Search results for: literary ideology

Authors: Vrajesh Rawal

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India's economic landscape has witnessed significant transformations over the past decades, characterized by shifts from agrarian to service-oriented economies. Recently, there has been a growing emphasis on transitioning towards a manufacturing-led growth model driven by factors such as demographic changes, technological advancements, and evolving global trade dynamics. These changes reflect broader efforts to enhance industrialization, boost employment opportunities, and diversify the economic base beyond traditional sectors. Within this context, this research focuses on understanding the specific drivers and dynamics behind India's shift from a predominantly service-based economy to one centered on manufacturing. It seeks to explore how political ideologies influence economic policies and shape sectoral priorities, with a particular focus on contrasting approaches between the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Additionally, the study evaluates the alignment of IMF policy recommendations with India's economic goals and priorities within the theoretical frameworks of neoliberalism and political economy theory. Despite the extensive literature on India's economic reforms and political economy, there remains a gap in understanding how political ideology influences sectoral shifts and economic policy outcomes, particularly in the context of IMF recommendations. Existing studies often focus narrowly on either political ideologies or economic reforms without fully integrating both perspectives. This research aims to bridge this gap by providing a comprehensive analysis that integrates political economy theories with empirical evidence from political speeches, government documents, and IMF reports. Through qualitative content analysis of speeches by political leaders, document analysis of key governmental documents, and scrutiny of party manifestos, this research demonstrates how political ideologies translate into distinct economic strategies and developmental agendas. It highlights the extent to which IMF policy prescriptions align with India's economic objectives and how these interactions shape broader socio-economic outcomes. The theoretical framework of neoliberalism and political economy theory provides a lens to interpret these findings, offering insights into the complex interplay between economic policies, political ideologies, and institutional frameworks in India. The findings of this study are expected to provide valuable insights for policymakers, researchers, and practitioners involved in economic governance and development planning in India. By understanding the factors driving sectoral shifts and the influence of political ideologies on economic policies, policymakers can make informed decisions to foster sustainable economic growth and development. Implementation of these insights could contribute to refining policy frameworks, enhancing alignment with national development priorities, and optimizing engagement with international financial institutions like the IMF to better meet India's socio-economic challenges and opportunities in the evolving global context.

Keywords: political economy, international politics, social science, policy analysis

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Authors: Mikyung Bak

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The dokkaebi, a beloved icon of Korean culture, is represented as an elf, goblin, monster, dwarf, or any similar creature in different media, such as animated shows, comics, soap operas, and movies. It is often described as a mythical creature with a horn or horns and long teeth, wearing tiger-skin pants or a grass skirt, and carrying a magic stick. Many Korean researchers agree on the similarity of the image of the Korean dokkaebi with that of the Japanese oni, a view that is regard as negative from an anti-colonial or nationalistic standpoint. They cite such similarity between the two mythical creatures as evidence that Japanese colonialism persists in Korea. The debate on the originality of dokkaebi’s visual representation is an issue that must be addressed urgently. This research demonstrates through a diagram the plurality of interpretations of dokkaebi’s visual representations in what are considered ‘authentic’ images of dokkaebi in Korean art and culture. This diagram presents the opinions of four major groups in the debate, namely, the scholars of Korean literature and folklore, art historians, authors, and artists. It also shows the creation of new dokkaebi visual representations in popular media, including those influenced by the debate. The diagram further proves that dokkaebi’s representations varied, which include the typical persons or invisible characters found in Korean literature, original Korean folk characters in traditional art, and even universal spirit characters. They are also visually represented by completely new creatures as well as oni-based mythical beings and the actual oni itself. The earlier dokkaebi representations were driven by the creation of a national ideology or national cultural paradigm and, thus, were more uniform and protected. In contrast, the more recent representations are influenced by the Korean industrial strategy of ‘cultural economics,’ which is concerned with the international rather than the domestic market. This recent Korean cultural strategy emphasizes diversity and commonality with the global culture rather than originality and locality. It employs traditional cultural resources to construct a global image. Consequently, dokkaebi’s recent representations have become more common and diverse, thereby incorporating even oni’s characteristics. This argument has rendered the grounds of the debate irrelevant. The dokkaebi has been used recently for tourist marketing purposes, particularly in revitalizing interest in regions considered the cradle of various traditional dokkaebi tales. These campaign strategies include the Jeju-do Dokkaebi Park, Koksung Dokkaebi Land, as well as the Taebaek and Sokri-san Dokkaebi Festivals. Almost dokkaebi characters are identical to the Japanese oni in tourist marketing. However, the pursuit for dokkaebi’s authentic visual representation is less interesting and fruitful than the appreciation of the entire spectrum of dokkaebi images that have been created. Thus, scholars and stakeholders must not exclude the possibilities for a variety of potentials within the visual culture. The same sentiment applies to traditional art and craft. This study aims to contribute to a new visualization of the dokkaebi that embraces the possibilities of both folk craft and art, which continue to be uncovered by diverse and careful researchers in a still-developing field.

Keywords: Dokkaebi, post-colonial period, representation, tourist marketing

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Authors: Weixiao Wei, Chris Shei

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This paper describes Mandate of Heaven as a source of justification for the ruling regime from ancient China approximately three thousand years ago. Initially, the kings of Shang dynasty simply nominated themselves as the sons of Heaven sent to Earth to rule the common people. As the last generation of the kings became corrupted and ruled withbrutal force and crueltywhich directly caused their destruction, the successive kings of Zhou dynasty realised the importance of virtue and the provision of goods to the people. Legitimacy of the ruling regimes became rested not entirely on random allocation of the throne by an unknown supernatural force but on a foundation comprising morality and the ability to provide goods. The latter composite was picked up by the current ruling regime, the Chinese Communist Party, and became the cornerstone of its political legitimacy, also known as ‘performance legitimacy’ where economic development accounts for the satisfaction of the people in place of election and other democratic means of providing legal-rational legitimacy. Under this circumstance, it becomes important as well for the ruling party to use political rhetoric to convince people of the good performance of the government in the economy, morality, and foreign policy. Thus, we see a lot of propaganda materials in both government policy statements and international press conference announcements. The former consists mainly of important speeches made by prominent figures in Party conferences which are not only made publicly available on the government websites but also become obligatory reading materials for university entrance examinations. The later consists of announcements about foreign policies and strategies and actions taken by the government regarding foreign affairsmade in international conferences and offered in Chinese-English bilingual versions on official websites. This documentation strategy creates an impressive image of the Chinese Communist Party that is domestically competent and international strong, taking care of the people it governs in terms of economic needs and defending the country against any foreign interference and global adversities. This political discourse system comprising reading materials fully extractable from government websites also becomes excellent repertoire for teaching and researching in contemporary Chinese language, discourse and rhetoric, Chinese culture and tradition, Chinese political ideology, and Chinese-English translation. This paper aims to provide a detailed and comprehensive description of the current Chinese political discourse system, arguing about its lineage from the rhetorical convention of Mandate of Heaven in ancient China and its current concentration on serving the people in place of election, human rights, and freedom of speech. The paper will also provide guidelines as to how this discourse system and the manifestation of official documents created under this system can become excellent research and teaching materials in applied linguistics.

