Search results for: equality of arms

Authors: Elisabetta Cianfanelli, Maria Claudia Coppola, Margherita Tufarelli

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Design practices throughout history return a critical understanding of society since they always conveyed values and meanings aimed at (re)framing reality by acting in everyday life: here, design gains cultural and normative character, since its artifacts, services, and environments hold the power to intercept, influence and inspire thoughts, behaviors, and relationships. In this sense, design can be persuasive, engaging in the production of worlds and, as such, acting in the space between poietics and politics so that chasing preferable futures and their aesthetic strategies becomes a matter full of political responsibility. This resonates with contemporary landscapes of radical interdependencies challenging designers to focus on complex socio-technical systems and to better support values such as equality and justice for both humans and nonhumans. In fact, it is in times of crisis and structural uncertainty that designers turn into visionaries at the service of society, envisioning scenarios and dwelling in the territories of imagination to conceive new fictions and frictions to be added to the thickness of the real. Here, design’s main tasks are to develop options, to increase the variety of choices, to cultivate its role as scout, jester, agent provocateur for the public, so that design for transformation emerges, making an explicit commitment to society, furthering structural change in a proactive and synergic manner. However, the exploration of possible futures is both a trap and a trampoline because, although it embodies a radical research tool, it raises various challenges when the design process goes further in the translation of such vision into an artefact - whether tangible or intangible -, through which it should deliver that bit of future into everyday experience. Today designers are making up new tools and practices to tackle current wicked challenges, combining their approaches with other disciplinary domains: futuring through design, thus, rises from research strands like speculative design, design fiction, and critical design, where the blending of design approaches and futures thinking brings an action-oriented and product-based approach to strategic insights. The contribution positions at the intersection of those approaches, aiming at discussing design’s tools of inquiry through which it is possible to grasp the agency of imagined futures into present time. Since futures are not remote, they actively participate in creating path-dependent decisions, crystallized into designed artifacts par excellence, prototypes, and their conceptual other, provotypes: with both being unfinished and multifaceted, the first ones are effective in reiterating solutions to problems already framed, while the second ones prove to be useful when the goal is to explore and break boundaries, bringing closer preferable futures. By focusing on some provotypes throughout history which challenged markets and, above all, social and cultural structures, the contribution’s final aim is understanding the knowledge produced by provotypes, understood as design spaces where designs’s humanistic side might help developing a deeper sensibility about uncertainty and, most of all, the unfinished feature of societal artifacts, whose experimentation would leave marks and traces to build up f(r)ictions as vital sparks of plurality and collective life.

Keywords: speculative design, provotypes, design knowledge, political theory

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Authors: Vijayalaxmi Khopade

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The Prima facie caste system is intrinsic to Indian society. It is an ancient system of intense social stratification based upon birth and enjoying religious sanction. The uppermost strata and privileges are ascribed and enjoyed by brahmins (priestly class), while the lowest strata are occupied by Dalits who are not ascribed with any privileges. The caste system is inherently hierarchical, patriarchal, and systematic and thrives solely on exploitation justified through means of the Brahminical system of hegemony based singularly on birth. The caste system has extended its tentacles to other religions like Christianity, Buddhism, Jainism, and Islam in South Asia. Term Dalit is colloquially used to categorize persons belonging to lower strata in the caste hierarchy. However, this category is heterogenous and highly stratified, following practices like untouchability and exclusion amongst themselves. The modern Indian legal system acknowledges the existence of Caste and its perils. Therefore, by virtue of the Indian Constitution, provisions for affirmative action for the protection and development of Dalits are made. Courts in India have liberally interpreted laws to benefit Dalits. However, the modern system of governance is not immune from Caste based biases. These biases are reflected in the implementation of governance, including the dispensation of justice. The economic reforms of the 1990s gave a huge boost to the Indian diaspora. Persons of Indian origin are now seen making great strides in almost every sector and enjoying positions of power globally. As one peels off the layer of ethnic Indian origin, a deep seated layer of Caste and Caste based patriarchy is clearly visible. Indian diaspora enjoying positions of power essentially belongs to upper castes and carry Caste based biases with them. These castes have long enjoyed the benefits of education; therefore, they were the first ones to benefit from LPG (Liberalization, Privatization, Globalization) model adopted in the 1990s. Dalits, however, had little formal education until recently. The western legal system, to the best of our knowledge, does not recognize Caste and, therefore, cannot afford protection for Dalits, wherein discrimination and exploitation take place solely on the basis of Caste. Therefore, Dalits are left with no legal remedy outside domestic jurisdiction. Countries like the UK have made an attempt to include Caste in their Equality Bill 2010. This has met with tough resistance from Upper caste Hindus who shy away from recognizing their caste privileges and, therefore, the existence of Caste. In this paper, an attempt for comparative analysis is made between various legal protections accorded to Dalits in India vis-à-vis international human rights as protected by the United Nations under its declaration of Universal Human rights. An attempt has been made to mark a distinction between race and Caste and to establish a position of women in Caste based hierarchy. The paper also makes an argument for the inclusion of atrocities committed against Dalits as a violation of international human rights, their protection by the United Nations, and the trial of their violations by International Courts. The paper puts into perspective the need for an external agency like the United Nations and International courts to interfere in rights guaranteed by the Indian Constitution, even with the existence of a modern legal system in a sovereign democratic country.

