Search results for: Tabriz doctrine

Authors: Henning Lahmann, Benjamyn I. Scott, Bart Custers

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Suboptimal adoption of AI in defence organisations carries risks for the protection of the freedom, safety, and security of society. Despite the vast opportunities that defence AI-technology presents, there are also a variety of ethical, legal, and societal concerns. To ensure the successful use of AI technology by the military, ethical, legal, and societal aspects (ELSA) need to be considered, and their concerns continuously addressed at all levels. This includes ELSA considerations during the design, manufacturing and maintenance of AI-based systems, as well as its utilisation via appropriate military doctrine and training. This raises the question how defence organisations can remain strategically competitive and at the edge of military innovation, while respecting the values of its citizens. This paper will explain the set-up and share preliminary results of a 4-year research project commissioned by the National Research Council in the Netherlands on the ethical, legal, and societal aspects of AI in defence. The project plans to develop a future-proof, independent, and consultative ecosystem for the responsible use of AI in the defence domain. In order to achieve this, the lab shall devise a context-dependent methodology that focuses on the ‘analysis’, ‘design’ and ‘evaluation’ of ELSA of AI-based applications within the military context, which include inter alia unmanned aircraft. This is bolstered as the Lab also recognises and complements the existing methods in regards to human-machine teaming, explainable algorithms, and value-sensitive design. Such methods will be modified for the military context and applied to pertinent case-studies. These case-studies include, among others, the application of autonomous robots (incl. semi- autonomous) and AI-based methods against cognitive warfare. As the perception of the application of AI in the military context, by both society and defence personnel, is important, the Lab will study how these perceptions evolve and vary in different contexts. Furthermore, the Lab will monitor – as they may influence people’s perception – developments in the global technological, military and societal spheres. Although the emphasis of the research project is on different forms of AI in defence, it focuses on several case studies. One of these case studies is on unmanned aircraft, which will also be the focus of the paper. Hence, ethical, legal, and societal aspects of unmanned aircraft in the defence domain will be discussed in detail, including but not limited to privacy issues. Typical other issues concern security (for people, objects, data or other aircraft), privacy (sensitive data, hindrance, annoyance, data collection, function creep), chilling effects, PlayStation mentality, and PTSD.

Keywords: autonomous weapon systems, unmanned aircraft, human-machine teaming, meaningful human control, value-sensitive design

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Authors: Renan Caseiro De Almeida, Mateus Mello Garrute

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The world walks to be ever more globalised. This trend promotes an increase on the number of transnational commercial transactions. The main modal for carriage of goods is by sea, and many countries have their economies dependent on the maritime freightage – it could be because they exercise largely this activity or because they follow the tendency of using the maritime logistic widely. Among these ones, Brazil is included. This nation counts with sixteen ports with good capacities, which receive most of the international income by sea. It is estimated that 85 per cent of the total influx of goods in Brazil is by maritime modal, leaving mere 15 per cent for the other ones. This made it necessary to develop maritime law in international and national basis, to create a standard to be applied with the intention to harmonize the transnational carriage of goods by sea. Maritime contracts are very specific and have interesting peculiarities, but in their range, little research has been made on what causes the main divergences when it comes to international contracts: the jurisdiction conflict. Likewise any other international contract, it is common for the parties to set a forum selection clause to choose the forum which will be able to judge the litigations that could rise from a maritime transport contract and, consequently, also which law should be applied to the cases. However, the forum choice in Brazil has always been somewhat polemical – not only in the maritime law sphere - for sometimes national tribunals overlook the parties’ choice and call the competence for themselves. In this sense, it is interesting to mention that the Mexico Convention of 1994 about the law applicable to international contracts did not gain strength in Brazil, nor even reached the Congress to be considered for ratification. Furthermore, it is also noteworthy that Brazil has a new Civil Procedure Code, which was put into reinforcement in 2016 bringing new legal provisions specifically about the forum selection. This represented a mark in the national legal system in this matter. Therefore, this paper intends to give an insight through Brazilian jurisprudence, making an analysis of how this issue has been treated on litigations about maritime contracts in the national tribunals, as well as the solutions found by the Brazilian legal system for the jurisdiction conflicts in those cases. To achieve the expected results, the hypothetical-deductive method will be used in combination with researches on doctrine and legislations. Also, jurisprudential research and case law study will have a special role, since the main point of this paper is to verify and study the position of the courts in Brazil in a specific matter. As a country of civil law, the Brazilian judges and tribunals are very attached to the rules displayed on codes. However, the jurisprudential understanding has been changing during the years and with the advent of the new rules about the applicable law and forum selection clause, it is noticeable that new winds are being blown.