Keywords: mandate of heaven, Chinese communist party, performance legitimacy, serving the people, political discourse

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: Adriana Pereira Arteaga

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In many Latin American countries the transition towards legal pluralism - has developed as part of what is called Latin-American-Constitutionalism over the last thirty years. The aim of this paper is to discuss how legal pluralism in its current form in Bolivia may produce exclusion and violence. Legal sources and discourse analysis - as an approach to examine written language on discourse documentation- will be used to develop this paper. With the constitution of 2009, Bolivia was symbolically "re-founded" into a multi-nation state. This shift goes hand in hand with the "indigenista" and "decolonisation" ideologies developing since the early 20th century. Discourses based on these ideologies reflect the rejection of liberal and western premises on which the Bolivian republic was originally built after independence. According to the "indigenista" movements, the liberal nation-state generates institutions corresponding to a homogenous society. These liberal institutions not only ignore the Bolivian multi-nation reality, but also maintain the social structures originating form the colony times, based on prejudices against the indigenous. The described statements were elaborated through the image: the indigenous people humiliated by a cruel western system as highlighted by the constitution's preamble. This narrative had a considerable impact on the sensitivity of people and received great social support. Therefore the proposal for changing structures of the nation-state, is charged with an emancipatory message of restoring even the pre-Columbian order. An order at times romantically described as the perfect order. Legally this connotes a rejection of the positivistic national legal system based on individual rights and the promotion of constitutional recognition of indigenous justice administration. The pluralistic Constitution is supposed to promote tolerance and a peaceful coexistence among nations, so that the unity and integrity of the country could be maintained. In its current form, legal pluralism in Bolivia is justified on pre-existing rights contained for example in the International - Labour - Organization - Convention 169, but it is more developed on the described discursive constructions. Over time these discursive constructions created inconsistencies in terms of putting indigenous justice administration into practice: First, because legal pluralism has been more developed on level of political discourse, so a real interaction between the national and the indigenous jurisdiction cannot be observed. There are no clear coordination and cooperation mechanisms. Second, since the recently reformed constitution is based on deep sensitive experiences, little is said about the general legal principles on which a pluralistic administration of justice in Bolivia should be based. Third, basic rights, liberties, and constitutional guarantees are also affected by the antagonized image of the national justice administration. As a result, fundamental rights could be violated on a large scale because many indigenous justice administration practices run counter to these constitutional rules. These problems are not merely Bolivian but may also be encountered in other regional countries with similar backgrounds, like Ecuador.

Keywords: discourse, indigenous justice, legal pluralism, multi-nation

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Authors: Umbreen Salim, Anila Noor

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This paper analyses the influences and faces of colonialism in women’s participation in economic activity in postcolonial Pakistan, through postcolonial feminist economic lens. It is an attempt to probe the shifts in gender inequalities that have existed in three stages; pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial times in the Indo-Pak subcontinent. It delves into an inquiry of pre-colonial as it is imperative to understand the situation and context before colonisation in order to assess the deviations associated with its onset. Hence, in order to trace gender inequalities this paper analyses from Mughal Era (1526-1757) that existed before British colonisation, then, the gender inequalities that existed during British colonisation (1857- 1947) and the associated dynamics and changes in women’s vulnerabilities to participate in the economy are examined. Followed by, the postcolonial (1947 onwards) scenario of discriminations and oppressions faced by women. As part of the research methodology, primary and secondary data analysis was done. Analysis of secondary data including literary works and photographs was carried out, followed by primary data collection using ethnographic approaches and participatory tools to understand the presence of coloniality and gender inequalities embedded in the social structure through participant’s real-life stories. The data is analysed using feminist postcolonial analysis. Intersectionality has been a key tool of analysis as the paper delved into the gender inequalities through the class and caste lens briefly touching at religion. It is imperative to mention the significance of the study and very importantly the practical challenges as historical analysis of 18th and 19th century is involved. Most of the available work on history is produced by a) men and b) foreigners and mostly white authors. Since the historical analysis is mostly by men the gender analysis presented misses on many aspects of women’s issues and since the authors have been mostly white European gives it as Mohanty says, ‘under western eyes’ perspective. Whereas the edge of this paper is the authors’ deep attachment, belongingness as lived reality and work with women in Pakistan as postcolonial subjects, a better position to relate with the social reality and understand the phenomenon. The study brought some key results as gender inequalities existed before colonisation when women were hidden wheel of stable economy which was completely invisible. During the British colonisation, the vulnerabilities of women only increased and as compared to men their inferiority status further strengthened. Today, the postcolonial woman lives in deep-rooted effects of coloniality where she is divided in class and position within the class, and she has to face gender inequalities within household and in the market for economic participation. Gender inequalities have existed in pre-colonial, during colonisation and postcolonial times in Pakistan with varying dynamics, degrees and intensities for women whereby social class, caste and religion have been key factors defining the extent of discrimination and oppression. Colonialism may have physically ended but the coloniality remains and has its deep, broad and wide effects in increasing gender inequalities in women’s participation in the economy in Pakistan.

