Search results for: Weimar democracy

Authors: Banu Baybars Hawks

Abstract:

To date, academic attention in social sciences remains inadequate with regard to research and analysis of public opinion in Turkey. Most of the existing research has assessed the public opinion during political election periods. Therefore, it is of great interest to find out what the public thinks about current issues in Turkey, and how to interpret the results to be able to reveal whether they may have any reflections on social, political, and cultural structure of the country. Accordingly, the current study seeks to fill the gap in the social sciences literature in English regarding Turkey’s social and political stand which may be perceived to be very different by other nations. Without timely feedback from public surveys, various programs for improving different services and institutions functioning in the country might not achieve their expected goal, nor can decisions about which programs to implement be made rationally. Additionally, the information gathered may not only yield important insights into public’s opinion regarding current agenda in Turkey, but also into the correlates shaping public policies. Agenda-setting studies including agenda-building, agenda melding, reversed agenda-setting and information diffusion studies will be used to explain the roles of factors and actors in the formation of public opinion in Turkey. Knowing the importance of public agenda in the agenda setting and building process, this paper aims to reveal the social and political tendencies of the Turkish public. For that purpose, a survey will be carried out in December of 2014 to determine the social and political trends in Turkey for that same year. The subjects for the study, which utilize a questionairre in one-on-one interviews, will include 1,000 individuals aged 18 years and older from 26 cities representing general population. A stratified random sampling frame will be used. The topics covered by the survey include: The most important current problem in Turkey; the Economy; Terror; Approaches to the Kurdish Issue; Evaluations of the Government and Opposition Parties; Evaluations of Institutional Efficiency; Foreign Policy; the Judicial System/Constitution; Democracy and the Media; and, Social Relations/Life in Turkey. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Turkey has been undergoing a rapid transformation. The reflections of the changes can be seen in all areas from economics to politics. It is my hope that findings of this study may shed light on the important aspects of institutions, variables setting the agenda, and formation process of public opinion in Turkey.

Keywords: public opinion, media, agenda setting, information diffusion, government, freedom, Turkey

Procedia PDF Downloads 467

Authors: Eish Sharma

Abstract:

Literature around Mathematics education suggests that democratic attitudes can be strengthened through teaching and learning Mathematics. Furthermore, connections between critical education and Mathematics education are observed in the light of critical pedagogy to locate Critical Mathematics Education (CME) as the theoretical framework. Critical pedagogy applied to Mathematics education is identified as one of the key themes subsumed under Critical Mathematics Education. Through the application of critical pedagogy in mathematics, unequal power relations and social injustice can be identified, analyzed, and challenged. The research question is: have educational policies in India viewed the role of critical pedagogy applied to mathematics education (i.e., critical mathematics education) to ensure social justice as an educational aim? The National Curriculum Framework (NCF), 2005 upholds education for democracy and the role of mathematics education in facilitating the same. More than this, NCF 2005 rests on Critical Pedagogy Framework and it recommends that critical pedagogy must be practiced in all dimensions of school education. NCF 2005 visualizes critical pedagogy for social sciences as well as sciences, stating that the science curriculum, including mathematics, must be used as an “instrument for achieving social change to reduce the divide based on economic class, gender, caste, religion, and the region”. Furthermore, the implementation of NCF 2005 led to a reform in the syllabus and textbooks in school mathematics at the national level, and critical pedagogy was applied to mathematics textbooks at the primary level. This intervention led to ethnomathematics and critical mathematics education in the school curriculum in India for the first time at the national level. In October 2022, the Ministry of Education launched the National Curriculum Framework for Foundational Stage (NCF-FS), developed in light of the National Education Policy, 2020, for children in the three to eight years age group. I want to find out whether critical pedagogy-based education and critical pedagogy-based mathematics education are carried forward in NCF 2022. To find this, an argument analysis of specific sections of the National Curriculum Framework 2022 document needs to be executed. Des Gasper suggests two tables: The first table contains four columns, namely, text component, comments on meanings, possible reformulation of the same text, and identified conclusions and assumptions (both stated and unstated). This table is for understanding the components and meanings of the text and is based on Scriven’s model for understanding the components and meanings of words in the text. The second table contains four columns i.e., claim identified, given data, warrant, and stated qualifier/rebuttal. This table is for describing the structure of the argument, how and how well the components fit together and is called ‘George Table diagram based on Toulmin-Bunn Model’.

Keywords: critical mathematics education, critical pedagogy, social justice, etnomathematics

Procedia PDF Downloads 82

Authors: Francesco Pisano

Abstract:

Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

Procedia PDF Downloads 208

Authors: Drazen Simlesa, Jelena Pudjak, Anita Tonkovic Busljeta

Abstract:

Regarding social economy (SE), Croatia is, on general level, considered as ex-communist country with good tradition, bad performance in second part of 20th Century because of political control in the business sector, which has in transition period (1990-1999) became a problem of ignorance in public administration (policy level). Today, social economy in Croatia is trying to catch up with other EU states on all important levels of SE sector: legislative and institutional framework, financial infrastructure, education and capacity building, and visibility. All four are integral parts of Strategy for the Development of Social Entrepreneurship in the Republic of Croatia for the period of 2015 – 2020. Within iPRESENT project, funded by Croatian Science Foundation, we have mapped social economy actors and after many years there is a clear and up to date social economy base. At the ICSE 2016 we will present main outcomes and results of this process. In the second year of the project we conducted a field research across Croatia carried out 19 focus groups with most influential, innovative and inspirational social economy actors. We divided interview questions in four themes: laws on social economy and public policies, definition/ideology of social economy and cooperation on SE scene, the level of democracy and working conditions, motivation and existence of intrinsic values. The data that are gathered through focus group interviews has been analysed via qualitative data analysis software (Atlas ti.). Major finding that will be presented in ICSA 2016 are: Social economy actors are mostly unsatisfied with legislative and institutional framework in Croatia and consider it as unsupportive and confusing. Social economy actors consider SE to be in the line with WISE model and as a tool for community development. The SE actors that are more active express satisfaction with cooperation amongst SE actors and other partners and stakeholders, but the ones that are in more isolated conditions (spatially) express need for more cooperation and networking. Social economy actors expressed their praise for democratic atmosphere in their organisations and fair working conditions. And finally, they expressed high motivation to continue to work in the social economy and are dedicated to the concept, including even those that were at the beginning interested just in getting a quick job. It means that we can detect intrinsic values for employees in social economy organisations. This research enabled us to describe for the first time in Croatia the view from the inside, attitudes and opinion of employees of social economy organisations.

Keywords: employees, focus groups, mapping, social economy

Procedia PDF Downloads 253

Authors: Mernoosh Abouzari, Shahrokh Sahraei

Abstract:

Electronic government is a way for governments to use new technology that provides people with the necessary facilities for proper access to government information and services, improving the quality of services and providing broad opportunities to participate in democratic processes and institutions. That leads to providing the possibility of easy use of information technology in order to distribute government services to the customer without holidays, which increases people's satisfaction and participation in political and economic activities. The expansion of e-government services and its movement towards intelligentization has the ability to re-establish the relationship between the government and citizens and the elements and components of the government. Electronic government is the result of the use of information and communication technology (ICT), which by implementing it at the government level, in terms of the efficiency and effectiveness of government systems and the way of providing services, tremendous commercial changes are created, which brings people's satisfaction at the wide level will follow. The main level of electronic government services has become objectified today with the presence of artificial intelligence systems, which recent advances in artificial intelligence represent a revolution in the use of machines to support predictive decision-making and Classification of data. With the use of deep learning tools, artificial intelligence can mean a significant improvement in the delivery of services to citizens and uplift the work of public service professionals while also inspiring a new generation of technocrats to enter government. This smart revolution may put aside some functions of the government, change its components, and concepts such as governance, policymaking or democracy will change in front of artificial intelligence technology, and the top-down position in governance may face serious changes, and If governments delay in using artificial intelligence, the balance of power will change and private companies will monopolize everything with their pioneering in this field, and the world order will also depend on rich multinational companies and in fact, Algorithmic systems will become the ruling systems of the world. It can be said that currently, the revolution in information technology and biotechnology has been started by engineers, large economic companies, and scientists who are rarely aware of the political complexities of their decisions and certainly do not represent anyone. Therefore, it seems that if liberalism, nationalism, or any other religion wants to organize the world of 2050, it should not only rationalize the concept of artificial intelligence and complex data algorithm but also mix them in a new and meaningful narrative. Therefore, the changes caused by artificial intelligence in the political and economic order will lead to a major change in the way all countries deal with the phenomenon of digital globalization. In this paper, while debating the role and performance of e-government, we will discuss the efficiency and application of artificial intelligence in e-government, and we will consider the developments resulting from it in the new world and the concepts of governance.