Keywords: applicable law, forum selection clause, international business, international maritime contracts, litigation in courts

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Authors: Vivian Caroline Koerbel Dombrowski

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Armed conflicts have always meant the ultimate expression of power and at the same time, lack of understanding among nations. Cities were destroyed, people were killed, assets were devastated. But these are not only the loss of a war: the environmental damage comes to be considered immeasurable losses in the short, medium and long term. And this is because no nation wants to bear that cost. They invest in military equipment, training, technical equipment but the environmental account yet finds gaps in international law. Considering such a generalization in rights protection, many nations are at imminent danger in a conflict if the water will be used as a mass weapon, especially if we consider important rivers such as Jordan, Euphrates and Nile. The top three international documents were analyzed on the subject: the Stockholm Convention (1972), Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Convention (1977) and the Rome Statute (1998). Indeed, some references are researched in doctrine, especially scientific articles, to substantiate with consistent data about the extent of the damage, historical factors and decisions which have been successful. However, due to the lack of literature about this subject, the research tends to be exhaustive. From the study of the indicated material, it was noted that international law - humanitarian and environmental - calls in some of its instruments the environmental protection in war conflicts, but they are generic and vague rules that do not define exactly what is the environmental damage , nor sets standards for measure them. Taking into account the mains conflicts of the century XX: World War II, the Vietnam War and the Gulf War, one must realize that the environmental consequences were of great rides - never deactivated landmines, buried nuclear weapons, armaments and munitions destroyed in the soil, chemical weapons, not to mention the effects of some weapons when used (uranium, agent Orange, etc). Extending the search for more recent conflicts such as Afghanistan, it is proven that the effects on health of the civilian population were catastrophic: cancer, birth defects, and deformities in newborns. There are few reports of nations that, somehow, repaired the damage caused to the environment as a result of the conflict. In the pitch of contemporary conflicts, many nations fear that water resources are used as weapons of mass destruction, because once contaminated - directly or indirectly - can become a means of disguised genocide side effect of military objective. In conclusion, it appears that the main international treaties governing the subject mention the concern for environmental protection, however leave the normative specifications vacancies necessary to effectively there is a prevention of environmental damage in armed conflict and, should they occur, the repair of the same. Still, it appears that there is no protection mechanism to safeguard natural resources and avoid them to become a mass destruction weapon.

Keywords: armed conflicts, criminal liability, environmental damages, humanitarian law, mass weapon

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Authors: Indujeeva Keerthila Peiris