Keywords: atrocity, caste, diaspora, legal framework

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Authors: Merav Alush Levron, Sivan Rajuan Shtang

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From as early as their emergence in Europe and the US, postmodern and post-colonial paradigm have formed the backbone of the visual culture field of study. The self-representation project of political minorities is studied, described and explained within the premises and perspectives drawn from these paradigms, addressing the key issues they had raised: modernism’s crisis of representation. The struggle for self-representation, agency and multicultural visibility sought to challenge the liberal pretense of universality and equality, hitting at its different blind spots, on issues such as class, gender, race, sex, and nationality. This struggle yielded subversive identity and hybrid performances, including reclaiming, mimicry and masquerading. These performances sought to defy the uniform, universal self, which forms the basis for the liberal, rational, enlightened subject. The argument of this research runs that this politics of representation itself is confined within liberal thought. Alongside post-colonialism and multiculturalism’s contribution in undermining oppressive structures of power, generating diversity in cultural visibility, and exposing the failure of liberal colorblindness, this subversion is constituted in the visual field by way of confrontation, flying in the face of the universal law and relying on its ongoing comparison and attribution to this law. Relying on Deleuze and Guattari, this research set out to draw theoretic and empiric attention to an alternative, post-liberal occurrence which has been taking place in the visual field in parallel to the contra-hegemonic phase and as a product of political reality in the aftermath of the crisis of representation. It is no longer a counter-representation; rather, it is a motion of organic minor desire, progressing in the form of flows and generating what Deleuze and Guattari termed deterritorialization of social structures. This discussion shall have its focus on current post-liberal performances of ‘Mizrahim’ (Jewish Israelis of Arab and Muslim extraction) in the visual field in Israel. In television, video art and photography, these performances challenge the issue of representation and generate concrete peripheral Mizrahiness, realized in the visual organization of the photographic frame. Mizrahiness then transforms from ‘confrontational’ representation into a 'presence', flooding the visual sphere in our plain sight, in a process of 'becoming'. The Mizrahi desire is exerted on the plains of sound, spoken language, the body and the space where they appear. It removes from these plains the coding and stratification engendered by European dominance and rational, liberal enlightenment. This stratification, adhering to the hegemonic surface, is flooded not by way of resisting false consciousness or employing hybridity, but by way of the Mizrahi identity’s own productive, material immanent yearning. The Mizrahi desire reverberates with Mizrahi peripheral 'worlds of meaning', where post-colonial interpretation almost invariably identifies a product of internalized oppression, and a recurrence thereof, rather than a source in itself - an ‘offshoot, never a wellspring’, as Nissim Mizrachi clarifies in his recent pioneering work. The peripheral Mizrahi performance ‘unhook itself’, in Deleuze and Guattari words, from the point of subjectification and interpretation and does not correspond with the partialness, absence, and split that mark post-colonial identities.

Keywords: desire, minority, Mizrahi Jews, post-colonialism, post-liberalism, visibility, Deleuze and Guattari

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Authors: Eeva Wallenius-Nareneva, Tuula Toivanen-Labiad

