Search results for: UN peacekeeping

Authors: Rahab Kisio

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The persistent underrepresentation of female miltary in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions remains a critical concern for addressing the multifaceted challenges in conflict-affected regions. This research explores the factors influencing countries’ decisions to deploy female military troops to UN peacekeeping operations, examining data ranging from 2010 to 2020. The study highlights the urgent need for policymakers and international organizations to recognize gender equality as key instrument in dealing with sexual exploitation and abuse within these missions. The study suggests three reasons for the low female military troops deployment. Firstly, countries actively breaking down barriers for women in the workforce are more likely to send female military troops. Secondly, nations supporting women in politics are more likely to deploy female military troops, showing their value for gender equality. Lastly, countries with a history of conflict may send more female military troops to align with the UN's call and potentially gain international support in future conflicts. Theoretical approaches are presented to explore these motivations further, and the study uses negative binomial regression with country-year as the unit of analysis to test various explanations for a country's contribution of female military troops to UN peacekeeping missions. Findings shows that there is a connection between troop contributing countries’ gender equality and the participation of female military troops in peacekeeping operations. Nations that prioritize gender equality and empower women have a higher likelihood of deploying more female military personnel. The study emphasizes the significance of women in political leadership, indicating that countries actively addressing barriers to women's political representation are more willing to contribute higher numbers of female military troops to peacekeeping missions. While the research supports hypotheses related to gender equality and political representation, it finds no significant evidence that a country's history of conflict directly influences the deployment of female military troops in other conflict-ridden nations. This research contributes valuable insights into gender equality within peacekeeping forces, shedding light on factors influencing the deployment of female military personnel. The implications underscore the importance of actively addressing discrimination, promoting women's political participation, and understanding the influence of a nation's conflict history. The interdisciplinary nature of this work calls for collaborative efforts from policymakers, international organization, and researchers to formulate strategies for effectively increasing female military troops participation in UN peacekeeping

Keywords: UN peacekeeping, gender diversity, female military troops, discrimination

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Authors: Laura Rodrigues Carmona, Maria José Chambel, Vânia Sofia Carvalho

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Background: In peacekeeping operations, military personnel are often exposed to the same traumatic stress factors found during conventional war and may also be subject to the physical risks and psychological stressors associated with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Objectives: To discuss the prevalence of PTSD among peacekeepers as well as the risks of and protective factors against this disorder and its comorbidities and/or consequences. Methods: A systematic literature search was performed with relevant keywords, and 53 articles were identified for this review. Results and conclusions: Military personnel deployed in peacekeeping operations have a higher prevalence of PTSD than nonmilitary personnel, a prevalence similar to that of military personnel deployed in war situations. Concerning the salient risk factors, the contextual factors are highlighted, and in regard to the protective factors, the individual factors are highlighted. This study thus demonstrates that there are factors in which the role of the military is essential, via both its selection and monitoring of peacekeepers during and after their deployment, to protect deployed personnel’s mental health.

Keywords: peacekeepers, peacekeeping, military, PTSD, post-traumatic stress disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder

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Authors: Emmanuel Mugiraneza

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Rwanda uses defence diplomacy to pursue international collective security through different mechanisms. This paper shows that with an intent of promoting international collective security, Rwanda has constituted its defense diplomacy policy in three standpoints. First, Rwanda has formed strategic cooperation alliances with state actors, regional and international Organizations that enables her to participate in and promote international collective peace, security and cooperation. Secondary, Rwanda uses defence diplomacy to foster cooperation in to pre-empt, minimize and neutralize potential triggers that would lead to the outbreak of international conflict. Thirdly, Rwanda implements defence diplomacy policy strategy through internationally recognized operational and tactical standards while dispelling hostilities, assisting the friendly nation’s forces and or building and maintaining public confidence and trust in the areas where Rwanda Defence Force deploys for peacekeeping missions in Sudan, South Sudan, Central African Republic and Mozambique for a counterterrorism mission.