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The secular view of mindfulness has some connotation to the original meaning of mindfulness mentioned in the Theravada Buddhist texts (Pāli Canon), but there is a substantial difference in the meaning of the two. Secular Mindfulness Based Interventions (MBI) focus on stilling the mind, which may provide short-term benefits and help individuals to deal with physical pain, grief, and distress. However, as with many popular educational innovations, the foundational values of mindfulness strategies have been distorted and subverted in a number of instances in which ‘McMindfulness’ programmes have been implemented with a view to reducing mindfulness mediation as a self-help technique that is easily misappropriated for the exclusive pursuit of corporate objectives, employee pacification, and commercial profit. The intention of this paper is not to critique the misappropriations of mindfulness. Instead, to go back to the root source and bring insights from the Buddhist Pāli Canon and its associated teachings on mindfulness in its own terms. In the Buddha’s discourses, as preserved in the Pāli Canon, there is nothing more significant than the understanding and practice of ‘Satipatthãna’. The Satipatthāna Sutta , the ‘Discourse on the Establishment of Mindfulness,’ opens with a proclamation highlighting both the purpose of this training and its methodology. The right practice of mindfulness is the gateway to understanding the Buddha’s teaching. However, although this concept is widely discussed among the Dhamma practitioners, it is the least understood one of them all. The purpose of this paper is to understand deeper meaning of mindfulness as it was originally intended by the Teacher. The natural state of mind is that it wanders. It wanders into the past, the present, and the future. One’s ability to hold attention to a mind object (emotion, thought, feeling, sensation, sense impression) called ‘concentration’. The intentional concentration process does not lead to wisdom. However, the development of wisdom starts when the mind is calm, concentrated, and unified. The practice of insight contemplation aims at gaining a direct understanding of the real nature of phenomena. According to the Buddha’s teaching, there are three basic facts of all existence: 1) impermanence (anicca in Pāli) ; 2) fabrication (also commonly known as suffering, unsatisfactoriness, sankhara or dukka in Pāli); 3) not-self (insubstantiality or impersonality, annatta in Pāli ). The entire Buddhist doctrine is based on these three facts. The problem is our ignorance covers reality. It is not that a person sees the emptiness of them or that we try to see the emptiness of our experience by conceptually thinking that they are empty. It is an experiential outcome that happens when the cause-and- effect overrides the self-view (sakkaya dhitti), and ignorance is known as ignorance and eradicated once and for all. Therefore, the right view (samma dhitti) is the starting point of the path, not ethical conduct (sila) or samadhi (jhana). In order to develop the right view, we need to first listen to the correct Dhamma and possess Yoniso manasikara (right comprehension) to know the five aggregates as five aggregates.

Keywords: mindfulness, spirituality, buddhism, pali canon

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Authors: Antonio Martín-Pardo

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With regard to the context in which this paper is inserted, it is noteworthy that the current criminal policy model in which we find immersed, denominated by some doctrine sector as the citizen security model, is characterized by a marked tendency towards the discredit of expert knowledge. This type of technic knowledge has been displaced by the common sense and by the daily experience of the people at the time of legislative drafting, as well as by excessive attention to the short-term political effects of the law. Despite this criminal-political adverse scene, we still find valuable efforts in the side of experts to bring some rationality to the legislative development. This is the case of the proposal for a new cannabis regulation model in Spain carried out by the Cannabis Policy Studies Group (hereinafter referred as ‘GEPCA’). The GEPCA is a multidisciplinary group composed by authors with multiple/different orientations, trajectories and interests, but with a common minimum objective: the conviction that the current situation regarding cannabis is unsustainable and, that a rational legislative solution must be given to the growing social pressure for the regulation of their consumption and production. This paper details the main lines through which this technical proposal is developed with the purpose of its dissemination and discussion in the Congress. The basic methodology of the proposal is inductive-expository. In that way, firstly, we will offer a brief, but solid contextualization of the situation of cannabis in Spain. This contextualization will touch on issues such as the national regulatory situation and its relationship with the international context; the criminal, judicial and penitentiary impact of the offer and consumption of cannabis, or the therapeutic use of the substance, among others. In second place, we will get down to the business properly by detailing the minutia of the three main cannabis access channels that are proposed. Namely: the regulated market, the associations of cannabis users and personal self-cultivation. In each of these options, especially in the first two, special attention will be paid to both, the production and processing of the substance and the necessary administrative control of the activity. Finally, in a third block, some notes will be given on a series of subjects that surround the different access options just mentioned above and that give fullness and coherence to the proposal outlined. Among those related issues we find some such as consumption and tenure of the substance; the issue of advertising and promotion of cannabis; consumption in areas of special risk (work or driving v. g.); the tax regime; the need to articulate evaluation instruments for the entire process; etc. The main conclusion drawn from the analysis of the proposal is the unsustainability of the current repressive system, clearly unsuccessful, and the need to develop new access routes to cannabis that guarantee both public health and the rights of people who have freely chosen to consume it.