Keywords: colonialism, economic participation, gender inequalities, women

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Authors: Myriam Benraad

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On 5 July 2016, just days before the bloody terrorist attack on the Promenade des Anglais in Nice, the Al-Hayat media centre, one of the official propaganda branches of the Islamic State, broadcast a French nasheed which paid tribute to the Paris and Brussels attacks of November 2015 and March 2016. Entitled 'My Revenge', the terrorist anthem was of rare vehemence. It mentioned, sequentially, 'huddled bodies', in a reference to the civilian casualties of Western air strikes in the Iraqi-Syrian zone, 'explosive belts', 'sharp knives', 'large-calibre weapons' as well as 'localised targets'. France was accused of bearing the responsibility for the wave of attacks on its territory since the Charlie Hebdo massacre of January 2015 due to its 'ruthless war' against the Muslim world. Evoking an 'old aggression' and the 'crimes and spoliations' of which France has made itself guilty, the jihadist hymn depicted the rebirth of the caliphate as 'laudable revenge'. The notion of revenge has always been central to contemporary jihadism, understood both as a revolutionary ideology and a global militant movement. In recent years, the attacks carried out in Europe and elsewhere in the world have, for most, been claimed in its name. Whoever says jihad, says drama, yet few studies, if any, have looked at its dramatic and emotional elements, most notably its tragic vengefulness. This seems all the more astonishing that jihad is filled with drama; it could even be seen as a drama in its own right. The jihadists perform a script and take on roles inspired by their respective group’s culture (norms, values, beliefs, and symbols). The militants stage and perform such a script for a designated audience, either partisan, sympathising or hostile towards them and their cause. This research paper will examine the dramaturgy of jihadism and in particular, the genre that best characterises its violence: revenge tragedy. Theoretically, the research will rely on the tools of social movement theory and the sociology of emotions. Methodologically, it will draw from dramaturgical analysis and a combination of qualitative and quantitative tools to attain valuable observations of a number of developments, trends, and patterns. The choice has been made to focus mainly – however not exclusively – on the attacks which have taken place since 2001 in the European Union and more specific member states that have been significantly hit by jihadist terrorism. The research looks at a number of representative longitudinal samples identifying continuities and discontinuities, similarities, but also substantial differences. The preliminary findings tend to establish the relevance and validity of this approach in helping make better sense of sensitisation, mobilisation, and survival dynamics within jihadist groups, and motivations among individuals who have embraced violence. Besides, they illustrate their pertinence for counterterrorism policymakers and practitioners. Through drama, jihadist groups ensure the unceasing regeneration of their militant cause as well as their legitimation among their partisans. Without drama, and without the spectacular ideological staging of reality, they would not be able to maintain their attraction potential and power of persuasion.

Keywords: Jihadism, dramaturgy, revenge, tragedy

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Authors: Jihong Liang, Huiling Feng, Linqing Ma, Tianjiao Qi

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Confucius is the first sage in Chinese culture. Confucianism, the theories represented by Confucius, has long been at the core of Chinese traditional society, as the dominating political ideology of centralized feudal monarchy for more than two thousand years. Confucius Worship Ceremony held in the Confucian Temple in Qufu (Confucius’s birthplace), which is dedicated to commemorate Confucius and other 170 elites in Confucianism with a whole set of formal rites, pertains to “Auspicious Rites”, which worship heaven and earth, humans and ghosts. It was first a medium-scaled ritual activity but then upgraded to the supreme one at national level in the Qing Dynasty. As a national event, it was celebrated by Emperor as well as common intellectuals in traditional China. The Ceremony can be solemn and respectful, with prescribed and complicated procedures, well-prepared utensil and matched offerings operated in rhythm with music and dances. Each participant has his place, and everyone follows the specified rules. This magnificent ritual Ceremony, while embedded with rich culture connotation, actually symbolizes the social acknowledgment for orthodox culture represented by Confucianism. Rites reflected in this Ceremony, is one of the most important features of Chinese culture, serving as the key bond in the identification and continuation of Chinese culture. These rites and ritual ceremonies, as culture memories themselves, are not only treasures of China, but of the whole world. However, while the ancient Chinese Rite has been one of the thorniest and most complicated topics for academics, the more regrettable is that due to their interruption in practice and historical changes, these rites and ritual ceremonies have already become a vague language in today’s academic discourse and strange terms of the past for common people. Luckily, we, today, by virtue of modern digital technology, may be able to reproduce these ritual ceremonies, as most of them can still be found in ancient manuscripts, through which Chinese ancestors tell the beauty and gravity of their dignified rites and more importantly, their spiritual pursuits with vivid language and lively pictures. This research, based on review and interpretation of the ancient literature, intends to construct the ancient ritual ceremonies, with the Confucius Worship Ceremony as a case and by use of digital technology. Using 3D technology, the spatial scenes in the Confucian Temple can be reconstructed by virtual reality; the memorial tablet exhibited in the temple by GIS and different rites in the ceremonies by animation technology. With reference to the lyrics, melodies and lively pictures recorded in ancient scripts, it is also possible to reproduce the live dancing site. Also, image rendering technology can help to show the life experience and accomplishments of Confucius. Finally, lining up all the elements in a multimedia narrative form, a complete digitalized Confucius Worship Ceremony can be reproduced, which will provide an excellent virtual experience that goes beyond time and space by bringing its audience back to that specific historical time. This digital project, once completed, will play an important role in the inheritance and dissemination of cultural heritage.

Keywords: Confucius worship ceremony, multimedia narrative form, GIS, visual representation

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Authors: Omair Anas

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The Persian Gulf has been in turmoil for a long time since the colonial administration has handed over the role to the small and weak kings and emirs who were assured of protection in return of many economic and security promises to them. The regional order, Saudi Arabia evolved was a rentier regional order secured by an expansion of rentier economy and taking responsibility for much of the expenses of the regional order on behalf of relatively poor countries. The two oil booms helped the Saudi state to expand the 'rentier order' driven stability and bring the countries like Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Palestine under its tutelage. The disruptive misadventure, however, came with Iran's proclamation of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 which it wanted to be exported to its 'un-Islamic and American puppet' Arab neighbours. For Saudi Arabia, even the challenge presented by the socialist-nationalist Arab dictators like Gamal Abdul Nasser and Hafez Al-Assad was not that much threatening to the Saudi Arabia’s then-defensive realism. In the Arab uprisings, the Gulf monarchies saw a wave of insecurity and Iran found it an opportune time to complete the revolutionary process it could not complete after 1979. An alliance of convenience and ideology between Iran and Islamist groups had the real potential to challenge both Saudi Arabia’s own security and its leadership in the region. The disruptive threat appeared at a time when the Saudi state had already sensed an impending crisis originating from the shifts in the energy markets. Low energy prices, declining global demands, and huge investments in alternative energy resources required Saudi Arabia to rationalize its economy according to changing the global political economy. The domestic Saudi reforms remained gradual until the death of King Abdullah in 2015. What is happening now in the region, the Qatar crisis, the Lebanon crisis and the Saudi-Iranian proxy war in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen has combined three immediate objectives, rationalising Saudi economy and most importantly, the resetting the Saudi royal power for Saudi Arabia’s longest-serving future King Mohammad bin Salman. The Saudi King perhaps has no time to wait and watch the power vacuum appearing because of Iran’s expansionist foreign policy. The Saudis appear to be employing an offensive realism by advancing a pro-active regional policy to counter Iran’s threatening influence amid disappearing Western security from the region. As the Syrian civil war is coming to a compromised end with ceding much ground to Iran-controlled militias, Hezbollah and Al-Hashad, the Saudi state has lost much ground in these years and the threat from Iranian proxies is more than a reality, more clearly in Bahrain, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. This paper attempts to analyse the changing Saudi behaviour in the region, which, the author understands, is shaped by an offensive-realist approach towards finding a favourable security environment for the Saudi-led regional order, a post-rentier order perhaps.