Keywords: electronic government, artificial intelligence, information and communication technology., system

Procedia PDF Downloads 94

Authors: Daiva Skuciene

Abstract:

The Baltic States turned to free market and capitalism after independency. The new socioeconomic system, democracy and priorities about the welfare of citizens formed. The researches show that Baltic states choose the neoliberal development. Related to this neoliberal path, a few questions arouse: how do people evaluate the results of such policy and socioeconomic development? What are their priorities? And what are the values of the Baltic societies that support neoliberal policy? The purpose of this research – to analyze the socioeconomic context and the priorities and the values of the Baltics societies related to neoliberal regime. The main objectives are: firstly, to analyze the neoliberal socioeconomic features and results; secondly, to analyze people opinions and priorities about the results of neoliberal development; thirdly, to analyze the values of the Baltic societies related to the neoliberal policy. For the implementation of the purpose and objectives, the comparative analyses among European countries are used. The neoliberal regime was defined through two indicators: the taxes on capital income and expenditures on social protection. The socioeconomic outcomes of neoliberal welfare regime are defined through the Gini inequality and at risk of the poverty rate. For this analysis, the data of 2002-2013 of Eurostat were used. For the analyses of opinion about inequality and preferences on society, people want to live in, the preferences for distribution between capital and wages in enterprise data of Eurobarometer in 2010-2014 and the data of representative survey in the Baltic States in 2016 were used. The justice variable was selected as a variable reflecting the evaluation of socioeconomic context and analyzed using data of Eurobarometer 2006-2015. For the analyses of values were selected: solidarity, equality, and individual responsibility. The solidarity, equality was analyzed using data of Eurobarometer 2006-2015. The value “individual responsibility” was examined by opinions about reasons of inequality and poverty. The survey of population in the Baltic States in 2016 and data of Eurobarometer were used for this aim. The data are ranged in descending order for understanding the position of opinion of people in the Baltic States among European countries. The dynamics of indicators is also provided to examine stability of values. The main findings of the research are that people in the Baltics are dissatisfied with the results of the neoliberal socioeconomic development, they have priorities for equality and justice, but they have internalized the main neoliberal narrative- individual responsibility. The impact of socioeconomic context on values is huge, resulting in a change in quite stable opinions and values during the period of the financial crisis.

Keywords: neoliberal, inequality and poverty, solidarity, individual responsibility

Procedia PDF Downloads 256

Authors: B. F. Espiritu

Abstract:

This paper examines the resistance of the Lumad people, the indigenous peoples in Mindanao, Southern Philippines, and of environmental and human rights activists to the Philippine government's neoliberal policies and their call for justice and a new economic paradigm that will uphold peoples' rights and environmental protection in two alternative media online sites. The study contributes to the body of knowledge on indigenous resistance to neoliberal globalization and the quest for a new economic paradigm that upholds social justice for the marginalized in society, empathy and compassion for those who depend on the land for their survival, and environmental sustainability. The study analyzes the discourses in selected news articles from Davao Today and Kalikasan (translated to English as 'Nature') People's Network for the Environment’s statements and advocacy articles for the Lumad and the environment from 2018 to February 2020. The study reveals that the alternative media news articles and the advocacy articles contain statements that expose the oppression and violation of human rights of the Lumad people, farmers, government environmental workers, and environmental activists as shown in their killings, illegal arrest and detention, displacement of the indigenous peoples, destruction of their schools by the military and paramilitary groups, and environmental plunder and destruction with the government's permit for the entry and operation of extractive and agribusiness industries in the Lumad ancestral lands. Anchored on Christian Fuch's theory of alternative media as critical media and Bert Cammaerts' theorization of alternative media as counterhegemonic media that are part of civil society and form a third voice between state media and commercial media, the study reveals the counterhegemonic discourses of the news and advocacy articles that oppose the dominant economic system of neoliberalism which oppresses the people who depend on the land for their survival. Furthermore, the news and advocacy articles seek to advance social struggles that transform society towards the realization of cooperative potentials or a new economic paradigm that upholds economic democracy, where the local people, including the indigenous people, are economically empowered their environment and protected towards the realization of self-sustaining communities. The study highlights the call for justice, empathy, and compassion for both the people and the environment and the need for a new economic paradigm wherein indigenous peoples and local communities are empowered towards becoming self-sustaining communities in a sustainable environment.

Keywords: alternative media, environmental sustainability, human rights, indigenous resistance

Procedia PDF Downloads 144

Authors: Carlos A. Martins de Jesus

Abstract:

The Greek anthology, first put together in the tenth century AD, gathers in two separate books a large number of epigrams devoted to love and its consequences, both of hetero (book V) and homosexual (book XII) nature. While some poets wrote epigrams of only one genre –that is the case of Strato (II cent. BC), the organizer of a wide-spread garland of homosexual epigrams –, several others composed within both categories, often using the same topics of love and suffering. Using Plato’s theorization of two different kinds of Eros (Symp. 180d-182a), the popular (pandemos) and the celestial (ouranios), homoerotic epigrammatic love is more often associated with the first one, while heterosexual poetry tends to be connected to a higher form of love. This paper focuses on the epigrammatic production of a single first-century BC poet, Meleager, aiming to look for the similarities and differences on singing both kinds of love. From Meleager, the Greek Anthology –a garland whose origins have been traced back to the poet’s garland itself– preserves more than sixty heterosexual and 48 homosexual epigrams, an important and unprecedented amount of poems that are able to trace a complete profile of his way of singing love. Meleager’s poetry deals with personal experience and emotions, frequently with love and the unhappiness that usually comes from it. Most times he describes himself not as an active and engaged lover, but as one struck by the beauty of a woman or boy, i.e., in a stage prior to erotic consummation. His epigrams represent the unreal and fantastic (literally speaking) world of the lover, in which the imagery and wordplays are used to convey emotion in the epigrams of both genres. Elsewhere Meleager surprises the reader by offering a surrealist or dreamlike landscape where everyday adventures are transcribed into elaborate metaphors for erotic feeling. For instance, in 12.81, the lovers are shipwrecked, and as soon as they have disembarked, they are promptly kidnapped by a figure who is both Eros and a beautiful boy. Particularly –and worth-to-know why significant – in the homosexual poems collected in Book XII, mythology also plays an important role, namely in the figure and the scene of Ganimedes’ kidnap by Zeus for his royal court (12. 70, 94). While mostly refusing the Hellenistic model of dramatic love epigram, in which a small everyday scene is portrayed –and 5. 182 is a clear exception to this almost rule –, Meleager actually focuses on the tumultuous inside of his (poetic) lovers, in the realm of a subject that feels love and pain far beyond his/her erotic preferences. In relation to loving and suffering –mostly suffering, it has to be said –, Meleager’s love is therefore completely democratic. There is no real place in his epigrams for the traditional association mentioned before between homoeroticism and a carnal-erotic-pornographic love, while the heterosexual one being more evenly and pure, so to speak.