Keywords: cannabis regulation proposal, cannabis policies studies group, criminal policy, expertise participation

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Authors: Alicia Ettlin

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Amid the rise of neoliberalism to the leading economic policy model in Western societies in the 1980s, people have started to internalise a neoliberal way of thinking, whereby the human body has become an entity that can and needs to be precisely managed through free yet rational decision-making processes. The neoliberal citizen has consequently become an entrepreneur of the self who is free, independent, rational, productive and responsible for themselves, their health and wellbeing as well as their appearance. The focus on individuals as entrepreneurs who manage their bodies through the rationally thinking mind has, however, become increasingly criticised for viewing the social actor as ‘disembodied’, as a detached, social actor whose powerful mind governs over the passive body. On the other hand, the discourse around embodiment seeks to connect rational decision-making processes to the dominant neoliberal discourse which creates an embodied understanding that the body, just as other areas of people’s lives, can and should be shaped, monitored and managed through cognitive and rational thinking. This perspective offers an understanding of the body regarding its connections with the social environment that reaches beyond the debates around mind-body binary thinking. Hence, following this argument, body management should not be thought of as either solely guided by embodied discourses nor as merely falling into a mind-body dualism, but rather, simultaneously and inseparably as both at once. The descriptive, qualitative analysis of semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with young Australian amateur athletes between the age of 18 and 24 has shown that most participants are interested in measuring and managing their body to create self-knowledge and self-improvement. The participants thereby connected self-improvement to weight loss, muscle gain or simply staying fit and healthy. Self-knowledge refers to body measurements including weight, BMI or body fat percentage. Self-management and self-knowledge that are reliant on one another to take rational and well-thought-out decisions, are both characteristic values of the neoliberal doctrine. A neoliberal way of thinking and looking after the body has also by many been connected to rewarding themselves for their discipline, hard work or achievement of specific body management goals (e.g. eating chocolate for reaching the daily step count goal). A few participants, however, have shown resistance against these neoliberal values, and in particular, against the precise monitoring and management of the body with the help of self-tracking devices. Ultimately, however, it seems that most participants have internalised the dominant discourses around self-responsibility, and by association, a sense of duty to discipline their body in normative ways. Even those who have indicated their resistance against body work and body management practices that follow neoliberal thinking and measurement systems, are aware and have internalised the concept of the rational operating mind that needs or should decide how to look after the body in terms of health but also appearance ideals. The discussion around the collected data thereby shows that embodiment and the mind/body dualism constitute two connected, rather than two separate or opposing concepts.

Keywords: dualism, embodiment, mind, neoliberalism

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Authors: Mojtaba Eshraghi Arani