Keywords: terrorism, Saudi Arabia, Rentier State, gulf crisis

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Authors: Rafat Fazeli, Reza Fazeli

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This paper focuses on the study of the welfare state and social wage in the leading liberal economy of the United States. The welfare state acquired a broad acceptance as a major socioeconomic achievement of the liberal democracy in the Western industrialized countries during the postwar boom period. The modern and modified vision of capitalist democracy offered, on the one hand, the possibility of high growth rate and, on the other hand, the possibility of continued progression of a comprehensive system of social support for a wider population. The economic crises of the 1970s, provided the ground for a great shift in economic policy and ideology in several Western countries, most notably the United States and the United Kingdom (and to a lesser extent Canada under Prime Minister Brian Mulroney). In the 1980s, the free market oriented reforms undertaken under Reagan and Thatcher greatly affected the economic outlook not only of the United States and the United Kingdom, but of the whole Western world. The movement which was behind this shift in policy is often called neo-conservatism. The neoconservatives blamed the transfer programs for the decline in economic performance during the 1970s and argued that cuts in spending were required to go back to the golden age of full employment. The agenda for both Reagan and Thatcher administrations was rolling back the welfare state, and their budgets included a wide range of cuts for social programs. The question is how successful were Reagan and Thatcher’s efforts to achieve retrenchment? The paper involves an empirical study concerning the distributive role of the welfare state in the two countries. Other studies have often concentrated on the redistributive effect of fiscal policy on different income brackets. This study examines the net benefit/ burden position of the working population with respect to state expenditures and taxes in the postwar period. This measurement will enable us to find out whether the working population has received a net gain (or net social wage). This study will discuss how the expansion of social expenditures and the trend of the ‘net social wage’ can be linked to distinct forms of economic and social organizations. This study provides an empirical foundation for analyzing the growing significance of ‘social wage’ or the collectivization of consumption and the share of social or collective consumption in total consumption of the working population in the recent decades. The paper addresses three other major questions. The first question is whether the expansion of social expenditures has posed any drag on capital accumulation and economic growth. The findings of this study provide an analytical foundation to evaluate the neoconservative claim that the welfare state is itself the source of economic stagnation that leads to the crisis of the welfare state. The second question is whether the increasing ideological challenges from the right and the competitive pressures of globalization have led to retrenchment of the American welfare states in the recent decades. The third question is how social policies have performed in the presence of the rising inequalities in the recent decades.

Keywords: the welfare state, social wage, The United States, limits to growth

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Ruairi J. McMillan

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Introduction: This critical analysis aims to ascertain how well neuroanatomical aetiologies are communicated within 20 case reports of aphasia. Neuroanatomical visualisations based on dissected brain specimens were produced and combined with white matter tract and vascular taxonomies of function in order to address the most consistently underreported features found within the aphasic case study reports. Together, these approaches are intended to integrate aphasiological knowledge from the past 20 years with aphasiological diagnostics, and to act as prototypal resources for both researchers and clinical professionals. The medico-legal precedent for aphasia diagnostics under Canadian, US and UK case law and the neuroimaging/neurological diagnostics relative to the functional capacity of aphasic patients are discussed in relation to the major findings of the literary analysis, neuroimaging protocols in clinical use today, and the neuroanatomical aetiologies of different aphasias. Basic Methodology: Literature searches of relevant scientific databases (e.g, OVID medline) were carried out using search terms such as aphasia case study (year) & stroke induced aphasia case study. A series of 7 diagnostic reporting criteria were formulated, and the resulting case studies were scored / 7 alongside clinical stroke criteria. In order to focus on the diagnostic assessment of the patient’s condition, only the case report proper (not the discussion) was used to quantify results. Statistical testing established if specific reporting criteria were associated with higher overall scores and potentially inferable increases in quality of reporting. Statistical testing of whether criteria scores were associated with an unclear/adjusted diagnosis were also tested, as well as the probability of a given criterion deviating from an expected estimate. Major Findings: The quantitative analysis of neuroanatomically driven diagnostics in case studies of aphasia revealed particularly low scores in the connection of neuroanatomical functions to aphasiological assessment (10%), and in the inclusion of white matter tracts within neuroimaging or assessment diagnostics (30%). Case studies which included clinical mention of white matter tracts within the report itself were distributed among higher scoring cases, as were case studies which (as clinically indicated) related the affected vascular region to the brain parenchyma of the language network. Concluding Statement: These findings indicate that certain neuroanatomical functions are integrated less often within the patient report than others, despite a precedent for well-integrated neuroanatomical aphasiology also being found among the case studies sampled, and despite these functions being clinically essential in diagnostic neuroimaging and aphasiological assessment. Therefore, ultimately the integration and specificity of aetiological neuroanatomy may contribute positively to the capacity and autonomy of aphasic patients as well as their clinicians. The integration of a full aetiological neuroanatomy within the reporting of aphasias may improve patient outcomes and sustain autonomy in the event of medico-ethical investigation.

Keywords: aphasia, language network, functional neuroanatomy, aphasiological diagnostics, medico-legal ethics

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Toufic Sarieddine

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The current debate on the hegemonic impact of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is of two opposing strands: Resilient and absolute US hegemony on the one hand and various models of multipolar hegemony such as bifurcation on the other. Bifurcation theories illustrate an unprecedented division of hegemonic functions between China and the US, whereby Beijing becomes the world’s economic hegemon, leaving Washington the world’s military hegemon and security guarantor. While consensus points to China being the main driver of unipolarity’s rupturing, the debate among bifurcationists is on the location of the first rupture. In this regard, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has seen increasing Chinese foreign direct investment in recent years while that to other regions has declined, ranking it second in 2018 as part of the financing for the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI). China has also become the top trade partner of 11 states in the MENA region, as well as its top source of machine imports, surpassing the US and achieving an overall trade surplus almost double that of Washington’s. These are among other features outlined in world-systems analysis (WSA) literature which correspond with the emergence of a new hegemon. WSA is further utilized to gauge other facets of China’s increasing involvement in MENA and assess whether bifurcation is unfolding therein. These features of hegemony include the adoption of China’s modi operandi, economic dominance in production, trade, and finance, military capacity, cultural hegemony in ideology, education, and language, and the promotion of a general interest around which to rally potential peripheries (MENA states in this case). China’s modi operandi has seen some adoption with regards to support against the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, oil bonds denominated in the yuan, and financial institutions such as the Shanghai Gold Exchange enjoying increasing Arab patronage. However, recent elections in Qatar, as well as liberal reforms in Saudi Arabia, demonstrate Washington’s stronger normative influence. Meanwhile, Washington’s economic dominance is challenged by China’s sizable machine exports, increasing overall imports, and widening trade surplus, but retains some clout via dominant arms and transport exports, as well as free-trade deals across the region. Militarily, Washington bests Beijing’s arms exports, has a dominant and well-established presence in the region, and successfully blocked Beijing’s attempt to penetrate through the UAE. Culturally, Beijing enjoys higher favorability in Arab public opinion, and its broadcast networks have found some resonance with Arab audiences. In education, the West remains MENA students’ preferred destination. Further, while Mandarin has become increasingly available in schools across MENA, its usage and availability still lag far behind English. Finally, Beijing’s general interest in infrastructure provision and prioritizing economic development over social justice and democracy provides an avenue for increased incorporation between Beijing and the MENA region. The overall analysis shows solid progress towards bifurcation in MENA.

