Search results for: Dicky Muslim

Authors: Sanaa Riaz

Abstract:

The free people, Amazigh (plural Imazighen), often known by the more popular exonym, Berber, are spread across several North African countries with the highest population in Morocco have been substantially misunderstood and differentially showcased by entities from western-school educated scholars to human, health and women’s rights organizations, to the State to the international community. This paper is an examination of the various conceptualization of the Imazighen. With the popularity of the Arab Spring movement to oust monarchical and dictatorial rulers across the Middle East and North Africa in Morocco, the Moroccan monarchy introduced various reform programs to win public favor. These included social, economic and educational reforms to incorporate marginalized groups such as the Imazighen. The monarchy has ushered Amazigh representation in public offices and landscape through Amazigh script, even though theirs has been an oral culture. After the Arab Spring, the Justice and Development party, an Islamist party took over in Morocco due to its accessibility to the masses, In Sept. 2021, unlike the case of Egypt and Tunisia where military and constitutional means were sought, Morocco successfully removed it from power through the ballot, resulting in a real victory for the neutral monarchy and its representation as a moderate, secular and liberal force for the nation. As a result, supporting the perpetuation of Amazigh linguistic identity also became synonymous to making a secular statement as a Muslim. It has led to the telling of Amazigh identity at state museums as one representing the indigenous, pure, diverse, culturally-rich and united Morocco. Reform efforts have also prioritized an amiable look towards the economic and familial links of Moroccan Jews with the few thousand families still left in the country and a showcasing through museums and cultural centers of the Jewish identity as Moroccan first. In that endeavor, it is interesting to note the coverage of Jews as the indigenous of Morocco through the embracing of their “folk” cultural and religious practices, those that are not continued outside Morocco. In this epistemology, the concept of the Moroccan Jew becomes similar to the indigenous Amazigh, both cherished as the oldest peoples of Morocco and symbols of its unity and resilience. In the urban discourse, Amazigh identity is a concept that continues to be part of the deliberations of elites and scholars graduating from French schools on the incorporation of rural and illiterate Morocco in economic and educational advancement. Yet, with the constant influx of migrants from Western Sahara into cities like Fez and Marrakesh, Amazigh has often been described as the umbrella term of those of “mixed” ethnic ancestry who constitute the country’s free population. In sum, Amazigh identity highlights the changing discourse on marginalized communities, human rights, representation, Moroccan nationhood, and regional and transnational politics. The aim of this paper is to analyze perceptions of Amazigh identity in Morocco post-2021 ousting of the Islamist party using data from state-sponsored museum displays and cultural centers collected in Summer 2022 and scholarly analyses of Amazigh identity, representation and rights in Morocco.

Keywords: Amazigh identity, Morocco, representation, state politics

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Authors: Md. Nurul Alom Siddikqe

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The purpose of this intervention was to describe how the marginalized people protect their rights and increase their self-dignity and self-esteem among brothel-based sex workers in 6 cities which are the victim of trafficked who came from different periphery areas Bangladesh. Eventually the sex workers are tortured by the pimp, clients, Msahi (so called guardian of bonded sex workers), Babu (So called husband) highly discriminated, vulnerable and stigmatized due to their occupation, movement, behavior and activities, which has got social disapproval. However, stigma, discrimination and violation of human rights not only bar them to access legal services, education of their kids, health, movement of outside of brothel, deprived of funeral after death, but also make them inaccessible due to their invisibility. Conducted an assessment among brothel-based sex workers setup to know their knowledge on human rights and find out their harassment and violence in their community. Inspired them to think about to be united and also assisted them to formation of self help group (SHG). Developed capacity of the SHG and developed leadership of its members through different trainings like administrative, financial management, public speaking and resource mobilization. Developed strategy to enhance the capacity of SHG so that they can collectively claim their rights and develop strategic partnership and network with the relevant service provider’s for restoring all sorts of rights. Conducted meeting with stakeholder including duty bearers, civil society organizations, media people and local government initiatives. Developed Networking with human rights commission, local elite, religious leaders and form human right watch committees at community level. Organized rally and observed national and international days along with government counterparts. By utilizing the project resources the members of SHG became capable to raise their collective voices against violence, discrimination and stigma as well as protected them from insecurity. The members of SHG have been participating in social program/event the SHG got membership of district level NGO coordination meeting through invitation from Deputy Commissioner, Civil Surgeon and Social welfare office of Government of Bangladesh. The Law Enforcement Agency is ensuring safety and security and the education department of government enrolled their children in primary level education. The Government provided land for grave yard after death for the Muslim sex workers and same for the other religious group. The SHGs are registered with government respective authorities. The SHGs are working with support from different development partners and implementing different projects sometime as consortium leaders. Opportunity created to take the vocational training from the government reputed department. The harassment by the clients reduced remarkably, babu, Mashi and other counterparts recognized the sex workers rights and ensure security with government counterpart access increased in legal, health and education. Indications are that the brothel based sex workers understood about their rights and became capable of ensuring their security through working under the self-help groups meaningfully.