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Concluding the contract for carriage of cargo with the shipper (through bill of lading or charterparty), the carrier must transport the cargo from loading port to the port of discharge and deliver it to the consignee. Unless otherwise agreed in the contract, the carrier must avoid from any deviation, transfer of cargo to another vessel or unreasonable stoppage of carriage in-transit. However, the vessel might break down in-transit for any reason and becomes unable to continue its voyage to the port of discharge. This is a frequent incident in the carriage of goods by sea which leads to important dispute between the carrier/owner and the shipper/charterer (hereinafter called “cargo interests”). It is a generally accepted rule that in such event, the carrier/owner must repair the vessel after which it will continue its voyage to the destination port. The dispute will arise in the case that temporary repair of the vessel cannot be done in the short or reasonable term. There are two options for the contract parties in such a case: First, the carrier/owner is entitled to repair the vessel while having the cargo onboard or discharged in the port of refugee, and the cargo interests must wait till the breakdown is rectified at any time, whenever. Second, the carrier/owner will be responsible to charter another vessel and transfer the entirety of cargo to the substitute vessel. In fact, the main question revolves around the duty of carrier/owner to perform transfer of cargo to another vessel. Such operation which is called “trans-shipment” or “transhipment” (in terms of the oil industry it is usually called “ship-to-ship” or “STS”) needs to be done carefully and with due diligence. In fact, the transshipment operation for various cargoes might be different as each cargo requires its own suitable equipment for transfer to another vessel, so this operation is often costly. Moreover, there is a considerable risk of collision between two vessels in particular in bulk carriers. Bulk cargo is also exposed to the shortage and partial loss in the process of transshipment especially during bad weather. Concerning tankers which carry oil and petrochemical products, transshipment, is most probably followed by sea pollution. On the grounds of the above consequences, the owners are afraid of being held responsible for such operation and are reluctant to perform in the relevant disputes. The main argument raised by them is that no regulation has recognized such duty upon their shoulders so any such operation must be done under the auspices of the cargo interests and all costs must be reimbursed by themselves. Unfortunately, not only the international conventions including Hague rules, Hague-Visby Rules, Hamburg rules and Rotterdam rules but also most domestic laws are silent in this regard. The doctrine has yet to analyse the issue and no legal researches was found out in this regard. A qualitative method with the concept of interpretation of data collection has been used in this paper. The source of the data is the analysis of regulations and cases. It is argued in this article that the paramount rule in the maritime law is “the accomplishment of the voyage” by the carrier/owner in view of which, if the voyage can only be finished by transshipment, then the carrier/owner will be responsible to carry out this operation. The duty of carrier/owner to apply “due diligence” will strengthen this reasoning. Any and all costs and expenses will also be on the account pf the owner/carrier, unless the incident is attributable to any cause arising from the cargo interests’ negligence.

Keywords: cargo, STS, transshipment, vessel, voyage

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Authors: S. Fantin

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This study is the result of the legal research on cybersecurity and data protection within the EUNITY (Cybersecurity and Privacy Dialogue between Europe and Japan) project, aimed at fostering the dialogue between the European Union and Japan. Based on the research undertaken therein, the author offers an outline of the main asymmetries in the laws governing such fields in the two regions. The research is a comparative analysis of the two legal frameworks, taking into account specific provisions, ratio legis and policy initiatives. Recent doctrine was taken into account, too, as well as empirical interviews with EU and Japanese stakeholders and project partners. With respect to the protection of personal data, the European Union has recently reformed its legal framework with a package which includes a regulation (General Data Protection Regulation), and a directive (Directive 680 on personal data processing in the law enforcement domain). In turn, the Japanese law under scrutiny for this study has been the Act on Protection of Personal Information. Based on a comparative analysis, some asymmetries arise. The main ones refer to the definition of personal information and the scope of the two frameworks. Furthermore, the rights of the data subjects are differently articulated in the two regions, while the nature of sanctions take two opposite approaches. Regarding the cybersecurity framework, the situation looks similarly misaligned. Japan’s main text of reference is the Basic Cybersecurity Act, while the European Union has a more fragmented legal structure (to name a few, Network and Information Security Directive, Critical Infrastructure Directive and Directive on the Attacks at Information Systems). On an relevant note, unlike a more industry-oriented European approach, the concept of cyber hygiene seems to be neatly embedded in the Japanese legal framework, with a number of provisions that alleviate operators’ liability by turning such a burden into a set of recommendations to be primarily observed by citizens. With respect to the reasons to fill such normative gaps, these are mostly grounded on three basis. Firstly, the cross-border nature of cybercrime brings to consider both magnitude of the issue and its regulatory stance globally. Secondly, empirical findings from the EUNITY project showed how recent data breaches and cyber-attacks had shared implications between Europe and Japan. Thirdly, the geopolitical context is currently going through the direction of bringing the two regions to significant agreements from a trade standpoint, but also from a data protection perspective (with an imminent signature by both parts of a so-called ‘Adequacy Decision’). The research conducted in this study reveals two asymmetric legal frameworks on cyber security and data protection. With a view to the future challenges presented by the strengthening of the collaboration between the two regions and the trans-national fashion of cybercrime, it is urged that solutions are found to fill in such gaps, in order to allow European Union and Japan to wisely increment their partnership.