Keywords: epigram, erotic epigram, Greek Anthology, Meleager

Procedia PDF Downloads 256

Authors: Abdulsamad Qadir Hussien

Abstract:

The development of new technology in recent years has offered ordinary people various online digital platform tools and internet access to provide news stories, information, and subjects of public interest in the Kurdistan Region Government-Iraq (KRI). This shifting aspect has offered more chances for ordinary people to engage with other individuals on many issues in order to discuss and argue matters relating to their everyday lives. The key purpose of this research project will examine the role of citizen journalism in the increase of public awareness in the Kurdish community in the KRi; particularly, citizen journalism provides a new opportunity for ordinary people to raise their voices about problems and public matters in the KRI. The sample of this research project encompasses ordinary people who use social media platforms as sources of information and news concerning the KRI government policy. In the research project, the focus is on the ordinary people who are interacting with the blogs, posts, and footage that are produced by citizen journalism. The questionnaire was sent to more than 1,000 participants in the Kurdish community; this aspect produces statistically acceptable numbers to obtain a significant result for this research project. The sampling process is mainly based on the survey method in this study. The online questionnaire form includes many sections, which are divided into four key sections. The first section contains socio-demographic questions, including gender, age, and level of education. The research project applied the survey method in order to gather data and information surrounding the role of citizen journalism in increasing awareness of individuals in the Kurdish community. For this purpose, the researcher designed a questionnaire as the primary tool for the data collection process from ordinary people who use social media as a source of news and information. During the research project, online questionnaires were mailed in two ways – via Facebook and email – to participants in the Kurdish community, and this questionnaire looked for answers to questions from ordinary people, such as to what extent citizen journalism helps users to obtain information and news about public affairs and government policy. The research project found that citizen journalism has an essential role in increasing awareness of the Kurdish community, especially mainstream journalism has helped ordinary people to raise their voices in the KRI. Furthermore, citizen journalism carries more advantages as digital sources of news, footage, and information related to public affairs. This study provides useful tools to fore the news stories that are unreachable to professional journalists in the KRI.

Keywords: citizen journalism, public awareness, demonstration and democracy, social media news

Procedia PDF Downloads 58

Authors: John Hardy

Abstract:

The domestic security environment in Europe has changed dramatically in recent years. Since January 2015, a significant number of domestic security threats that emerged in Europe were located in Belgium, France and the United Kingdom. While some threats were detected in the planning phase, many also resulted in terrorist attacks. Authorities in all three countries instituted special or emergency measures to provide additional security to their populations. Each country combined an additional policing presence with a specific military operation to contribute to a comprehensive security response to domestic threats. This study presents a cross-case analysis of three countries’ civilian and military responses to domestic security threats in Europe. Each case study features a unique approach to combining civilian and military capabilities in similar domestic security operations during the same time period and threat environment. The research design focuses on five variables relevant to the relationship between civilian and military roles in each security response. These are the distinction between policing and military roles, the legal framework for the domestic deployment of military forces, prior experience in civil-military coordination, the institutional framework for threat assessments, and the level of public support for the domestic use of military forces. These variables examine the influence of domestic social, political, and legal factors on the design of combined civil-military operations in response to domestic security threats. Each case study focuses on a specific operation: Operation Vigilant Guard in Belgium, Operation Sentinel in France, and Operation Temperer in the United Kingdom. The results demonstrate that the level of distinction between policing and military roles and the existence of a clear and robust legal framework for the domestic use force by military personnel significantly influence the design and implementation of civilian and military roles in domestic security operations. The findings of this study indicate that Belgium, France and the United Kingdom experienced different design and implementation challenges for their domestic security operations. Belgium and France initially had less-developed legal frameworks for deploying the military in domestic security operations than the United Kingdom. This was offset by public support for enacting emergency measures and the strength of existing civil-military coordination mechanisms. The United Kingdom had a well-developed legal framework for integrating civilian and military capabilities in domestic security operations. However, its experiences in Ireland also made the government more sensitive to public perceptions regarding the domestic deployment of military forces.

Keywords: counter-terrorism, democracy, homeland security, intelligence, militarization, policing

Procedia PDF Downloads 142

Authors: Agbana Olaseinde Julius, Opadere Olaolu Stephen

Abstract:

The concept of cross carpeting is as old as politics itself. Basically, it entails an individual leaving a political party/group, to join another. The reasons for which cross carpeting is embarked upon are diverse: ideological differences; ethnic and/or religious differences; access to actual or perceived better political opportunities; liberty of association; rancor; etc. The current democratic dispensation in Nigeria has experienced renewed and rather alarming rate of cross carpeting, for reasons including those enumerated above and others. Right to cross carpet is inherent in a democratic setting as well as the political stakeholder; so does it also comprise of the constitutional right of ‘freedom of association’. However, the current species of cross carpeting in Nigeria requires scrutiny, in view of some potential legal and moral challenges it poses for both the present and the future. Cross carpeting is considered both legal and constitutional, but the current spate raises the question of expediency, particularly in a nascent democracy. It is considered to have a propensity of negatively impacting political stability in a polity with fragile nerves. Importantly too, cross carpeting is considered a potential damage to the psyche of posterity with regards to a warped disposition to promises, honour and integrity. The perceived peculiar dimension of cross carpeting in Nigeria raises questions on the quality of leadership presently obtainable in the country, vis-à-vis greed, self-centeredness, disregard for the concern and interest of avowed followers/fans, entrenchment of distrust, etc. Thus, the study made use of primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended); judicial decisions; and the Electoral Act, 2010 (as Amended). The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study show that though the act of cross carpeting may not be in breach of any Statute or Law, it however, in most cases, breaches the morals of expediency. The morality thereof is far from justifiable, and should be condemned in the interest of the present and posterity. There is a great and urgent need to embark on a re-entrenchment of the culture of political ideology in the Nigerian polity, as obtainable in developed democracies. In conclusion, the need to exercise the right of cross carpeting with caution cannot be overemphasized. Membership of a political group/party should be backed by commitment to well defined ideologies and values. Commitment to them should be regarded akin to that found in the family, which is not easily or flippantly jettisoned.

Keywords: cross-carpeting, Nigeria, legal, moral issues, politics

Procedia PDF Downloads 447

Authors: Bagam Venkateswarlu

Abstract:

NMDC Limited, Indian multinational mining company operates under administrative control of Ministry of Steel, Government of India. This study is undertaken to evaluate how sustainable mining practiced by the company fulfils the provisions of Indian Constitution to secure to its citizen – justice, equality of status and opportunity, promoting social, economic, political, and religious wellbeing. The Constitution of India lays down a road map as to how the goal of being a “Welfare State” shall be achieved. The vision of sustainable mining being practiced is oriented along the constitutional responsibilities on Indian Citizens and the Corporate World. This qualitative study shall be backed by quantitative studies of National Mineral Development Corporation performances in various domains of sustainable mining and ESG, that is, environment, social and governance parameters. For example, Five Star Rating of mine is a comprehensive evaluation system introduced by Ministry of Mines, Govt. of India is one of the methodologies. Corporate Social Responsibilities is one of the thrust areas for securing social well-being. Green energy initiatives in and around the mines has given the title of “Eco-Friendly Miner” to NMDC Limited. While operating fully mechanized large scale iron ore mine (18.8 million tonne per annum capacity) in Bacheli, Chhattisgarh, M/s NMDC Limited caters to the needs of mineral security of State of Chhattisgarh and Indian Union. It preserves forest, wild-life, and environment heritage of richly endowed State of Chhattisgarh. In the remote and far-flung interiors of Chhattisgarh, NMDC empowers the local population by providing world class educational & medical facilities, transportation network, drinking water facilities, irrigational agricultural supports, employment opportunities, establishing religious harmony. All this ultimately results in empowered, educated, and improved awareness in population. Thus, the basic tenets of constitution of India- secularism, democracy, welfare for all, socialism, humanism, decentralization, liberalism, mixed economy, and non-violence is fulfilled. Constitution declares India as a welfare state – for the people, of the people and by the people. The sustainable mining practices by NMDC are in line with the objective. Thus, the purpose of study is fully met with. The potential benefit of the study includes replicating this model in existing or new establishments in various parts of country – especially in the under-privileged interiors and far-flung areas which are yet to see the lights of development.