Keywords: defence diplomacy, collective security, Rwanda, Peacekeeping

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Authors: Maressa Aires de Proenca

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The inclusion of a gender perspective in peace operations is based on a series of conventions, treaties, and resolutions designed to protect and include women addressing gender mainstreaming. The UN Security Council recognizes that women's participation and gender equality within peace operations are indispensable for achieving sustainable development and peace. However, the participation of women in the field of peace and security is still embryonic. There are gaps when we think about female participation in conflict resolution and peace promotion spaces, and it does not seem clear how women are present in these spaces. This absence may correspond to silence about representation and the guarantee of the female perspective within the context of peace promotion. Thus, the present research aimed to describe the panorama of the participation of women who are currently active in the 14 active UN peace operations, which are: 1) MINUJUSTH, Haiti, 2) MINURSO, Western Sahara, 3) MINUSCA, Central African Republic, 4) MINUSMA, Mali, 5) MONUSCO, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 6) UNAMID, Darfur, 7) UNDOF, Golan, 8) UNFICYP, Cyprus, 9) UNIFIL, Lebanon, 10) UNISFA, Abyei, 11) UNMIK, Kosovo, 12) UNMISS, South Sudan, 13) UNMOGIP, India, and Pakistan, and 14) UNTSO, Middle East. A database was constructed that reported: (1) position held by the woman in the peace operation, (2) her profession, (3) educational level, (4) marital status, (5) religion, (6) nationality, (8) number of years working with peace operations, (9) whether the operation in which it operates has provided training on gender issues. For the construction of this database, official reports and statistics accessed through the UN Peacekeeping Resource Hub were used; The United Nations Statistical Commission, Peacekeeping Master Open Datasets, The Armed Conflict Database (ACD), The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) database; Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) database; from the Evidence and Data for Gender Equality (EDGE) database. In addition to access to databases, peacekeeping operations will be contacted directly, and data requested individually. The database showed that the presence of women in these peace operations is still incipient, but growing. There are few women in command positions, and most of them occupy administrative or human-care positions.

Keywords: women, peace and security, peacekeeping operations, peace studies

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Authors: Sofia Sutera

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Despite the introduction of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda in 2000, thanks to the UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions, and the clear stance of the UN towards the support of increased participation of women in peace and security processes, women’s leadership in this context remains very low. Considering specifically the framework of peacekeeping operations, the aim of this paper is to analyze the way women’s leadership is constructed in the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF). In the context of the WPS Agenda, Sweden has been chosen as a case study because of the relevance of its singular feminist policies (the statement in 2014 from Wallström, previous and current Minister for Foreign Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister, that Sweden is pursuing a feminist foreign policy is a clear example). Moreover, the SAF adopted in 2016 the Handbok Gender. This policy addresses explicitly the gender perspective embraced by the Swedish military institution, a sui-generis organization even in the Scandinavian reality. Indeed, the SAF has assumed a clear commitment to represent its institution as gender aware and gender equal. The theoretical perspective utilized in this research, which focuses specifically on women, is feminism and particularly a feminist constructivist approach, with an institutional focus on the military institution, has been chosen. Taking into account the specificity of the feminist research, the above-mentioned gender policy has been examined by means of a critical discourse analysis (CDA) whose main aim is to investigate the social structures of discourse and the power relationships inherent to it. Thus, CDA appears to be quite relevant in order to understand the construction of women’s leadership in the Handbok Gender. Nevertheless, even in a country which officially identifies as feminist and which is characterized by a peculiar military institution, the conclusions of this analysis revealed that women’s leadership in peacekeeping operations remains very low.

Keywords: feminism, peacekeeping operations, swedish armed forces, UNSCR 1325, women's leadership, WPS agenda