Keywords: belt and road initiative, hegemony, Middle East and North Africa, world-systems analysis

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Authors: Laverne Seales

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When most people think of Panama, they immediately think of the Canal; however, the construction and the people who made it possible are often omitted and seldom acknowledged. The reality is that the construction of this waterway was achieved through forced migration and discriminatory practices toward people of African descent, specifically black people from the Caribbean. From the colonial period to the opening and subsequent operation of the Panama Canal by the United States, this paper goes through the rich layers of Panamanian history to examine the life of Afro-Caribbeans and their descendants in Panama. It also considers the role of the United States in Panama; it explores how the United States in Panama forged a racially complex country that made the integration of Afro-Caribbeans and their descendants difficult. After laying a historical foundation, the exploration of Afro-Caribbean people and Panamanians of Afro-Caribbean descent are analyzed through Afro-Panamanian writer Carlos Guillermo ‘Cubena’ Wilson's novels, short stories, and poetry. This study focuses on how Cubena addresses racism, discrimination, inequality, and social justice issues towards Afro-Caribbeans and their descendants who traveled to Panama to construct the Canal. Content analysis methodology can yield several significant contributions, and analyzing Carlos Guillermo Wilson's literature under this framework allows us to consider social commentary and critique of Panamanian society. It identifies the social issues and concerns of Afro-Caribbeans and people of Afro-Caribbean descent, such as inequality, corruption, racism, political oppression, and cultural identity. Analysis methodology allows us to explore how Cubena's literature engages with questions of cultural identity and belonging in Panamanian society. By examining themes related to race, ethnicity, language, and heritage, this research uncovers the complexities of Panamanian cultural identity, allowing us to interrogate power dynamics and social hierarchies in Panamanian society. Analyzing the portrayal of different social groups, institutions, and power structures helps uncover how power is wielded, contested, and resisted; Cubena's fictional world allows us to see how it functions in Panama. Content analysis methodology also provides for critiquing political systems and governance in Panama. By examining the representation and presentation of political figures, institutions, and events in Cubena's literature, we uncover his commentary on corruption, authoritarianism, governance, and the role of the United States in Panama. Content analysis highlights how Wilson's literature amplifies the voices and experiences of marginalized individuals and communities in Panamanian society. By centering the narratives of Afro-Panamanians and other marginalized groups, this researcher uncovers Cubena's commitment to social justice and inclusion in his writing and helps the reader engage with historical narratives and collective memory in Panama. Overall, analyzing Carlos Guillermo ‘Cubena’ Wilson's literature as a platform for social commentary and critique of Panamanian society using content analysis methodology provides valuable insights into the cultural, social, and political dimensions of Afro-Panamanians during and after the construction of the Panama Canal.

Keywords: Afro-Caribbean, Panama Canal, race, Afro-Panamanian, identity, history

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Authors: Negar Vkilbashi, Hassan Kabiri

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Modern diplomacy, in its general form, refers to the people and not the governments, and diplomacy tactics are more addressed to the people than to the governments. Media diplomacy and cyber diplomacy are also one of the sub-branches of public diplomacy and, in fact, the role of media in the process of influencing public opinion and directing foreign policy. Mass media, including written, radio and television, theater, satellite, internet, and news agencies, transmit information and demands. What the Qatari government tried to implement in the countries of the region during the Arab Spring and after was through its important media, Al Jazeera. The embargo on Qatar began in 2017, when Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt imposed a land, sea, and air blockade against the country. The media tool constitutes the cornerstone of soft power in the field of foreign policy, which Qatari leaders have consistently resorted to over the past two decades. Undoubtedly, the role it played in covering the events of the Arab Spring has created geopolitical tensions. The United Arab Emirates and other neighboring countries sometimes criticize Al Jazeera for providing a platform for the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, and other Islamists to promote their ideology. In 2011, at the same time as the Arab Spring, Al Jazeera reached the peak of its popularity. Al Jazeera's live coverage of protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and Syria helped create a unified narrative of the Arab Spring, with audiences tuning in every Friday to watch simultaneous protests across the Middle East. Al Jazeera operates in three groups: First, it is a powerful base in the hands of the government so that it can direct and influence Arab public opinion. Therefore, this network has been able to benefit from the unlimited financial support of the Qatar government to promote its desired policies and culture. Second, it has provided an attractive platform for politicians and scientific and intellectual elites, thus attracting their support and defense from the government and its rulers. Third, during the last years of Prince Hamad's reign, the Al Jazeera network formed a deterrent weapon to counter the media and political struggle campaigns. The importance of the research is that this network covers a wide range of people in the Middle East and, therefore, has a high influence on the decision-making of countries. On the other hand, Al Jazeera is influential as a tool of public diplomacy and soft power in Qatar's foreign policy, and by studying it, the results of its effectiveness in the past years can be examined. Using a qualitative method, this research analyzes the impact of the media on the implementation of Qatar's foreign policy on the public opinion of the people of the Middle East. Data collection has been done by the secondary method, that is, reading related books, magazine articles, newspaper reports and articles, and analytical reports of think tanks. The most important findings of the research are that Al Jazeera plays an important role in Qatar's foreign policy in Qatar's public diplomacy. So that, in 2011, 2017 and 2023, it played an important role in Qatar's foreign policy in various crises. Also, the people of Arab countries use Al-Jazeera as their first reference.