Keywords: ESG values, Indian constitution, NMDC limited, sustainable mining, CSR, green energy

Procedia PDF Downloads 75

Authors: Muritala Babatunde Hassan

Abstract:

In the contemporary global political economy, foreign direct investment (FDI) is gaining currency on daily basis. Notably, the end of the Cold War has brought about the dominance of neoliberal ideology with its mantra of private-sector-led economy. As such, nation-states now see FDI attraction as an important element in their approach to national development. Governments and policy makers are preoccupying themselves with unraveling the best strategies to not only attract more FDI but also to attain the desired socio-economic development status. In Nigeria, the perceived development potentials of FDI have brought about aggressive hunt for foreign investors, most especially since transition to civilian rule in May 1999. Series of liberal and market oriented strategies are being adopted not only to attract foreign investors but largely to stimulate private sector participation in the economy. It is on this premise that this study interrogates the politics of FDI attraction for domestic development in Nigeria between 1999 and 2014, with the ultimate aim of examining the nexus between regime type and the ability of a state to attract and benefit from FDI. Building its analysis within the framework of institutional utilitarianism, the study posits that the essential FDI strategies for achieving the greatest happiness for the greatest number of Nigerians are political not economic. Both content analysis and descriptive survey methodology were employed in carrying out the study. Content analysis involves desk review of literatures that culminated in the development of the study’s conceptual and theoretical framework of analysis. The study finds no significant relationship between transition to democracy and FDI inflows in Nigeria, as most of the attracted investments during the period of the study were market and resource seeking as was the case during the military regime, thereby contributing minimally to the socio-economic development of the country. It is also found that the country placed much emphasis on liberalization and incentives for FDI attraction at the neglect of improving the domestic investment environment. Consequently, poor state of infrastructure, weak institutional capability and insecurity were identified as the major factors seriously hindering the success of Nigeria in exploiting FDI for domestic development. Given the reality of the currency of FDI as a vector of economic globalization and that Nigeria is trailing the line of private-sector-led approach to development, it is recommended that emphasis should be placed on those measures aimed at improving the infrastructural facilities, building solid institutional framework, enhancing skill and technological transfer and coordinating FDI promotion activities by different agencies and at different levels of government.

Keywords: foreign capital, politics, socio-economic development, FDI attraction strategies

Procedia PDF Downloads 164

Authors: Eumsin Payan

Abstract:

The article desires the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to take interest in the policies and give importance to India over other powerful countries in the World, including powerful countries in Asia, comprising of: People’s Republic of China (PRC), Russia, and India countries with the ability to drive the Asian continent, specifically, the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). (Japan was incapable of stepping up to become the leader of ASEAN due to the fact that Japan has created “wounds” from military history with too many countries in Asia, including wounds from the Greater East Asia War, combining with economic problems Japan is currently facing and also several natural disasters, therefore Japan is not considered a good option of our era.) China appears to be an option that stands out, which could be seen through countless published articles in the general public. However, this article desires to propose India as an option to develop and drive the relationship between ASEAN countries in the future development of Computer Science Technology and allow India to be the leader in driving the Asian Economy in place of China and the United States. As for Russia, its location is distant and apart from South East Asia. Moreover, Russia does not give as much importance to ASEAN. In this light, the author perceives that India already has the “Look East” policy. Therefore, it would be simple for ASEAN to look back at India by simply starting cooperation through policies related to collaboration in the areas of computer science. In effect, this will continuously adjust and improve the relationship towards cooperation in the areas of economics, society, and culture. Referring to the above, the author suggests a word that could be used to call the relationship between India and ASEAN, INSEAN or IN-SEAN. Hereinafter, the author hopes that Thailand, in the position of one in the five founders of ASEAN, could become the leader or be the entity that pushes forward the ASEAN policies that will increase the importance of looking towards India. India is an emerging giant that has the ability to step up in Asia. With the proficient use of English, India is able to pass on the knowledge and drive the ASEAN’s Economic relationship better than China or Russia, as faced with higher language barriers. Moreover, India has cultivated democratic civilization from the colonization of the British Empire, similar to other nations of Southeast Asia, which are familiar with various heritage cultures that the British has brought them. The most important aspect in the author’s perspective is the fact that India is not aggressive and that they have courtesy. Through developing policies of the East through the “Look East” policy, it enabled India to establish a more smooth relationship with Asian countries comparing to China. China has imposed harsh policies towards democracy to the land above the South China Sea, which directly affect the ASEAN countries. From the above reasons, India, therefore, is an appropriate option in the establishment of a closer relationship with ASEAN, as the author has proposed relationship as INSEAN or IN-SEAN.

Keywords: IN-SEAN, INSEAN, look west policy, look east policy, ASEAN, India

Procedia PDF Downloads 647

Authors: Rahul Rajak, Archana Kumari Roy

Abstract:

Purpose: Development brings about structural change in the society. It is essential for socio-economic progress of the society, but it also causes pain to the people who are forced to displace from their motherland. Most of the people who are displaced due to development are poor and tribes. Development and displacement are interlinked with each other in the sense development sometimes leads to displacement of people. These studies mainly focus on socio-economic profile of villages and villagers likely to be affected by the Airport Project and they examine the issues of compensation and people’s level of satisfaction. Methodology: The study is based on Descriptive design; it is basically observational and correlation study. Primary data is used in this study. Considering the time and resource constrains, 100 people were interviewed covering socio-economic and demographic diversities from 6 out of 10 affected villages. Due to Navi Mumbai International Airport Project ten villages have to be displaced. Out of ten villages, this study is based on only six villages. These are Ulwe, Ganeshpuri, Targhar Komberbuje, Chincpada and Kopar. All six villages situated in Raigarh district under the Taluka Panvel in Maharashtra. Findings: It is revealed from the survey that there are three main castes of affected villages that are Agri, Koli, and Kradi. Entire village population of migrated person is very negligible. All three caste have main occupation are agricultural and fishing activities. People’s perception revealed that due to the establishment of the airport project, they may have more opportunities and scope of development rather than the adverse effect, but vigorously leave a motherland is psychological effect of the villagers. Research Limitation: This study is based on only six villages, the scenario of the entire ten affected villages is not explained by this research. Practical implication: The scenario of displacement and resettlement signifies more than a mere physical relocation. Compensation is not only hope for villagers, is it only give short time relief. There is a need to evolve institutions to protect and strengthen the right of Individuals. The development induced displacement exposed them to a new reality, the reality of their legality and illegality of stay on the land which belongs to the state. Originality: Mumbai has large population and high industrialized city have put land at the center of any policy implication. This paper demonstrates through the actual picture gathered from the field that how seriously the affected people suffered and are still suffering because of the land acquisition for the Navi Mumbai International Airport Project. The whole picture arise the question which is how long the government can deny the rights to farmers and agricultural laborers and remain unwilling to establish the balance between democracy and development.

Keywords: compensation, displacement, land acquisition, project affected person (PAPs), rehabilitation

Procedia PDF Downloads 318

Authors: Laura Lee Prather

Abstract:

A functioning democracy is defined by various characteristics, including freedom of speech, equality, human rights, rule of law and many more. Lawsuits brought to intimidate speakers, drain the resources of community members, and silence journalists and others who speak out in support of matters of public concern are an abuse of the legal system and an encroachment of human rights. The impact can have a broad chilling effect, deterring others from speaking out against abuse. This article aims to suggest ways to address this form of judicial harassment. In 1988, University of Denver professors George Pring and Penelope Canan coined the term “SLAPP” when they brought to light a troubling trend of people getting sued for speaking out about matters of public concern. Their research demonstrated that thousands of people engaging in public debate and citizen involvement in government have been and will be the targets of multi-million-dollar lawsuits for the purpose of silencing them and dissuading others from speaking out in the future. SLAPP actions chill information and harm the public at large. Professors Pring and Canan catalogued a tsunami of SLAPP suits filed by public officials, real estate developers and businessmen against environmentalists, consumers, women’s rights advocates and more. SLAPPs are now seen in every region of the world as a means to intimidate people into silence and are viewed as a global affront to human rights. Anti-SLAPP laws are the antidote to SLAPP suits and while commonplace in the United States are only recently being considered in the EU and the UK. This researcher studied more than thirty years of Anti-SLAPP legislative policy in the U.S., the call for evidence and resultant EU Commission’s Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member States Recommendations, the call for evidence by the UK Ministry of Justice, response and Model Anti-SLAPP law presented to UK Parliament, as well as, conducted dozens of interviews with NGO’s throughout the EU, UK, and US to identify varying approaches to SLAPP lawsuits, public policy, and support for SLAPP victims. This paper identifies best practices taken from the US, EU and UK that can be implemented globally to help combat SLAPPs by: (1) raising awareness about SLAPPs, how to identify them, and recognizing habitual abusers of the court system; (2) engaging governments in the policy discussion in combatting SLAPPs and supporting SLAPP victims; (3) educating judges in recognizing SLAPPs an general training on encroachment of human rights; (4) and holding lawyers accountable for ravaging the rule of law.

