research, the study will utilize social movement literature, U.S. immigration and labor history, and Undocumented Critical Theory to expand the historiography of immigrant social movements in America.

Keywords: civil rights, immigrant social movements, undocumented communities, undocumented critical theory

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Authors: Esayas Geleta

Abstract:

Within the last two decades in many sub-Saharan African countries, a large-scale acquisition (lease, concession, outright purchase) of extensive areas of farmland commonly labeled as ‘idle’ and ‘under-utilized’ has resulted in displacement and dispossession and dispossession without ‘compensation.’ This paper seeks to critically illustrate the processes and the consequences of the ‘land grabbing project’ in Ethiopia. Drawing on the theory of participatory development and empirical studies undertaken in Ethiopia, the paper elucidates the power dynamics that influence how and why dislocation and dispossession occur. The paper then demonstrates why the land-grabbing project, which was hugely supported by many international organizations, has largely failed in Ethiopia. Through a critical analysis of the process of ‘land grabbing’ in Ethiopia, the paper contributes to a more adequate and critical understanding of contemporary land deals and their social and environmental consequences.

Keywords: land grabbing, human rights, dispossession, resistance, governance

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Authors: Ruchi Agarwal

Abstract:

The Indian diaspora in Thailand is as ethnically diverse as any other country. Although a relatively small community, the Indian diaspora has long established its roots, some with their fifth generation now living in Thailand. The community has a solid social and economic standing recognized by the host country but lacks connections with its ethnic roots in the home country. The biggest dilemma faced by the younger generation of the Indian diasporic community is the identity crisis. Regardless of being born and brought up in Thailand and possessing Thai citizenship, they do not get recognition as Thais by their Thai counterparts. However, with the Act Asia Policy of the Indian government, there has been an increase in social and political activities organized by old and new Indian associations, bringing new hopes of recognizing the Thai-Indian diasporic community.

Keywords: Indian, Thailand, diaspora, Act East Policy, Thai

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Authors: Igone Guerra, Xabier Barandiaran

Abstract:

The deep crisis (economic, social and cultural) in which Europe and Gipuzkoa, in the Basque Country (Spain), have been immersed in since 2008 forces governments to face a necessary transformation. These challenges demand different solutions and answers to meet the needs of the citizens. Adapting to continuous and sometimes abrupt changes in the social and political landscape requires an undeniable will to reinvent the way in which governments practice politics. This reinvention of government should help us build different organizations that, first, develop challenging public services, second, respond effectively to the needs of the citizens, and third, manage scarce resources, ultimately offering a contemporary concept of public value. In this context, the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative was designed to face the future challenges of the territory in a collaborative way. The aim of the initiative is to promote an alternative form of governance to generate common good and greater public value. In Etorkizuna Eraikiz democratic values, such as collaboration, participation, and accountability are prominent. This government approach is based on several features such as the creation of relational spaces to design and deliberate about the public politics or the promotion of a team-working approach, breaking down the silos between and within organizations, as an exercise in defining a shared vision regarding the Future of the Territory. A future in which the citizens are becoming actors in the problem-solving process and in the construction of a culture of participation and collective learning. In this paper, the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative will be presented (vision and methodology) as a model of a local approach to public policy innovation resulting in a way of governance that is more open and collaborative. Based on this case study, this paper explores the way in which collaborative governance leads to better decisions, better leadership, and better citizenry. Finally, the paper also describes some preliminary findings of this local approach, such as the level of knowledge of the citizenry about the projects promoted within Etorkizuna Eraikiz as well as the link between the challenges of the territory, as identified by the citizenry, and the political agenda promoted by the provincial government. Regarding the former, the Survey on the socio-political situation of Gipuzkoa showed that 27.9% of the respondents confirmed that they knew about the projects promoted within the initiative and gave it a mark of 5.71. In connection with the latter, over the last three years, 65 millions of euros have been allocated for a total of 73 projects that have covered socio-economic and political challenges such as aging, climate change, mobility, participation in democratic life, and so on. This governance approach of Etorkizuna Eraikiz has allowed the local government to match the needs of citizens to the political agenda fostering in this way a shared vision about the public value.

Keywords: collaborative governance, citizen participation, public good, social listening, public innovation

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