Keywords: Al Jazeera, Qatar, media, diplomacy

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Authors: Sudeshna Sengupta

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Women’s work lives weave a complex fabric of myriad work relations and complex structures. Lives, when seen from the lens of work, is a saga of conjugated oppression by intertwined structures that are vertically and horizontally interwoven in a very complex manner. Women interact with multiple institutions through their work. The interactions and interplay of institutions shape their organization of work. They intersperse productive work with reproductive work, unpaid economic activities with unpaid care work, and all kinds of activities with leisure and self-care. The proposed paper intends to understand how women working as home-based workers in the National Capital Region (NCR) of India are organizing their everyday work, and how the organization of work is influenced by the interplay of structures. Situating itself in a multidisciplinary theoretical framework, this paper brings out how the gendering of work is playing out in the political, economic and social domain and shaping the work-life within the family, and in the paid workspace. The paper will use a primary data source, which is qualitative in nature. It will comprise 15 qualitative interviews of women home-based workers from the National Capital Region. The research uses a life history approach. The sampling was purposive using snowballing as a method. The dataset is part of the primary data (qualitative) collected for the ongoing Ph.D. work in Gender Studies at Ambedkar University Delhi. The home-based workers interviewed were in “non-factory” wage relations based on piece rates with flexible working hours. Their workplaces were their own homes with no spatial divide between living spaces and workspaces. Home-based workers were recognized as a group in the domain of labor economics in the 1980s. When menial work was cheaper than machine work, the capital owners preferred to outsource work as home-based work to women. These production spaces are fragmented and the identity of gender is created within labor processes to favor material accumulation. Both the employers and employees acknowledged the material gain of the capital owner when work was subcontracted to women at home. Simultaneously the market reinforced women’s reproductive role by conforming to patriarchal ideology. The contractors played an important role in implementing localized control on workers and also in finding workers for fragmented, gendered production processes. Their presence helped the employers in bringing together multiple forms of oppression that ranged from creating a structure to flout laws by creating shadow employers. It created an intertwined social and economic structure as well as a workspace where the line between productive and reproductive work gets blurred. The state invisibilized itself either by keeping the sector out of the domain of laws or by not implementing its own laws regulating working conditions or social security. It allowed the local hierarchy to function and define localized working conditions. The productive reproductive continuum reveals a labor control that influenced both the productive and reproductive work of women.

Keywords: informal sector, paid work, women workers, labor processes

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Authors: Muhammad Alhada Fuadilah Habib, Ayla Karina Budita, Cut Rizka Al Usrah, Mukhammad Fatkhullah, Kanita Khoirun Nisa, Siti Muslihatul Mukaromah

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In this contemporary era, the term of development often emphasised merely on the economic growth aspect. Development of a program often considered as superior by the government, in fact, it often raises various problems. The problems occur because the development policies determined by the government tend to favor private entrepreneurs and impose on the oppression toward the community. The development promised to prosper the community's life, turn out in fact of harming the community, threatening the survival of the community and damaging the ecosystem of nature where the community hangs their life to it. Nowadays many natural resources should be used for the community’s life prosperity. However, the prosperity is conquered by the private entrepreneurs that are regulated through the free market mechanism and wrapped in democratization. This condition actually is a form of neoliberalism that builds new administration order system which is far from the meaning of the word democracy. The government should play more role in protecting community's life and prosperity, but in fact, the government sides with the private entrepreneurs for the sake of the economic benefits regardless of other aspects of the community’s life. This unjustified condition presents a wide range of social movements from the community in response to the neoliberalis policy that actually eliminates the doctrine of community sovereignty. Social movements performed by Yogyakarta south coastal area community, as the focus of the discussion in this paper, is one of the community’s response toward the government policies related to the construction of the ferruginous sand quarry which is tend to favor on private entrepreneurs and highly prejudicing or even threatening the survival of Yogyakarta south coastal area community. The data collection in this study uses qualitative research methods with in-depth interview data collection techniques and purposive informant determination techniques. This method was chosen in order to obtain the insightful data and detailed information to uncover the injustice policies committed by the government-private entrepreneurs toward Yogyakarta south coastal area community. The brief results of this study show that the conflicts between the community and government-private entrepreneurs occurred because of the differences of interests and paradigm of natural resource management. The resistance movements done by the community to fight back the government-private entrepreneurs was conducted by forming an organization called Paguyupan Petani Lahan Pantai Kulon Progo (PPLP-KP). This organization do the resistances through two ways; firstly, quiet action done through various actions such as; refusing against the socialization, performing discussion to deliberate their argument with the government-private entrepreneurs, complaining the problems to the central government, creating banners or billboards which contain the writing of rejection, performing pray rituals to invoke the justice from the God, as well as instill the resistance ideology to their young generation. Secondly, the rough action also is done through various actions such as; doing roadblocks, conducting rallies, as well as doing clash with the government apparatus. In case the resistances done by the community are seen from the pattern. Actually, the resistances are reaction toward the aggression carried out by the government-private entrepreneurs.

Keywords: community resistance, conflict, ferruginous sand quarry construction, social movement

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Authors: Yelda Yenel, Orkut Acele

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In a media-saturated world, celebrities have become ubiquitous figures, encountered both in public spaces and within the privacy of our homes, seamlessly integrating into daily life. From Alexander the Great to contemporary media personalities, the image of celebrity has persisted throughout history, manifesting in various forms and contexts. Over time, as the relationship between society and the market evolved, so too did the roles and behaviors of celebrities. These transformations offer insights into the cultural climate, revealing shifts in habits and worldviews. In Türkiye, the emergence of private television channels brought an influx of celebrities into everyday life, making them a pervasive part of daily routines. To understand modern celebrity culture, it is essential to examine the ideological functions of media within political, economic, and social contexts. Within this framework, celebrities serve as both reflections and creators of cultural values and, at times, act as intermediaries, offering insights into the society of their era. Starting its broadcasting life in 1992 with religious films and religious conversation, Türkiye Newspaper, Radio, Television channel (TGRT) later changed its appearance, slogan, and the celebrities it featured in response to the political atmosphere. Celebrities played a critical role in transforming from the existing slogan 'Peace has come to the screen' to 'Watch and see what will happen”. Celebrities hold significant roles in society, and their images are produced and circulated by various actors, including media organizations and public relations teams. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for analyzing their influence and impact. This study aims to explore Turkish society in the 1990s, focusing on TGRT and its visual and discursive characteristics regarding celebrity figures such as Seda Sayan. The first section examines the historical development of celebrity culture and its transformations, guided by the conceptual framework of celebrity studies. The complex and interconnected image of celebrity, as introduced by post-structuralist approaches, plays a fundamental role in making sense of existing relationships. This section traces the existence and functions of celebrities from antiquity to the present day. The second section explores the economic, social, and cultural contexts of 1990s Türkiye, focusing on the media landscape and visibility that became prominent in the neoliberal era following the 1980s. This section also discusses the political factors underlying TGRT's transformation, such as the 1997 military memorandum. The third section analyzes TGRT as a case study, focusing on its significance as an Islamic television channel and the shifts in its public image, categorized into two distinct periods. The channel’s programming, which aligned with Islamic teachings, and the celebrities who featured prominently during these periods became the public face of both TGRT and the broader society. In particular, the transition to a more 'secular' format during TGRT's second phase is analyzed, focusing on changes in celebrity attire and program formats. This study reveals that celebrities are used as indicators of ideology, benefiting from this instrumentalization by enhancing their own fame and reflecting the prevailing cultural hegemony in society.