Keywords: brothel, discrimination, harassment, stigma

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Authors: Negar Vkilbashi, Hassan Kabiri

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Modern diplomacy, in its general form, refers to the people and not the governments, and diplomacy tactics are more addressed to the people than to the governments. Media diplomacy and cyber diplomacy are also one of the sub-branches of public diplomacy and, in fact, the role of media in the process of influencing public opinion and directing foreign policy. Mass media, including written, radio and television, theater, satellite, internet, and news agencies, transmit information and demands. What the Qatari government tried to implement in the countries of the region during the Arab Spring and after was through its important media, Al Jazeera. The embargo on Qatar began in 2017, when Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt imposed a land, sea, and air blockade against the country. The media tool constitutes the cornerstone of soft power in the field of foreign policy, which Qatari leaders have consistently resorted to over the past two decades. Undoubtedly, the role it played in covering the events of the Arab Spring has created geopolitical tensions. The United Arab Emirates and other neighboring countries sometimes criticize Al Jazeera for providing a platform for the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, and other Islamists to promote their ideology. In 2011, at the same time as the Arab Spring, Al Jazeera reached the peak of its popularity. Al Jazeera's live coverage of protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and Syria helped create a unified narrative of the Arab Spring, with audiences tuning in every Friday to watch simultaneous protests across the Middle East. Al Jazeera operates in three groups: First, it is a powerful base in the hands of the government so that it can direct and influence Arab public opinion. Therefore, this network has been able to benefit from the unlimited financial support of the Qatar government to promote its desired policies and culture. Second, it has provided an attractive platform for politicians and scientific and intellectual elites, thus attracting their support and defense from the government and its rulers. Third, during the last years of Prince Hamad's reign, the Al Jazeera network formed a deterrent weapon to counter the media and political struggle campaigns. The importance of the research is that this network covers a wide range of people in the Middle East and, therefore, has a high influence on the decision-making of countries. On the other hand, Al Jazeera is influential as a tool of public diplomacy and soft power in Qatar's foreign policy, and by studying it, the results of its effectiveness in the past years can be examined. Using a qualitative method, this research analyzes the impact of the media on the implementation of Qatar's foreign policy on the public opinion of the people of the Middle East. Data collection has been done by the secondary method, that is, reading related books, magazine articles, newspaper reports and articles, and analytical reports of think tanks. The most important findings of the research are that Al Jazeera plays an important role in Qatar's foreign policy in Qatar's public diplomacy. So that, in 2011, 2017 and 2023, it played an important role in Qatar's foreign policy in various crises. Also, the people of Arab countries use Al-Jazeera as their first reference.

Keywords: Al Jazeera, Qatar, media, diplomacy

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Authors: Ina Filkobski, Eran Shor