Keywords: Anti-SLAPP Laws and Policy, Comparative media law and policy, EU Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member Recommendations, International Human Rights of Freedom of Expression

Procedia PDF Downloads 68

Authors: Bec Strating

Abstract:

This paper examines the ways that domestic politics and pressure–generated through lobbying, public diplomacy campaigns and other tools of soft power-contributes to the formation of short-term and long-term national interests, priorities and strategies of states in their international relations. It primarily addresses the conceptual problems regarding the kinds of influence that lobby groups wield in foreign policy and how this influence might be assessed. Scholarly attention has been paid to influential foreign policy lobbies and interest groups, particularly in the areas of US foreign policy. Less attention has been paid to how lobby groups might influence the foreign policy of a middle power such as Australia. This paper examines some of the methodological complexities in developing and conducting a research project that can measure the nature and influence of lobbies on foreign affairs priorities and activities. This paper will use Australian foreign policy in the context of its historical bilateral relationship with Indonesia as a case study for considering the broader issues of domestic influences on foreign policy. Specifically, this paper will use the so-called ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ as an example of an interest group. The term ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ is used in media commentary and scholarship to describe an amorphous collection of individuals who have sought to influence Australian foreign policy in favour of Indonesia. The term was originally applied to a group of Indonesian experts at the Australian National University in the 1980s but expanded to include journalists, think tanks and key diplomats. The concept of the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ was developed largely through criticisms of Australia’s support for Indonesia’s sovereignty of East Timor and West Papua. Pro-Independence supporters were integral for creating the ‘lobby’ in their rhetoric and criticisms about the influence on Australian foreign policy. In these critical narratives, the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’ supported a realist approach to relations with Indonesia during the years of President Suharto’s regime, which saw appeasement of Indonesia as paramount to values of democracy and human rights. The lobby was viewed as integral in embedding a form of ‘foreign policy exceptionalism’ towards Indonesia in Australian policy-making circles. However, little critical and scholarly attention has been paid to nature, aims, strategies and activities of the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby.' This paper engages with methodological issues of foreign policy analysis: what was the ‘pro-Jakarta lobby’? Why was it considered more successful than other activist groups in shaping policy? And how can its influence on Australia’s approach to Indonesia be tested in relation to other contingent factors shaping policy? In addressing these questions, this case study will assist in addressing a broader scholarly concern about the capacities of collectives or individuals in shaping and directing the foreign policies of states.

Keywords: foreign policy, interests groups, Australia, Indonesia

Procedia PDF Downloads 343

Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

Abstract:

This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

Procedia PDF Downloads 148

Authors: Magdalena Zabrocka

Abstract:

The terror of women throughout the governance of the current populist ruling party in Poland, PiS, has been a subject of a heated debate alongside the issues of minorities’ rights, the rule of law, and democracy in the country. The challenges that women and other vulnerable groups are currently facing, however, come down to more than just a lack of comprehensive equality laws, severely limited reproductive rights, hateful slogans, and messages propagated by the central authority and its sympathisers, or a common disregard for women’s fundamental rights. Many sources and media reports are available only in Polish, while international rapporteurs fail to acknowledge the whole picture of the tragedy happening in the country and the variety of factors affecting it. Starting with the authorities’ and Polish catholic church’s propaganda concerning CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence by spreading strategic disinformation that it codifies ‘gender ideology’ and ‘anti-Christian values’ in order to convince the electorate that the legal instruments should be ‘abandoned’. Alongside severely restricted abortion rights, bullying medical professionals helping women exercise their reproductive rights, violating women’s privacy by introducing a mandatory registry of pregnancies (so that one’s pregnancy or its ‘loss’ can be tracked and traced), restricting access to the ‘day after pill’ and real sex education at schools (most schools have a subject of ‘knowledge of living in a family’), introducing prison punishment for teachers accused of spreading ‘sex education’, and many other, the current tyrant government, has now decided to target the youngest with its misinformation and indoctrination, via strategically designed textbooks and curriculum. Biology books have seen a big restriction on the size of the chapters devoted to evolution, reproductive system, and sexual health. Approved religion books (which are taught 2-3 times a week as compared to 1 a week sciences) now cover false information about Darwin’s theory and arguments ‘against it’. Most recently, however, the public spoke up against the absurd messages contained in the politically rewritten history books, where the material about some figures not liked by the governing party has already been manipulated. In the recently approved changes to the history textbook, one can find a variety of strongly biased and politically-charged views representative of the conservatives in the states, most notably, equating the ‘gender ideology’ and feminism with Nazism. Thus, this work, by employing a human rights approach, would focus on the right to education and development as well as the considerate obstacles to access to scientific information by the youth.

Keywords: Poland, right to education, right to development, authoritarianism, access to information

Procedia PDF Downloads 105

Authors: Gerald Steyn

Abstract:

Despite the huge number of identical, tiny, boxy, freestanding houses built by the South African government after the advent of democracy in 1994, squatter camps continue to mushroom, and there is no evidence that the backlog is being reduced. Not only is the wasteful low-density detached-unit approach of the past being perpetuated, but the social, spatial, and economic marginalization is worse than before 1994. The situation is precarious since squatters are vulnerable to fires and flooding. At the same time, the occupants of the housing schemes are trapped far from employment opportunities or any public amenities. Despite these insecurities, the architectural, urban design, and city planning professions are puzzlingly quiet. Design projects address these issues only at the universities, albeit inevitably with somewhat Utopian notions. Geoffrey Payne, the renowned urban housing and urban development consultant and researcher focusing on issues in the Global South, once proclaimed that “we do not have a housing problem – we have a settlement problem.” This dictum was used as the guiding philosophy to conceptualize urban design and architectural principles that foreground the needs of low-income households and allow them to be fully integrated into the larger conurbation. Information was derived from intensive research over two decades, involving frequent visits to informal settlements, historic Black townships, and rural villages. Observations, measured site surveys, and interviews resulted in several scholarly articles from which a set of desirable urban and architectural criteria could be extracted. To formulate culturally appropriate design principles, existing vernacular and informal patterns were analyzed, reconciled with contemporary designs that align with the requirements for the envisaged settlement attributes, and reimagined as residential design principles. Five interrelated design principles are proposed, ranging in scale from (1) Integrating informal settlements into the city, (2) linear neighborhoods, (3) market streets as wards, (4) linear neighborhoods, and (5) typologies and densities for clustered and aggregated patios and courtyards. Each design principle is described, first in terms of its context and associated issues of concern, followed by a discussion of the patterns available to inform a possible solution, and finally, an explanation and graphic illustration of the proposed design. The approach is predominantly bottom-up since each of the five principles is unfolded from existing informal and vernacular practices studied in situ. They are, however, articulated and represented in terms of contemporary design language. Contrary to an idealized vision of housing for South Africa’s low-income urban households, this study proposes actual principles for critical assessment by peers in the tradition of architectural research in design.