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Background: Oral health promotion event was organised for forty Afghanistan, Iraqi and Bangladeshi underage asylum seekers in Finland. The invitation to arrange this coaching occasion was accepted in the Degree Programme in Oral Hygiene in Metropolia. The personnel in the reception center found the need to improve oral health among the youngsters. The purpose was to strengthen the health literacy of the boys in their oral self-care and to reduce dental fears. The Finnish studies, especially the terminology of oral health was integrated to coaching with the help of interpreters. Cooperative learning was applied. Methods: Oral health was interactively discussed in four study group sessions: 1. The importance of healthy eating habits; - Good and bad diets, - Regular meals, - Acid attack o Xylitol. 2. Oral diseases − connection to general health; - Aetiology of gingivitis, periodontitis and caries, - Harmfulness of smoking 3. Tools and techniques for oral self-care; - Brushing and inter dental cleaning. 4. Sharing earlier dental care experiences; - Cultural differences, - Dental fear, - Regular check-ups. Results: During coaching deficiencies appeared in brushing and inter dental cleaning techniques. Some boys were used to wash their mouth with salt justifying it by salt’s antiseptic properties. Many brushed their teeth by vertical movements. The boys took feedback positively when a demonstration with model jaws revealed the inefficiency of the technique. The advantages of fluoride tooth paste were advised. Dental care procedures were new and frightening for many boys. Finnish dental care system was clarified. The safety and indolence of the treatments and informed consent were highlighted. Video presentations and the dialog lowered substantially the threshold to visit dental clinic. The occasion gave the students means for meeting patients from different cultural and language backgrounds. The information hidden behind the oral health problems of the asylum seekers was valuable. Conclusions: Learning dental care practices used in different cultures is essential for dental professionals. The project was a good start towards multicultural oral health care. More experiences are needed before graduation. Health education themes should be held simple regardless of the target group. The heterogeneity of the group does not pose a problem. Open discussion with questions leading to the theme works well in clarifying the target group’s knowledge level. Sharing own experiences strengthens the sense of equality among the participants and encourages them to express own opinions. Motivational interview method turned out to be successful. In the future coaching occasions must confirm active participation of everyone. This could be realized by dividing the participants to even smaller groups. The different languages impose challenges but they can be solved by using more interpreters. Their presence ensures that everyone understands the issues properly although the use of plain and sign languages are helpful. In further development, it would be crucial to arrange a rehearsal occasion to the same participants in two/three months’ time. This would strengthen the adaption of self-care practices and give the youngsters opportunity to pose more open questions. The students would gain valuable feedback regarding the effectiveness of their work.

Keywords: cooperative learning, interactive methods, motivational interviewing, oral health promotion, underage asylum seekers

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Authors: Nazym Zhumabayeva, Aleksandr Mezin, Alexandra Knysheva

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Women's underrepresentation in STEM is critical, worsened by ineffective engagement in educational practices. UNICEF Kazakhstan and GameLab KBTU's collaborative initiatives aim to enhance female STEM participation by fostering an inclusive environment. Learning from LEVEL UP's 2023 program, which featured a hackathon, the 2024 strategy pivots towards non-competitive gamification. Although the data from last year's project showed higher than average student engagement, observations and in-depth interviews with participants showed that the format was stressful for the girls, making them focus on points rather than on other values. This study presents a gamified educational system, DPG Lab, aimed at incentivizing young women's participation in STEM through the development of digital public goods (DPGs). By prioritizing collaborative gamification elements, the project seeks to create an inclusive learning environment that increases engagement and interest in STEM among young women. The DPG Lab aims to find a solution to minimize competition and support collaboration. The project is designed to motivate female participants towards the development of digital solutions through an introduction to the concept of DPGs. It consists of a short online course, a simulation videogame, and a real-time online quest with an offline finale at the KBTU campus. The online course offers short video lectures on open-source development and DPG standards. The game facilitates the practical application of theoretical knowledge, enriching the learning experience. Learners can also participate in a quest that encourages participants to develop DPG ideas in teams by choosing missions throughout the quest path. At the offline quest finale, the participants will meet in person to exchange experiences and accomplishments without engaging in comparative assessments: the quest ensures that each team’s trajectory is distinct by design. This marks a shift from competitive hackathons to a collaborative format, recognizing the unique contributions and achievements of each participant. The pilot batch of students is scheduled to commence in April 2024, with the finale anticipated in June. It is projected that this group will comprise 50 female high-school students from various regions across Kazakhstan. Expected outcomes include increased engagement and interest in STEM fields among young female participants, positive emotional and psychological impact through an emphasis on collaborative learning environments, and improved understanding and skills in DPG development. GameLab KBTU intends to undertake a hypothesis evaluation, employing a methodology similar to that utilized in the preceding LEVEL UP project. This approach will encompass the compilation of quantitative metrics (conversion funnels, test results, and surveys) and qualitative data from in-depth interviews and observational studies. For comparative analysis, a select group of participants from the previous year's project will be recruited to engage in the DPG Lab. By developing and implementing a gamified framework that emphasizes inclusion, engagement, and collaboration, the study seeks to provide practical knowledge about effective gamification strategies for promoting gender diversity in STEM. The expected outcomes of this initiative can contribute to the broader discussion on gamification in education and gender equality in STEM by offering a replicable and scalable model for similar interventions around the world.

Keywords: collaborative learning, competitive learning, digital public goods, educational gamification, emerging regions, STEM, underprivileged groups

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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