Keywords: cybersecurity, data protection, European Union, Japan

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Authors: Sumeyra Yakar, Emine Enise Yakar

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Iran presents itself as Islamic, first and foremost, and thus, it can be said that sharī’a is the political and social centre of the states. However, actual practice reveals distinct interpretations and understandings of the sharī’a. The research can be categorised inside the framework of logic in Islamic law and theology. The first task of this paper will be to identify how the sharī’a is understood in Iran by mapping out how the judges apply the law in their respective jurisdictions. The attention will then move from a simple description of the diversity of sharī’a understandings to the question of how that diversity relates to social concepts and cultures. This, of course, necessitates a brief exploration of Iran’s historical background which will also allow for an understanding of sectarian influences and the significance of certain events. The main purpose is to reach an understanding of the process of applying sources to formulate solutions which are in accordance with sharī’a and how religious education is pursued in order to become official judges. Ultimately, this essay will explore the attempts to gain an understanding by linking the practices to the secondary sources of Islamic law. It is important to emphasise that these cultural components of Islamic law must be compatible with the aims of Islamic law and their fundamental sources. The sharī’a consists of more than just legal doctrines (fiqh) and interpretive activities (ijtihād). Its contextual and theoretical framework reveals a close relationship with cultural and historical elements of society. This has meant that its traditional reproduction over time has relied on being embedded into a highly particular form of life. Thus, as acknowledged by pre-modern jurists, the sharī’a encompasses a comprehensive approach to the requirements of justice in legal, historical and political contexts. In theological and legal areas that have the specific authority of tradition, Iran adheres to Shīa’ doctrine, and this explains why the Shīa’ religious establishment maintains a dominant position in matters relating to law and the interpretation of sharī’a. The statements and interpretations of the tradition are distinctly different from sunnī interpretations, and so the use of different sources could be understood as the main reason for the discrepancies in the application of sharī’a between Iran and other Muslim countries. The sharī’a has often accommodated prevailing customs; moreover, it has developed legal mechanisms to all for its adaptation to particular needs and circumstances in society. While jurists may operate within the realm of governance and politics, the moral authority of the sharī’a ensures that these actors legitimate their actions with reference to God’s commands. The Iranian regime enshrines the principle of vilāyāt-i faqīh (guardianship of the jurist) which enables jurists to solve the conflict between law as an ideal system, in theory, and law in practice. The paper aims to show how the religious, educational system works in harmony with the governmental authorities with the concept of vilāyāt-i faqīh in Iran and contributes to the creation of religious custom in the society.

Keywords: guardianship of the jurist (vilāyāt-i faqīh), imitation (taqlīd), seminaries (hawza), Shi’i jurisprudence