Keywords: culturally appropriate design principles, informal settlements, South Africa’s housing backlog, squatter camps

Procedia PDF Downloads 49

Authors: Alba Francesca Canta

Abstract:

The present is one of those times when what normally seems to constitute a reason for living vanishes, particularly in times of crisis, during which certainties of all times crumble, and critical issues emerge, especially in already problematic areas such as the role of women and children. This paper aims to explore the issue of gender and highlight the importance of education for people’s development and well-being. The study is part of the broader framework of the capability approach, a multidimensional approach based on the need to consider a person’s wealth by virtue of their opportunity and freedom to live a ‘life of worth. The results of empirical research conducted in 2020 will be presented, the main objective of which was to measure, through qualitative (project techniques, focus groups, interviews with key informants) and quantitative (questionnaire) methods, the level of empowerment of women in two Italian territories and the consequent well-being of their children. By means of the relationship study, the present research results show that a higher level of women’s empowerment corresponds to a higher level of children’s well-being in a positive virtuous process. The opportunity structure and education are the main driving guide both to women’s empowerment and children’s well-being, emphasizing the importance of education to gender culture as a key factor for the development of the whole society. Among all the traumatic events that broke the harmony of the world and caused an abrupt turn in all areas of society, the crisis of democracy and education are some of the harshest. Nevertheless, education continues to be a fundamental pillar of Global Development Agendas, and above all, democratic education is the main factor in the development of a generative society, capable of forming people who know how to live in society. In this context, recovering democratic and inclusive education can be the key to a breakthrough. In the capability approach Sen, and other Scholars, point out education from two different perspectives: a. education as a fundamental right capable of influencing other real fields of people’s life (i.e., being educated to prevent illness, to vote, etc.) and b. spread communitarian education, tolerance, inclusive, democratic, and respectful, capable of forming human beings. This kind of educational system can directly lead to a general process of gender education that presupposes respect for essential principles: equality, uniqueness, and the participation of all in the processes of defining a democratic society. Many practices of women and children’s exclusions essentially derive from social factors (norms, values, quality of institutions, relations of power, educational and cultural practices) that can build strong barriers. Respect for these principles and education for gender culture could foster the renewal of society and the acquisition of fundamental skills for a generative and inclusive society, such as critical skills, cosmopolitan skills, and narrative imagination.

Keywords: capability approach, children’s well-being, education, women’s empowerment

Procedia PDF Downloads 66

Authors: Naziema Jappie

Abstract:

South Africa is a diverse nation but with many challenges. The fundamental changes in the political, economic and educational domains in South Africa in the late 1990s affected the South African community profoundly. In higher education, experiences of discrimination and bias are detrimental to the sense of belonging of staff and students. It is therefore important to cultivate an appreciation of diversity and inclusion. To bridge common understandings with the reality of racial inequality, we must understand the ways in which senior and executive leadership at universities think about social justice issues relating to diversity and inclusion and contextualize these within the current post-democracy landscape. The position and status of social justice issues and initiatives in South African higher education is a slow process. The focus is to highlight how and to what extent initiatives or practices around campus diversity and inclusion have been considered and made part of the mainstream intellectual and academic conversations in South Africa. This involves an examination of the social and epistemological conditions of possibility for meaningful research and curriculum practices, staff and student recruitment, and student access and success in addressing the challenges posed by social diversity on campuses. Methodology: In this study, university senior and executive leadership were interviewed about their perceptions and advancement of social justice and examine the buffering effects of diverse and inclusive peer interactions and institutional commitment on the relationship between discrimination–bias and sense of belonging for staff and students at the institutions. The paper further explores diversity and inclusion initiatives at the three institutions using a Critical Race Theory approach in conjunction with a literature review on social justice with a special focus on diversity and inclusion. Findings: This paper draws on research findings that demonstrate the need to address social justice issues of diversity and inclusion in the SA higher education context. The reason for this is so that university leaders can live out their experiences and values as they work to transform students into being accountable and responsible. Documents were selected for review with the intent of illustrating how diversity and inclusion work being done across an institution can shape the experiences of previously disadvantaged persons at these institutions. The research has highlighted the need for institutional leaders to embody their own mission and vision as they frame social justice issues for the campus community. Finally, the paper provides recommendations to institutions for strengthening high-level diversity and inclusion programs/initiatives among staff, students and administrators. The conclusion stresses the importance of addressing the historical and current policies and practices that either facilitate or negate the goals of social justice, encouraging these privileged institutions to create internal committees or task forces that focus on racial and ethnic disparities in the institution.

Keywords: diversity, higher education, inclusion, social justice

Procedia PDF Downloads 121

Authors: Nourah Almulhim

Abstract:

This paper takes a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to investigate discourse and ideology in political blogs, focusing in particular on the Conservative Home blog from the UK’s current governing party. The Conservative party member’s discourse strategies as the blogger, alongside the discourse used by members of the public who reply to the blog in the below-the-lines comments, will be examined. The blog discourse reflects the writer's political identity and authorial voice. The analysis of the below-the-lines comments enables members of the public to engage in creating adversative positions, introducing different language users who bring their own individual and collective identities. These language users can play the role of news reporters, political analysts, protesters or supporters of a specific agenda and current socio-political topics or events. This study takes a qualitative approach to analyze the discriminatory context towards Islam/Muslims in ' The Conservative Home' blog. A cognitive approach is adopted and an analysis of dominant discourses in the blog text and the below-the-line comments is used. The focus of the study is, firstly, on the construction of self/ collective national identity in comparison to Muslim identity, highlighting the in-group and out-group construction. Second, the type of attitudes, whether feelings or judgments, related to these social actors as they are explicated to draw on the social values. Third, the role of discursive strategies in justifying and legitimizing those Islamophobic discriminatory practices. Therefore, the analysis is based on the systematic analysis of social actors drawing on actors, actions, and arguments to explicate identity construction and its development in the different discourses. A socio-semantic categorization of social actors is implemented to draw on the discursive strategies in addition to using literature to understand these strategies. An appraisal analysis is further used to classify attitudes and elaborate on core values in both genres. Finally, the grammar of othering is applied to explain how discriminatory dichotomies of 'Us' Vs. ''Them' actions are carried in discourse. Some of the key findings of the analysis can be summarized in two main points. First, the discursive practice used to represent Muslims/Islam as different from ‘Us’ are different in both genres as the blogger uses a covert voice while the commenters generally use an overt voice. This is to say that the blogger uses a mitigated strategy to represent the Muslim identity, for example, using the noun phrase ‘British Muslim’ but then representing them as ‘radical’ and ‘terrorists'. Contrary to this is in below the lines comments, where a direct strategy with an active declarative voice is used to negatively represent the Muslim identity as ‘oppressors’ and ‘terrorists’ with no inclusion of the noun phrase ‘British Muslims’. Second, the negotiation of the ‘British’ identity and values, such as culture and democracy, are prominent in the comment section as being unique and under threat by Muslims, while in the article, these standpoints are not represented.

Keywords: xenophobia, blogs, identity, critical discourse analysis

Procedia PDF Downloads 92

Authors: Shelley Zion

Abstract:

This study examines the longitudinal impact (10 years) of a course for education leaders designed to encourage the development of critical consciousness surrounding issues of equity, oppression, power, and privilege. The ability to resist and challenge oppression across social and cultural contexts can be acquired through the use of transformative pedagogies that create spaces that use the practice of exploration to make connections between pervasive structural and institutional practices and race and ethnicity. This study seeks to extend this understanding by exploring the longitudinal influence of participating in a course that utilizes transformative pedagogies, course materials, exercises, and activities to encourage the practice of exploration of student experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination with the end goal of providing them with the necessary knowledge and skills that foster their ability to resist and challenge oppression and discrimination -critical action- in their lives. To this end, we use the explanatory power of the theories of critical consciousness development, sociopolitical development, and social identity construction that view exploration as a crucial practice in understanding the role ethnic and racial differences play in creating opportunities or barriers in the lives of individuals. When educators use transformative pedagogies, they create a space where students collectively explore their experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination through course readings, in-class activities, and discussions. The end goal of this exploration is twofold: first, to encourage the student’s ability to understand how differences are identified, given meaning to, and used to position them in specific places and spaces in their world; second, to scaffold students’ ability to make connections between their individual and collective differences and particular institutional and structural practices that create opportunities or barriers in their lives. Studies have found the formal exploration of students’ individual and collective differences in relation to their experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination results in developing an understanding of the roles race and ethnicity play in their lives. To trace the role played by exploration in identity construction, we utilize an integrative approach to identity construction informed by multiple theoretical frameworks grounded in cultural studies, social psychology, and sociology that understand social-cultural, racial, and ethnic -identities as dynamic and ever-changing based on context-specific environments. Stuart Hall refers to this practice as taking “symbolic detours through the past” while reflecting on the different ways individuals have been positioned based on their roots (group membership) and also how they, in turn, chose to position themselves through collective sense-making of the various meanings their differences carried through the routes they have taken. The practice of exploration in the construction of ethnic-racial identities has been found to be beneficial to sociopolitical development.