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This article explores how newspapers cover murder of women by family members and intimate partners. Three major Israeli newspapers were compared in order to analyse the coverage of Jewish and Arab victims and culprits and to examine whether and in what ways the media contribute to the construction of symbolic boundaries between minority and dominant social groups. A sample of some 459 articles that were published between 2013 and 2015 was studied using a systematic qualitative content analysis. Our findings suggest that the treatment of murder cases by the media varies according to the ethnicity of both victims and culprits. The murder of Jews by family members or intimate partners was framed as a shocking and unusual event, a result of the individual personality or pathology of the culprit. Conversely, when Arabs were the killers, murders were often explained by focusing on the culture of the ethnic group, described as traditional, violent, and patriarchal. In two-thirds of the cases in which Arabs were involved, so-called ‘honor killing’ or other cultural explanations were proposed as the motive for the murder. This was often the case even before a suspect was detected, while police investigation was at its very early stages, and often despite forceful denials from victims’ families. In case of Jewish culprits, more than half of the articles in our sample suggested mental disorder to explain the acts and cultural explanations were almost entirely absent. Beyond the emphasis on psychological vs. cultural explanations, newspaper articles also tend to provide much more detail about Jewish culprits than about Arabs. Such detailed examinations convey a desire to make sense of the event by understanding the supposedly unique and unorthodox nature of the killer. The detailed accounts were usually absent from the reports on Arab killers. Thus, even if reports do not explicitly offer cultural motivations for the murder, the fact that reports often remain laconic leaves people to draw their own conclusions, which would then be likely based on existing cognitive scripts and previous reports on family murders among Arabs. Such treatment contributes to the notion that Arab and Muslim cultures, religions, and nationalities are essentially misogynistic and adhere to norms of honor and shame that are radically different from those of modern societies, such as the Jewish-Israeli one. Murder within the family is one of the most dramatic occurrences in the social world, and in societies that see themselves as modern it is a taboo; an ultimate signifier of danger. We suggest that representations of murder provide a valuable prism for examining the construction of group boundaries. Our analysis, therefore, contributes to the scholarly effort to understand the creation and reinforcement of symbolic boundaries between ‘society’ and its ‘others’ by systematically tracing the media constructions of ‘otherness’. While our analysis focuses on Israel, studies on the United States, Canada, and various European countries with ethnically and racially heterogeneous populations, make it clear that the stigmatisation and exclusion of visible, religious, and language minorities are not unique to the Israeli case.

Keywords: comparative study of media coverege of minority and majority groups, construction of symbolic group boundaries, murder of women by family members and intimate partners, Israel, Jews, Arabs

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Authors: Merav Alush Levron, Sivan Rajuan Shtang

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From as early as their emergence in Europe and the US, postmodern and post-colonial paradigm have formed the backbone of the visual culture field of study. The self-representation project of political minorities is studied, described and explained within the premises and perspectives drawn from these paradigms, addressing the key issues they had raised: modernism’s crisis of representation. The struggle for self-representation, agency and multicultural visibility sought to challenge the liberal pretense of universality and equality, hitting at its different blind spots, on issues such as class, gender, race, sex, and nationality. This struggle yielded subversive identity and hybrid performances, including reclaiming, mimicry and masquerading. These performances sought to defy the uniform, universal self, which forms the basis for the liberal, rational, enlightened subject. The argument of this research runs that this politics of representation itself is confined within liberal thought. Alongside post-colonialism and multiculturalism’s contribution in undermining oppressive structures of power, generating diversity in cultural visibility, and exposing the failure of liberal colorblindness, this subversion is constituted in the visual field by way of confrontation, flying in the face of the universal law and relying on its ongoing comparison and attribution to this law. Relying on Deleuze and Guattari, this research set out to draw theoretic and empiric attention to an alternative, post-liberal occurrence which has been taking place in the visual field in parallel to the contra-hegemonic phase and as a product of political reality in the aftermath of the crisis of representation. It is no longer a counter-representation; rather, it is a motion of organic minor desire, progressing in the form of flows and generating what Deleuze and Guattari termed deterritorialization of social structures. This discussion shall have its focus on current post-liberal performances of ‘Mizrahim’ (Jewish Israelis of Arab and Muslim extraction) in the visual field in Israel. In television, video art and photography, these performances challenge the issue of representation and generate concrete peripheral Mizrahiness, realized in the visual organization of the photographic frame. Mizrahiness then transforms from ‘confrontational’ representation into a 'presence', flooding the visual sphere in our plain sight, in a process of 'becoming'. The Mizrahi desire is exerted on the plains of sound, spoken language, the body and the space where they appear. It removes from these plains the coding and stratification engendered by European dominance and rational, liberal enlightenment. This stratification, adhering to the hegemonic surface, is flooded not by way of resisting false consciousness or employing hybridity, but by way of the Mizrahi identity’s own productive, material immanent yearning. The Mizrahi desire reverberates with Mizrahi peripheral 'worlds of meaning', where post-colonial interpretation almost invariably identifies a product of internalized oppression, and a recurrence thereof, rather than a source in itself - an ‘offshoot, never a wellspring’, as Nissim Mizrachi clarifies in his recent pioneering work. The peripheral Mizrahi performance ‘unhook itself’, in Deleuze and Guattari words, from the point of subjectification and interpretation and does not correspond with the partialness, absence, and split that mark post-colonial identities.

Keywords: desire, minority, Mizrahi Jews, post-colonialism, post-liberalism, visibility, Deleuze and Guattari

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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