Keywords: celebrity culture, media, neoliberalism, TGRT

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Authors: Mohsun Rasim Alizada, Azar Inshalla Ahmdov

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Prompt photons are perhaps the most versatile tools for studying the dynamics of relativistic collisions of heavy ions. The study of photon radiation is of interest that in most hadron interactions, photons fly out as a background to other studied signals. The study of the birth of prompt photons in nucleon-nucleon collisions was previously carried out in experiments on Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider (RHIC) and the Large Hadron Collider (LHC). Due to the large energy of colliding nucleons, in addition to prompt photons, many different elementary particles are born. However, the birth of additional elementary particles makes it difficult to determine the accuracy of the effective section of the birth of prompt photons. From this point of view, the experiments planned on the Nuclotron-based Ion Collider Facility (NICA) complex will have a great advantage, since the energy obtained for colliding heavy ions will reduce the number of additionally born elementary particles. Of particular importance is the study of the processes of birth of prompt photons to determine the gluon leaving hadrons since the photon carries information about a rigid subprocess. At present, paper production of prompt photon in Compton scattering of quark-gluon and annihilation of quark–antiquark processes is investigated. The matrix elements Compton scattering of quark-gluon and annihilation of quark-antiquark pair processes has been written. The Square of matrix elements of processes has been calculated in FeynCalc. The phase volume of subprocesses has been determined. Expression to calculate the differential cross-section of subprocesses has been obtained: Given the resulting expressions for the square of the matrix element in the differential section expression, we see that the differential section depends not only on the energy of colliding protons, but also on the mass of quarks, etc. Differential cross-section of subprocesses is estimated. It is shown that the differential cross-section of subprocesses decreases with the increasing energy of colliding protons. Asymmetry coefficient with polarization of colliding protons is determined. The calculation showed that the squares of the matrix element of the Compton scattering process without and taking into account the polarization of colliding protons are identical. The asymmetry coefficient of this subprocess is zero, which is consistent with the literary data. It is known that in any single polarization processes with a photon, squares of matrix elements without taking into account and taking into account the polarization of the original particle must coincide, that is, the terms in the square of the matrix element with the degree of polarization are equal to zero. The coincidence of the squares of the matrix elements indicates that the parity of the system is preserved. The asymmetry coefficient of annihilation of quark–antiquark pair process linearly decreases from positive unit to negative unit with increasing the production of the polarization degrees of colliding protons. Thus, it was obtained that the differential cross-section of the subprocesses decreases with the increasing energy of colliding protons. The value of the asymmetry coefficient is maximal when the polarization of colliding protons is opposite and minimal when they are directed equally. Taking into account the polarization of only the initial quarks and gluons in Compton scattering does not contribute to the differential section of the subprocess.

Keywords: annihilation of a quark-antiquark pair, coefficient of asymmetry, Compton scattering, effective cross-section

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Authors: Peter Falanga

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During the process of de-Stalinization that began in 1956 with the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, many filmmakers in Hungary chose to explore their country’s political discomforts by using Socialist Realism as a negative model against which they could react to the dominating ideology. A renewed national film industry and a more permissive political regime would allow filmmakers to take to task the plight of the preceding generation who had experienced the fatal political turmoil of both World Wars and the purges of Stalin. What follows is no longer the multigenerational unity found in Socialist Realism wherein both the old and the young embrace Stalin’s revolutionary optimism; instead, the protagonists are parentless, and thus their connection to the previous generation is partially severed. In these films, violent historical forces leave one generation to search for both a connection with their family’s past, and for moral guidance to direct their future. István Szabó’s Father (1966), Márta Mészáros Diary for My Children (1984), and Pál Gábor’s Angi Vera (1978) each consider the fraught relationship between successive generations through the lens of postwar youth. A characteristic each of their protagonist’s share is that they are all missing one or both parents, and cope with familial loss either through recalling memories of their parents in dream-like sequences, or, in the case of Angi Vera, through embracing the surrogate paternalism that the Communist Party promises to provide. This paper considers the argument these films present about the progress of Hungarian history, and how this topic is explored in more recent films that similarly focus on the transmission of generational values. Scholars such as László Strausz and John Cunningham have written on the continuous concern with the transmission of generational values in more recent films such as István Szabó’s Sunshine (1999), Béla Tarr’s Werckmeister Harmonies (2000), György Pálfi’s Taxidermia (2006), Ágnes Kocsis’ Pál Adrienn (2010), and Kornél Mundruczó’s Evolution (2021). These films, they argue, make intimate portrayals of the various sweeping political changes in Hungary’s history and question how these epochs or events have impacted Hungarian identities. If these films attempt to personalize historical shifts of Hungary, then what is the significance of featuring characters who have lost one or both parents? An attempt to understand this coherent trend in Hungarian cinema will profit from examining the earlier, celebrated films of Szabó, Mészáros, and Gábor, who inaugurated this preoccupation with generational values. The pervasive interplay of dreams and memory in their films invites an additional element to their argument concerning historical progression. This paper incorporates Richard Teniman’s notion of the “dialectics of memory” in which memory is in a constant process of negation and reinvention to explain why these Directors prefer to explore Hungarian identity through the disarranged form of psychological realism over the linear causality structure of historical realism.

Keywords: film theory, Eastern European Studies, film history, Eastern European History

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Authors: Elizabeth J. Currie, Fernando Ortega Perez