Keywords: political polarization, civic participation, democracy, education

Procedia PDF Downloads 56

Authors: Antonio Piga

Abstract:

The issue of European cultural identity has become a prominent topic of discussion among political actors in the wake of the unsuccessful referenda held in France and the Netherlands in May and June 2006. The „period of reflection‟ announced by the European Council at the conclusion of June 2006 has provided an opportunity for the implementation of several initiatives and programmes designed to „bridge the gap‟ between the EU institutions and its citizens. Specific programmes were designed with the objective of enhancing the European Commission‟s external communication of its activities. Subsequently, further plans for democracy, debate, and dialogue were devised with the objective of fostering open and extensive discourse between EU institutions and citizens. Further documentation on communication policy emphasised the necessity of developing linguistic techniques to re-engage disenchanted or uninformed citizens with the European project. It was observed that the European Union is perceived as a „faceless‟ entity, which is attributed to the absence of a distinct public identity vis-à-vis its institutions. This contribution presents an analysis of a collection of informative publications regarding the European Union, entitled “Europe on the Move”. This collection of booklets provides comprehensive information about the European Union, including its historical origins, core values, and historical development, as well as its achievements, strategic objectives, policies, and operational procedures. The theoretical framework adopted for the longitudinal linguistic analysis of EU discourse is that of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). In more detail, this study considers two basic systems of relations between clauses: firstly, the degree of interdependency (or taxis) and secondly, the logico-semantic relation of expansion. The former refers to the structural markers of grammatical relations between clauses within sentences, namely paratactic, hypotactic and embedded relations. The latter pertains to various logicosemantic relationships existing between the primary and secondary members of the clause nexus. These relationships include how the secondary clause expands the primary clause, which may be achieved by (a) elaborating it, (b) extending it or (c) enhancing it. This study examines the impact of the European Commission‟s post-referendum communication methods on the portrayal of Europe, its role in facilitating the EU institutional process, and its articulation of a specific EU identity linked to distinct values. The research reveals that the language employed by the EU is evidently grounded in an explanatory logic, elucidating the rationale behind their institutionalised acts. Nevertheless, the minimal use of hypotaxis in the post-referendum booklets, coupled with the inconsistent yet increasing ratio of parataxis to hypotaxis, may suggest a potential shift towards a logic of appearance, characterised by a predominant reliance on coordination and additive, and elaborative logico-semantic relations.

Keywords: systemic functional linguistics, logic of appearance, explanatory logic, interdependency, logico-semantic relation

Procedia PDF Downloads 9

Authors: Yobo Opare-Addo

Abstract:

Ghana came under a military and democratic rule of the same leadership from 1981-2000. These were the Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military government and a democratic government, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) both under the leadership of Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings. Meanwhile the year 1985 marked a turning point in the development of the tourism industry in Ghana. Interest in tourism among African governments and for that matter the ‘PNDC cum NDC Government’ (PNDC/NDC) arose because of adverse developments in intangible exports and a corresponding decline in commodity export earnings. The ‘PNDC/NDC Government’ undertook measures and policies to improve the tourism industry and at the same time embarked on export diversification to reap the foreign exchange that the industry could generate in Ghana. The objective of this paper is to examine the measures and policies of the PNDC/NDC to improve the tourism industry in order to reap the foreign exchange. It specifically interrogates the role of the government as an agent of tourism development, through its deliberate creation of a conducive environment for tourism to flourish, the involvement of the private sector both foreign and local and the provision of tourism facilities and infrastructure and how these factors impacted on the tourism industry in Ghana. In the final analysis it evaluates the degree of success of the PNDC/NDC Government in this arena of Ghana’s socio-cultural and economic development. Introduction The Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military government under the leadership of Flt. Lt J.J. Rawlings overthrew a constitutionally elected government of People’s National Party in 1981. In 1992, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) won the general election conducted in December. Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings, the party’s leader became the President of the Fourth Republic from January 1993 to December 2000. It was refreshing to see Ghanaians embrace democracy with renewed energy, zeal, and enthusiasm. This paper takes a critical look at the efforts of the PNDC cum NDC Government (PNDC/NDC) to develop tourism in Ghana during the period from 1981-2000 Methodology: Qualitative method of research was adopted for the study. Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources, and analysis was done using descriptive analysis because descriptive analysis made it possible to describe or summarize the statistical data in the research. To gather data from primary sources, questionnaires, oral interviews, and semi-structured discussions were conducted. Respondents included public officials from Ghana Tourist Board, Ministry of Tourism, Hoteliers, restaurant operators and travel and tour operators in Accra. Secondary data sources included articles in journals, reports, magazines, bulletins, and books. The major findings included statistical data for tourism arrivals and receipts during the period and the status of the industry by the year 2000. Conclusion: The paper contributes to knowledge on political and historical aspects of tourism development in Ghana, which is almost non-existent, attitudes of the PNDC cum NDC government towards tourism development and the debates on the generation of foreign exchange to Ghana and third world countries.

Keywords: ghana, infrastructure, policies, privatization, tourism facilities

Procedia PDF Downloads 86

Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

Abstract:

The unitary form of Philippine government has built a tradition of bureaucracy that strengthened oligarch and clientele politics. Consequently, the Philippines is lagged behind development. There is so much poverty, unemployment, and inadequate social services. In addition, it seems that the rights of national ethnic minority groups like the Igorots to develop their political and economic interests, linguistic and cultural heritage are neglected. Given these circumstances, a paradigm shift is inevitable. The author advocates a transition from a unitary to a federal system of government. Contrary to the notion that a unitary system facilitates better governance, it actually stifles it. As a unitary government, the Philippines seems (a) to exhibit incompetence in delivering efficient, necessary services to the people and (b) to exclude the minority from political participation and policy making. This shows that Philippine unitary system is highly centralized and operates from a top-bottom scheme. However, a federal system encourages decentralization, plurality and political participation. In my view, federalism is beneficial to the Philippine society and congenial to the Igorot indigenous peoples insofar as participative decision-making and development goals are concerned. This research employs critical and constructive analyses. The former interprets some complex practices of Philippine politics while the latter investigates how theories of federalism can be appropriated to deal with political deficits, ethnic diversity, and indigenous peoples’ rights to self-determination. The topic is developed accordingly: First, the author briefly examines the unitary structure of the Philippines and its impact on inter-governmental affairs and processes, asserting that bureaucracy and corruption, for example, are counterproductive to a participative political life, to economic development and to the recognition of national ethnic minorities. Second, he scrutinizes why federalism might transform this. Here, he assesses various opposing philosophical contentions on federal system in managing ethnically diverse society, like the Philippines, and argue that decentralization of political power, economic and cultural developments are reasons to exit from unitary government. Third, he suggests that federalism can be instrumental to Igorots self-determination. Self-determination is neither opposed to national development nor to the ideals of democracy – liberty, justice, solidarity. For example, as others have already noted, a politics in the vernacular facilitates greater participation among the people. Hence, there is a greater chance to arrive at policies that serve the interest of the people. Some may wary that decentralization disintegrates a nation. According to the author, however, the recognition of minority rights which includes self-determination may promote filial devotion to the state. If Igorot indigenous peoples have access to suitable institutions to determine their political life, economic goals, social needs, i.e., education, culture, language, chances are it moves the country forward to development fostering national unity. Remarkably, federal system thus best responds to the Philippines’s democratic and development deficits. Federalism can also significantly rectify the practices that oppress and dislocate national ethnic minorities as it ensures the creation of localized institutions for optimum political, economic, cultural determination and maximizes representation in the public sphere.