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Authors: Ashir Ahmed

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Peacekeeping is a collective responsibility of governments, law enforcement agencies, communities, families, and individuals. Moreover, the complex nature of peacekeeping activities requires a holistic and collaborative approach where various community sectors work together to form collective strategies that are likely to be more effective than strategies designed and delivered in isolation. Similarly, it is important to learn from past programs to evaluate the initiatives that have worked well and the areas that need further improvement. Review of recent peacekeeping initiatives suggests that there have been tremendous efforts and resources put in place to deal with the emerging threat of terrorism, radicalization and violent extremism through number of de-radicalization programs. Despite various attempts in designing and delivering successful programs for deradicalization, the threat of people being radicalized is growing more than ever before. This research reviews the prominent de-radicalization programs to draw an understanding of their strengths and weaknesses. Some of the weaknesses in the existing programs include. Inaccessibility: Limited resources, geographical location of potential participants (for offline programs), inaccessibility or inability to use various technologies (for online programs) makes it difficult for people to participate in de-radicalization programs. Timeliness: People might need to wait for a program on a set date/time to get the required information and to get their questions answered. This is particularly true for offline programs. Lack of trust: The privacy issues and lack of trust between participants and program organizers are another hurdle in the success of de-radicalization programs. The fear of sharing participants information with organizations (such as law enforcement agencies) without their consent led them not to participate in these programs. Generalizability: Majority of these programs are very generic in nature and do not cater the specific needs of an individual. Participants in these programs may feel that the contents are irrelevant to their individual situations and hence feel disconnected with purpose of the programs. To address the above-mentioned weaknesses, this research developed a framework that recommends some improvements in de-radicalization programs. One of the recommendations is to offer 24/7, secure, private and online hotline (also referred as helpline) for the people who have any question, concern or situation to discuss with someone who is qualified (a counsellor) to deal with people who are vulnerable to be radicalized. To make these hotline services viable and sustainable, the existing organizations offering support for depression, anxiety or suicidal ideation could additionally host these services. These helplines should be available via phone, the internet, social media and in-person. Since these services will be embedded within existing and well-known services, they would likely to get more visibility and promotion. The anonymous and secure conversation between a person and a counsellor would ensure that a person can discuss the issues without being afraid of information sharing with any third party – without his/her consent. The next stage of this project would include the operationalization of the framework by collaborating with other organizations to host de-radicalization hotlines and would assess the effectiveness of such initiatives.

Keywords: de-radicalization, framework, hotlines, peacekeeping

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Authors: Saint C. Nguedjip

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This paper is an analytical review a set of 20 literatures as required by the assignment prompt. The review centers on global peace and security. What role do international organizations play in global peace and security? The review centers around three main points. First, I examine global peace and security impacts on global governance. Secondly, it highlights the role traditional international community and security organizations such as the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and others play in providing the globe with peace and collective security. Third, it suggests a way forward as those institutions seek betterment and improvement. The review begins by defining some concepts and addressing the ambivalent meaning of peace and war. Scholars and researchers have conducted extensive research on the importance of international organizations. Yet, there is still a lot to consider if betterment and improvement are on the agenda. The review will shed light on the failures and challenges that these organizations. Those challenges are continuously undermining peacebuilding and peacekeeping actions of a great number among those institutions created with an ultimate mission of keeping the world order organized and coordinated for peace and security regardless of differences, cultures, and backgrounds. Women face violence on a daily basis, while racism and discrimination cause klm; ]]];inflammations worldwide. The chaotic situation in Ukraine is a wake-up call on scholarship and practitioners alike to come up with suggestions as well as recommendations that help mitigate insecurity while promoting peace and security, not only for Ukrainians but also for all countries facing wars and others issues. This paper will point the audience toward the right direction.

Keywords: security, peace, global governance, global peace and security, peacekeeping, international organizations, human rights, multilateralism, and unilateralism, gender, women

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Authors: Lisa Tragbar

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Since the Rio declaration, the agreement resulting from the Earth Summit in 1992, the UN member states acknowledge that peace and environmental protection are deeply linked to each other. It has also been made clear by Contemporary Peace research since the early 2000 that the lack of natural resources increases conflicts, as well as potential war conflicts (general environmental conflict thesis). I argue that peace ethics need to reconsider the role of the environment in peace ethics, from conflict prevention to peacebuilding. Sumak kawsay is a concept that offers a non-anthropocentric perspective on the subject. Several Contemporary Peace Ethicists don’t take environmental peace sufficiently into account. 1. The Peace theorist Johan Galtung famously argues that positive peace depends mostly on social, economic and political factors, as institutional structures establish peace. Galtung has a relational approach to peace, yet only between human interactors. 2. Michael Fox claims in his anti-war argument to consider nonhuman entities in conflicts. Because of their species interrelation, humans cannot decide on the fate of other species. 3. Although Mark Woods considers himself a peace ecologist, following Reichberg and Syse, and argues from a duty-based perspective towards nature, he mostly focuses on the protection of the environment during war conflicts. I want to focus on a non-anthropocentric view to argue that the environment is an entity of human concern in order to construct peace. Based on the premises that the lack of natural resources create tensions that play a significant part in international conflicts and these conflicts are potential war conflicts, I argue that a non-anthropocentric account to peace ethics is an indispensable perspective towards the recovery of these resources and therefore the reduction of war conflicts. Sumak kawsay is an approach contributing to a peaceful environment, which can play a crucial role in international peacekeeping operations. To emphasize sumak kawsay in peace ethics, it is necessary to explain what this principle includes and how it renews Contemporary Peace ethics. The indigenous philosophy of life of the Andean Quechua philosophy in Ecuador and varities from other countries from the Global South include a holistic real-world vision that contains concepts like the de-hierarchization of humans and nature as well as the reciprocity principle towards nature. Sumak kawsay represents the idea of the intrinsic value of nature and an egalitarian way of life and interconnectedness between human and nonhuman entities, which has been widely neglected in Traditional War and Peace Ethics. If sumak kawsay is transferred to peacekeeping practices, peacekeepers have restorative duties not only towards humans, but also towards nature. Resource conservation and environmental protection are the first step towards a positive peace. By recognising that healthy natural resources contribute to peacebuilding, by restoring balance through compensatory justice practices like recovery, by fostering dialogue between peacekeeping forces and by entitling ecosystems with rights natural resources and environmental conflicts are more unlikely to happen. This holistic approach pays nature sufficient attention and can contribute to a positive peace.