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—‘MEDICINE’ is a new project funded under the EC Horizon 2020 Marie-Sklodowska Curie Actions, to determine concepts of health and healing from a culturally specific indigenous context, using a framework of interdisciplinary methods which integrates archaeological-historical, ethnographic and modern health sciences approaches. The study will generate new theoretical and methodological approaches to model how peoples survive and adapt their traditional belief systems in a context of alien cultural impacts. In the immediate wake of the conquest of Peru by invading Spanish armies and ideology, native Andeans responded by forming the Taki Onkoy millenarian movement, which rejected European philosophical and ontological teachings, claiming “you make us sick”. The study explores how people’s experience of their world and their health beliefs within it, is fundamentally shaped by their inherent beliefs about the nature of being and identity in relation to the wider cosmos. Cultural and health belief systems and related rituals or behaviors sustain a people’s sense of identity, wellbeing and integrity. In the event of dislocation and persecution these may change into devolved forms, which eventually inter-relate with ‘modern’ biomedical systems of health in as yet unidentified ways. The development of new conceptual frameworks that model this process will greatly expand our understanding of how people survive and adapt in response to cultural trauma. It will also demonstrate the continuing role, relevance and use of TM in present-day indigenous communities. Studies will first be made of relevant pre-Colombian material culture, and then of early colonial period ethnohistorical texts which document the health beliefs and ritual practices still employed by indigenous Andean societies at the advent of the 17^th century Jesuit campaigns of persecution - ‘Extirpación de las Idolatrías’. Core beliefs drawn from these baseline studies will then be used to construct a questionnaire about current health beliefs and practices to be taken into the study population of indigenous Quechua peoples in the northern Andean region of Ecuador. Their current systems of knowledge and medicine have evolved within complex historical contexts of both the conquest by invading Inca armies in the late 15^th century, followed a generation later by Spain, into new forms. A new model will be developed of contemporary  Andean concepts of health, illness and healing demonstrating  the way these have changed through time. With this, a ‘policy tool’ will be constructed as a bridhging facility into contemporary global scenarios relevant to other Indigenous, First Nations, and migrant peoples to provide a means through which their traditional health beliefs and current needs may be more appropriately understood and met. This paper presents findings from the first analytical phases of the work based upon the study of the literature and the archaeological records. The study offers a novel perspective and methods in the development policies sensitive to indigenous and minority people’s health needs.

Keywords: Andean ethnomedicine, Andean health beliefs, health beliefs models, traditional medicine

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Authors: Shatarupa Thakurta Roy

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Along the limelight of mainstream academic practices in Indian art, exist a significant lot of habitual art practices that are mutually susceptible in their contemporary forms. Narrative folk paintings of regional India has successfully dispersed to its audience social messages through pulsating pictures and orations. The paper consists of images from narrative scroll paintings on ‘Ramayana’ theme from various neighboring states as well as districts in India, describing their subtle differences in style of execution, method, and use of material. Despite sharing commonness in the choice of subject matter, habitual and ceremonial Indian folk art in its formative phase thrived within isolated locations to yield in remarkable variety in the art styles. The differences in style took place district wise, cast wise and even gender wise. An open flow is only evident in the contemporary expressions as a result of substantial changes in social structures, mode of communicative devices, cross-cultural exposures and multimedia interactivities. To decipher the complex nature of popular cultural taste of contemporary India it is important to categorically identify its root in vernacular symbolism. The realization of modernity through European primitivism was rather elevated as a perplexed identity in Indian cultural margin in the light of nationalist and postcolonial ideology. To trace the guiding factor that has still managed to obtain ‘Indianness’ in today’s Indian art, researchers need evidences from the past that are yet to be listed in most instances. They are commonly created on ephemeral foundations. The artworks are also found in endangered state and hence, not counted much friendly for frequent handling. The museums are in dearth of proper technological guidelines to preserve them. Even though restoration activities are emerging in the country, the existing withered and damaged artworks are in threat to perish. An immediacy of digital achieving is therefore envisioned as an alternative to save this cultural legacy. The method of this study is, two folded. It primarily justifies the richness of the evidences by conducting categorical aesthetic analysis. The study is supported by comments on the stylistic variants, thematic aspects, and iconographic identities alongside its anthropological and anthropomorphic significance. Further, it explores the possible ways of cultural preservation to ensure cultural sustainability that includes technological intervention in the form of digital transformation as an altered paradigm for better accessibility to the available recourses. The study duly emphasizes on visual description in order to culturally interpret and judge the rare visual evidences following Feldman’s four-stepped method of formal analysis combined with thematic explanation. A habitual design that emerges and thrives within complex social circumstances may experience change placing its principle philosophy at risk by shuffling and altering with time. A tradition that respires in the modern setup struggles to maintain timeless values that operate its creative flow. Thus, the paper hypothesizes the survival and further growth of this practice within the dynamics of time and concludes in realization of the urgency to transform the implicitness of its knowledge into explicit records.

Keywords: aesthetic, identity, implicitness, paradigm

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Authors: Maari Sugawara

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This study investigates the constructed notion of “motherhood” and queered forms of care in contemporary Japan, focusing on rental family services. In Japan, the concept of motherhood is often equated with womanhood, reflecting a pervasive ideology that views motherhood as an essential aspect of a woman's societal role, particularly amidst economic recovery and an aging population. This study interrogates these gendered expectations by linking rental family services, particularly the role of rental mothers, to traditional caregiving roles. It critiques the gendered construction of domestic labor and aims to expand conceptions of alternative family structures and caregiving roles beyond normative frameworks. Emerging in the 1980s to provide companionship for the elderly, rental family services have evolved to meet diverse social needs, with paid actors fulfilling familial roles at various social events. Despite their growing prevalence, academic exploration of this phenomenon remains limited. This research aims to fill that gap by investigating the cultural, social, and economic factors fueling the popularity of rental family services and analyzing their implications for contemporary understandings of family dynamics and care labor in Japan. Furthermore, this study underscores the disproportionate domestic labor burden women in Japan bear, often managing time-intensive household tasks, which creates a "double burden" for those in full-time employment. Care work, including elderly and disability support, is undervalued and typically compensated at near-minimum wage levels, with women predominantly filling these low-wage roles. This gender disparity in Japan's care industry contributes to labor shortages in caregiving and childcare, highlighting broader structural inequities in the labor market. Through semi-structured qualitative interviews with fifteen rental mothers, this study investigates their experiences, motivations, role dynamics, and emotional labor. It critically examines whether the labor performed by rental family actors constitutes a subversive practice deserving of appropriate compensation. Utilizing a role-playing method, the author engages with rental mothers as if they were her own, reflecting the dynamics of compensated labor. This interaction delves into the economic and emotional aspects of constructed motherhood, facilitating a broader inquiry into the value of both productive and reproductive labor in Japan. The study also investigates the relationship between sex work and rental family services within the socio-economic landscape, recognizing the links between the welfare sector and female employment in legal sex work. Although distinct, these sectors merit joint consideration due to the commonality of male clients in both industries. This research engages with theoretical perspectives framing mobile sex work as inherently queer, directly challenging the dominance of heteronormativity. The agency exercised by sex workers complicates narratives of conformity and deviance, underscoring the need to reevaluate caregiving labor in both paid and unpaid contexts. Ultimately, this research critiques the intersection of gender, care, and labor in contemporary Japan by examining the undervaluation of traditional caregiving roles alongside the labor involved in rental family services. It challenges Japanese policies that equate womanhood with motherhood and explores the potential of viewing outsourced care as queered maternal and non-reproductive labor, advocating for the recognition of alternative family structures and non-reproductive forms of motherhood.

Keywords: motherhood, alternative family structures, carework, Japan, queer studies

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