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Authors: Debasish Nandy

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India’s foreign policy towards all of her neighbor countries is determinate on the basis of multi-dimensional factors. India’s relations with its South Asian neighbor can be classified into three categories. In the first category, there are four countries -Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Afghanistan- whose bilateral relationships have encompassed cooperation, irritants, problems and crisis at different points in time. With Pakistan, the relationship has been perpetually adversarial. The third category includes Bhutan and Maldives whose relations are marked by friendship and cooperation, free of any bilateral problems. It is needless to say that Jawaharlal Nehru emphasized on friendly relations with the neighboring countries. The subsequent Prime Ministers of India especially I.K. Gujral had advocated in making of peaceful and friendly relations with the subcontinental countries. He had given a unique idea to foster bilateral relations with the neighbors. His idea is known as ‘Gujral Doctrine’. A dramatical change has been witnessed in Indian foreign policy since 1991.In the post-Cold War period, India’s national security has been vehemently threatened by terrorism, which originated from Pakistan-Afghanistan and partly Bangladesh. India has required a cooperative security, which can be made by mutual understanding among the South Asian countries. Additionally, the countries of South Asia need to evolve the concept of ‘Cooperative Security’ to explain the underlying logic of regional cooperation. According to C. Rajamohan, ‘cooperative security could be understood, as policies of governments, which see themselves as former adversaries or potential adversaries to shift from or avoid confrontationist policies.’ A cooperative security essentially reflects a policy of dealing peacefully with conflicts, not merely by abstention from violence or threats but by active engagement in negotiation, a search for practical solutions and with a commitment to preventive measures. Cooperative assumes the existence of a condition in which the two sides possess the military capabilities to harm each other. Establishing cooperative security runs into a complex process building confidence. South Asian nations often engaged with hostility to each other. Extra-regional powers have been influencing their powers in this region since a long time. South Asian nations are busy to purchase military equipment. In spite of weakened economic systems, these states are spending a huge amount of money for their security. India is the big power in this region in every aspect. The big states- small states syndrome is a negative factor in this respect. However, India will have to an initiative to extended ‘track II diplomacy’ or soft diplomacy for its security as well as the security of this region.Confidence building measures could help rejuvenate not only SAARC but also build trust and mutual confidence between India and its neighbors in South Asia. In this paper, I will focus on different aspects of India’s policy towards it, South-Asian neighbors. It will also be searched that how India is dealing with these countries by using a mixed type of diplomacy – both idealistic and realistic points of view. Security and cooperation are two major determinants of India’s foreign policy towards its South Asian neighbors.

Keywords: bilateral, diplomacy, infiltration, terrorism

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Authors: Muhammad Alhada Fuadilah Habib, Ayla Karina Budita, Cut Rizka Al Usrah, Mukhammad Fatkhullah, Kanita Khoirun Nisa, Siti Muslihatul Mukaromah

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In this contemporary era, the term of development often emphasised merely on the economic growth aspect. Development of a program often considered as superior by the government, in fact, it often raises various problems. The problems occur because the development policies determined by the government tend to favor private entrepreneurs and impose on the oppression toward the community. The development promised to prosper the community's life, turn out in fact of harming the community, threatening the survival of the community and damaging the ecosystem of nature where the community hangs their life to it. Nowadays many natural resources should be used for the community’s life prosperity. However, the prosperity is conquered by the private entrepreneurs that are regulated through the free market mechanism and wrapped in democratization. This condition actually is a form of neoliberalism that builds new administration order system which is far from the meaning of the word democracy. The government should play more role in protecting community's life and prosperity, but in fact, the government sides with the private entrepreneurs for the sake of the economic benefits regardless of other aspects of the community’s life. This unjustified condition presents a wide range of social movements from the community in response to the neoliberalis policy that actually eliminates the doctrine of community sovereignty. Social movements performed by Yogyakarta south coastal area community, as the focus of the discussion in this paper, is one of the community’s response toward the government policies related to the construction of the ferruginous sand quarry which is tend to favor on private entrepreneurs and highly prejudicing or even threatening the survival of Yogyakarta south coastal area community. The data collection in this study uses qualitative research methods with in-depth interview data collection techniques and purposive informant determination techniques. This method was chosen in order to obtain the insightful data and detailed information to uncover the injustice policies committed by the government-private entrepreneurs toward Yogyakarta south coastal area community. The brief results of this study show that the conflicts between the community and government-private entrepreneurs occurred because of the differences of interests and paradigm of natural resource management. The resistance movements done by the community to fight back the government-private entrepreneurs was conducted by forming an organization called Paguyupan Petani Lahan Pantai Kulon Progo (PPLP-KP). This organization do the resistances through two ways; firstly, quiet action done through various actions such as; refusing against the socialization, performing discussion to deliberate their argument with the government-private entrepreneurs, complaining the problems to the central government, creating banners or billboards which contain the writing of rejection, performing pray rituals to invoke the justice from the God, as well as instill the resistance ideology to their young generation. Secondly, the rough action also is done through various actions such as; doing roadblocks, conducting rallies, as well as doing clash with the government apparatus. In case the resistances done by the community are seen from the pattern. Actually, the resistances are reaction toward the aggression carried out by the government-private entrepreneurs.