Keywords: federalism, Igorot, indigenous peoples, self-determination

Procedia PDF Downloads 338

Authors: Abderrahim El Maslouhi

Abstract:

The paper aims to analyze an often-overlooked dimension of global constitutionalism, which is the rise of the regulatory state and its impact on parliamentary dynamics in transition regimes. In contrast to Majone’s technocratic vision of convergence towards a single regulatory system based on competence and efficiency, national transpositions of regulatory governance and, in general, the relationship to global standards primarily depend upon a number of distinctive parameters. These include policy formation process, speed of change, depth of parliamentary tradition and greater or lesser vulnerability to the normative conditionality of donors, interstate groupings and transnational regulatory bodies. Based on a comparison between three post-Arab Spring countries -Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt, whose constitutions have undergone substantive review in the period 2011-2014- and some European Union state members, the paper intends, first, to assess the degree of permeability to global constitutionalism in different contexts. A noteworthy divide emerges from this comparison. Whereas European constitutions still seem impervious to the lexicon of global constitutionalism, the influence of the latter is obvious in the recently drafted constitutions in Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt. This is evidenced by their reference to notions such as ‘governance’, ‘regulators’, ‘accountability’, ‘transparency’, ‘civil society’, and ‘participatory democracy’. Second, the study will provide a contextual account of internal and external rationales underlying the constitutionalization of regulatory governance in the cases examined. Unlike European constitutionalism, where parliamentarism and the tradition of representative government function as a structural mechanism that moderates the de-parliamentarization effect induced by global constitutionalism, Arab constitutional transitions have led to a paradoxical situation; contrary to the public demands for further parliamentarization, the 2011 constitution-makers have opted for a de-parliamentarization pattern. This is particularly reflected in the procedures established by constitutions and regular legislation, to handle the interaction between lawmakers and regulatory bodies. Once the ‘constitutional’ and ‘independent’ nature of these agencies is formally endorsed, the birth of these ‘fourth power’ entities, which are neither elected nor directly responsible to elected officials, will raise the question of their accountability. Third, the paper shows that, even in the three selected countries, the de-parliamentarization intensity is significantly variable. By contrast to the radical stance of the Moroccan and Egyptian constituents who have shown greater concern to shield regulatory bodies from legislatures’ scrutiny, the Tunisian case indicates a certain tendency to provide lawmakers with some essential control instruments (e. g. exclusive appointment power, adversarial discussion of regulators’ annual reports, dismissal power, later held unconstitutional). In sum, the comparison reveals that the transposition of the regulatory state model and, more generally, sensitivity to the legal implications of global conditionality essentially relies on the evolution of real-world power relations at both national and international levels.

Keywords: Arab legislatures, de-parliamentarization, global constitutionalism, normative conditionality, regulatory state

Procedia PDF Downloads 138

Authors: Martin Bloomfield

Abstract:

This paper examines frictions that lie at the heart of any pragmatist conception of religion and moral progress. I take moral progress to require the ability to correctly analyse social problems, provide workable solutions to these problems, and then rationally justify the analyses and solutions used. I take religion here to involve, as a minimal requirement, belief in the existence of God, a god, or gods, such that they are recognisable to most informed observers within the Western tradition. I take pragmatism to belong to, and borrow from, the philosophical traditions of non-absolutism, anti-realism, historicism, and voluntarism. For clarity, the relevant brands of each of these traditions will be examined during the paper. The friction identified in the title may be summed up as follows: those who, like Cornel West (and, when he was alive, Hilary Putnam), are theistic pragmatists with an interest in realising moral progress, have all been aware of a problem inherent in their positions. Assuming it can be argued that religion and moral progress are compatible, a non-absolutist, anti-realist, historicist position nevertheless raises problems that, as Leon Wieseltier pointed out, the pragmatist still believes in a God who isn’t real, and that the truth of any religious statement (including “God exists”) is relative not to any objective reality but to communities of engaged interlocutors; and that, where there are no absolute standards of right and wrong, any analysis of (and solution to) social problems can only be rationally justified relative to one or another community or moral and epistemic framework. Attempts made to universalise these frameworks, notably by Dewey, Gadamer, and Bernstein, through democracy and hermeneutics, fall into either a vicious and infinite regress, or (taking inspiration from Habermas) the problem of moral truths being decided through structures of power. The paper removes this friction by highlighting the work of Christian pragmatist Cornel West through the lens of the philosopher of religion Eleanore Stump. While West recognises that for the pragmatist, the correctness of any propositions about God or moral progress is impossible to rationally justify to any outside the religious, moral or epistemic framework of the speakers themselves without, as he calls it, a ‘locus of truth’ (which is itself free from the difficulties Dewey, Gadamer and Bernstein fall victim to), Stump identifies routes to knowledge which provide such a locus while avoiding the problems of relativism, power dynamics, and regress. She describes “Dominican” and “Franciscan” knowledge (roughly characterised as “propositional” and “non-propositional”), and uses this distinction to identify something Bernstein saw as missing from Gadamer: culture-independent norms, upon which universal agreement can be built. The “Franciscan knowledge” Stump identifies as key is second-personal knowledge of Christ. For West, this allows the knower to access vital culture-independent norms. If correct, instead of the classical view (religion is incompatible with pragmatism), Christianity becomes key to pragmatist knowledge and moral-knowledge claims. Rather than being undermined by pragmatism, Christianity enables pragmatists to make moral and epistemic claims, free from troubling power dynamics and cultural relativism.

Keywords: Cornel West, Cultural Relativism, Gadamer, Philosophy of Religion, Pragmatism

Procedia PDF Downloads 197

Authors: Toufic Sarieddine

Abstract:

The current debate on the hegemonic impact of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is of two opposing strands: Resilient and absolute US hegemony on the one hand and various models of multipolar hegemony such as bifurcation on the other. Bifurcation theories illustrate an unprecedented division of hegemonic functions between China and the US, whereby Beijing becomes the world’s economic hegemon, leaving Washington the world’s military hegemon and security guarantor. While consensus points to China being the main driver of unipolarity’s rupturing, the debate among bifurcationists is on the location of the first rupture. In this regard, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has seen increasing Chinese foreign direct investment in recent years while that to other regions has declined, ranking it second in 2018 as part of the financing for the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI). China has also become the top trade partner of 11 states in the MENA region, as well as its top source of machine imports, surpassing the US and achieving an overall trade surplus almost double that of Washington’s. These are among other features outlined in world-systems analysis (WSA) literature which correspond with the emergence of a new hegemon. WSA is further utilized to gauge other facets of China’s increasing involvement in MENA and assess whether bifurcation is unfolding therein. These features of hegemony include the adoption of China’s modi operandi, economic dominance in production, trade, and finance, military capacity, cultural hegemony in ideology, education, and language, and the promotion of a general interest around which to rally potential peripheries (MENA states in this case). China’s modi operandi has seen some adoption with regards to support against the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, oil bonds denominated in the yuan, and financial institutions such as the Shanghai Gold Exchange enjoying increasing Arab patronage. However, recent elections in Qatar, as well as liberal reforms in Saudi Arabia, demonstrate Washington’s stronger normative influence. Meanwhile, Washington’s economic dominance is challenged by China’s sizable machine exports, increasing overall imports, and widening trade surplus, but retains some clout via dominant arms and transport exports, as well as free-trade deals across the region. Militarily, Washington bests Beijing’s arms exports, has a dominant and well-established presence in the region, and successfully blocked Beijing’s attempt to penetrate through the UAE. Culturally, Beijing enjoys higher favorability in Arab public opinion, and its broadcast networks have found some resonance with Arab audiences. In education, the West remains MENA students’ preferred destination. Further, while Mandarin has become increasingly available in schools across MENA, its usage and availability still lag far behind English. Finally, Beijing’s general interest in infrastructure provision and prioritizing economic development over social justice and democracy provides an avenue for increased incorporation between Beijing and the MENA region. The overall analysis shows solid progress towards bifurcation in MENA.

Keywords: belt and road initiative, hegemony, Middle East and North Africa, world-systems analysis

Procedia PDF Downloads 108