Keywords: environment, natural resources, peace, Sumak Kawsay

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Authors: Anzor Abralava, Ketevan Kokrashvili, Rusudan Kutateladze, Nino Pailodze, Ketevan Kutateladze, Giorgi Sulashvili

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Nowadays when the integration of states is growing fast, it is urgent to study the rules of behavior which they resort to in case of conflicts and disagreements. The reason of disagreement in many ways is the Foreign policy carried out by separate countries, as the market participants define production and export capacity and structure as well as level of international division of labor due to the competition among them. We can say over and over again that outbreak of conflicts in Georgia displays the serious controversy between political and economic powerhouses. However, to tell the truth existence of the unsolved conflicts in Georgia is the result of weakness and inadequacy of Georgian politics. Today the main task of political quarters in Georgia should be a direction to Caucasus, as to the region burdened with the most complicated problems which blockade the settlement of conflicts and farther development of our country (or vice versa). In this situation rehabilitation of our authority, leading role and hegemony; expansion and consolidation of peacekeeping and other missions are considered as the exact activities for accomplishing all Georgian economic and political goals.

Keywords: Awara Group, political centers, administrative services, dynamic process

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Mediation Diplomacy has emerged as one of the main pillars of China's foreign policy goals and practices, and Beijing has established itself as a peacekeeping force in regional conflicts and crises such as Afghanistan, Syria, Sudan, Yemen, and the Arab-Israeli peace process. China is deepening and intensifying its diplomatic interventions in the Middle East and trying to shape the security and political developments in the Middle East. On the other hand, economically, China has become one of the most important trading partners with Middle Eastern governments. China is also seeking to expand its foreign policy and economic interests in the Middle East through the New Silk Road initiative and has signed cooperation agreements with 17 Arab countries. In this regard, due to the importance of the subject, this research focuses on answering this question; what is the basis of China's political mediation and economic expansionism in the Middle East? In parallel with this question, this study follows the hypothesis that the mediating role of peace is a legitimate way for China to intervene in Middle East political crises, Without causing China to deviate from its traditional guiding principles based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other actors in the international system. This policy also promotes the security of economic interests and increases the country's political influence in the Middle East. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the qualitative method, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: China, middle east, political mediation, economic expansionism

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Authors: Nipuli Gajanayake

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The Russian military role beyond its national frontier has become a debatable hot topic in the international political arena. It’s advanced, and strategic responses in combating regional and international security problems have always been a factor to debate and criticize. Under such critical circumstances, Russia is attentive to play its military role according to the provisions of the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation. Most importantly, the legal basis of the doctrine has also consisted with the generally recognized principles and norms of international law. Therefore, Russian international military assistances are pledged to accomplish international peace and security. The expansion of Russian military participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping operations, and military- political, and technical cooperation have largely evident the great effort of Russia in maintaining and restoring international peace and security. Moreover, the conflict management diplomacy and the development of dialogue with nation states to confront military risks and threats can also identify as a part of preserving international peace and security. In addition, Russia strives to strengthen the system of collective security with regional and international organizations through the legal framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Maintaining cooperative ties with the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) have highlighted the Russian deliberation on maintaining regional peace and security. Nevertheless, the extension of cordial relations with nation states and providing of military assistances during tensions and conflicts on their territories can also underscore as Russians commitments on maintaining international peace and security. Observing and recognizing the disparity between the West portrayed terms like ‘illegal Russian interventions’ and the comprehensive reality behind the ‘Russian military assistances’ are important to understand. However, a lopsided vision or a perspective towards the Russian international military role would not present a clear understanding about its valued and also dedicated hard work on maintaining international peace and security.