Keywords: community resistance, conflict, ferruginous sand quarry construction, social movement

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Authors: Sara Dragisic

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Using the theoretical analysis of the birth of biopolitics that Foucault performed through the history of liberalism and neoliberalism, in this paper we will try to show how, precisely through problematizing the role of international institutions, the model of governance differs from previous ways of objectifying body and life. Are the state and its mechanisms still a Leviathan to fight against, or can it be even the driver of resistance against the proponents of modern governance and the biopolitical power? Do paradigmatic examples of biopolitics still appear through sovereignty and (international) law, or is it precisely this sphere that shows a significant dose of incompetence and powerlessness in relation to, not only the economic sphere (Foucault’s critique of neoliberalism) but also the new politics of freedom? Have the struggle for freedom and human rights, as well as the war on terrorism, opened a new spectrum of biopolitical processes, which are manifested precisely through new international institutions and humanitarian discourse? We will try to answer these questions, in the following way. On the one hand, we will show that the views of authors such as Agamben and Hardt and Negri, in whom the state and sovereignty are seen as enemies to be defeated or overcome, fail to see how such attempts could translate into the politicization of life like it is done in many examples through the doctrine of liberal interventionism and humanitarianism. On the other hand, we will point out that it is precisely the humanitarian discourse and the defense of the right to intervention that can be the incentive and basis for the politicization of the category of life and lead to the selective application of human rights. Zizek example of the killing of United Nations workers and doctors in a village during the Vietnam War, who were targeted even before police or soldiers, because they were precisely seen as a powerful instrument of American imperialism (as they were sincerely trying to help the population), will be focus of this part of the analysis. We’ll ask the question whether such interpretation is a kind of liquidation of the extreme left of the political (Laclau) or on this basis can be explained at least in part the need to review the functioning of international organizations, ranging from those dealing with humanitarian aid (and humanitarian military interventions) to those dealing with protection and the security of the population, primarily from growing terrorism. Based on the above examples, we will also explain how the discourse of terrorism itself plays a dual role: it can appear as a tool of liberal biopolitics, although, more superficially, it mostly appears as an enemy that wants to destroy the liberal system and its values. This brings us to the basic problem that this paper will tackle: do the mechanisms of institutional struggle for human rights and freedoms, which is often seen as opposed to the security mechanisms of the state, serve the governance of citizens in such a way that the latter themselves participate in producing biopolitical governmental practices? Is the freedom today "nothing but the correlative development of apparatuses of security" (Foucault)? Or, we can continue this line of Foucault’s argumentation and enhance the interpretation with the important question of what precisely today reflects the change in the rationality of governance in which society is transformed from a passive object into a subject of its own production. Finally, in order to understand the skills of biopolitical governance in modern civil society, it is necessary to pay attention to the status of international organizations, which seem to have become a significant place for the implementation of global governance. In this sense, the power of sovereignty can turn out to be an insufficiently strong power of security policy, which can go hand in hand with freedom policies, through neoliberal governmental techniques.

Keywords: neoliberalism, Foucault, sovereignty, biopolitics, international organizations, NGOs, Agamben, Hardt&Negri, Zizek, security, state power

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