Keywords: collective security, diplomacy, international military role of Russia, international peace and security

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Authors: Hitakshi Mahendru, Advait Tambe, Simran Chandok, Niharika Sanadhya

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After the Second World War had come to an end, the Founding Fathers of the United Nations recognized a need for a supreme peacekeeping mechanism to act as a mediator between nations and moderate disputes that might blow up, if left unchecked. It has been more than seven decades since the establishment of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). When it was created, there were certain aim and objectives that the ICJ was intended to achieve. However, in today’s world, with change in political dynamics and international relations between countries, the ICJ has not succeeded in achieving several of these objectives. The ICJ is the only body in the international scenario that has the authority to regulate disputes between countries. However, in recent times, with countries like China disregarding the importance of the ICJ, there is no hope for the ICJ to command respect from other nations, thereby sending ICJ on a slow, yet steady path towards redundancy. The authority of the judgements given by the International Court of Justice, which is one of the main pillars of the United Nations, is questionable due to the forthcoming reactions from various countries on public platforms. The ICJ’s principal role within the United Nations framework is to settle peacefully international/bilateral disputes between the states that come under its jurisdiction and in accordance with the principles laid down in international law. By shedding light on the public backlash from the Chinese Government to the recent South China Sea judgement, we see the decreasing relevance of the ICJ in the contemporary world scenario. Philippines and China have wrangled over territory in the South China Sea for centuries but after the recent judgement the tension has reached an all-time high with China threatening to prosecute anybody as trespassers while continuing to militarise the disputed area. This paper will deal with the South China Sea judgement and the manner in which it has been received by the Chinese Government. Also, it will look into the consequences of counter-back. The authors will also look into the Marshall Island matter and propose a model judgement, in accordance with the principles of international law that would be the most suited for the given situation. Also, the authors will propose amendments in the working of the Security Council to ensure that the Marshal Island judgement is passed and accepted by the countries without any contempt.

Keywords: International Court of Justice, international law, Marshall Islands, South China Sea, United Nations Charter

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Authors: Laura Southgate

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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as well as much of the scholarship on the organisation, celebrates its ability to uphold the principle of regional autonomy, understood as upholding the norm of non-intervention by external powers in regional affairs. Yet, in practice, this has been repeatedly violated. This dichotomy between rhetoric and practice suggests an interesting avenue for further study. The East Timor crisis (1975-1999) has been selected as a case-study to test the dynamics of ASEAN state resistance to sovereignty violation in two distinct timeframes: Indonesia’s initial invasion of the territory in 1975, and the ensuing humanitarian crisis in 1999 which resulted in a UN-mandated, Australian-led peacekeeping intervention force. These time-periods demonstrate variation on the dependent variable. It is necessary to observe covariation in order to derive observations in support of a causal theory. To establish covariation, my independent variable is therefore a continuous variable characterised by variation in convergence of interest. Change of this variable should change the value of the dependent variable, thus establishing causal direction. This paper investigates the history of ASEAN’s relationship to the norm of non-intervention. It offers an alternative understanding of ASEAN’s history, written in terms of the relationship between a key ASEAN state, which I call a ‘vanguard state’, and selected external powers. This paper will consider when ASEAN resistance to sovereignty violation has succeeded, and when it has failed. It will contend that variation in outcomes associated with vanguard state resistance to sovereignty violation can be best explained by levels of interest convergence between the ASEAN vanguard state and designated external actors. Evidence will be provided to support the hypothesis that in 1999, ASEAN’s failure to resist violations to the sovereignty of Indonesia was a consequence of low interest convergence between Indonesia and the external powers. Conversely, in 1975, ASEAN’s ability to resist violations to the sovereignty of Indonesia was a consequence of high interest convergence between Indonesia and the external powers. As the vanguard state, Indonesia was able to apply pressure on the ASEAN states and obtain unanimous support for Indonesia’s East Timor policy in 1975 and 1999. However, the key factor explaining the variance in outcomes in both time periods resides in the critical role played by external actors. This view represents a serious challenge to much of the existing scholarship that emphasises ASEAN’s ability to defend regional autonomy. As these cases attempt to show, ASEAN autonomy is much more contingent than portrayed in the existing literature.

Keywords: ASEAN, east timor, intervention, sovereignty

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