Search results for: petty corruption

Authors: Ruth Hegarty, Noel Connaughton

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Sustainability reporting has become a priority for many global multinational companies. This is associated with ever-increasing expectations from key stakeholders for companies to be transparent about their strategies, activities and management with regard to sustainability issues. The Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) encourages reporters to only provide information on the issues that are really critical in order to achieve the organisation’s goals for sustainability and manage its impact on environment and society. A key challenge for most reporting organisations is how to identify relevant issues for sustainability reporting and prioritise those material issues in accordance with company and stakeholder needs. A recent study indicates that most of the largest companies listed on the world’s stock exchanges are failing to provide data on key sustainability indicators such as employee turnover, energy, greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs), injury rate, pay equity, waste and water. This paper takes an indepth look at the approaches used by a select number of international sustainability leader corporates to identify key sustainability issues. The research methodology involves performing a detailed analysis of the sustainability report content of up to 50 companies listed on the 2014 Dow Jones Sustainability Indices (DJSI). The most recent sustainability report content found on the GRI Sustainability Disclosure Database is then compared with 91 GRI Specific Standard Disclosures and a small number of GRI Standard Disclosures. Preliminary research indicates significant gaps in the information disclosed in corporate sustainability reports versus the indicator content specified in the GRI Content Index. The following outlines some of the key findings to date: Most companies made a partial disclosure with regard to the Economic indicators of climate change risks and infrastructure investments, but did not focus on the associated negative impacts. The top Environmental indicators disclosed were energy consumption and reductions, GHG emissions, water withdrawals, waste and compliance. The lowest rates of indicator disclosure included biodiversity, water discharge, mitigation of environmental impacts of products and services, transport, environmental investments, screening of new suppliers and supply chain impacts. The top Social indicators disclosed were new employee hires, rates of injury, freedom of association in operations, child labour and forced labour. Lesser disclosure rates were reported for employee training, composition of governance bodies and employees, political contributions, corruption and fines for non-compliance. The reporting on most other Social indicators was found to be poor. In addition, most companies give only a brief explanation on how material issues are defined, identified and ranked. Data on the identification of key stakeholders and the degree and nature of engagement for determining issues and their weightings is also lacking. Generally, little to no data is provided on the algorithms used to score an issue. Research indicates that most companies lack a rigorous and thorough methodology to systematically determine the material issues of sustainability reporting in accordance with company and stakeholder needs.

Keywords: identification of key stakeholders, material issues, sustainability reporting, transparency

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Magdalena Orth, Gunnar Gotz

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Background: Domestic accountability, budget transparency and public financial management (PFM) are considered vital components of good governance in developing countries. The aid modality budget support (BS) promotes these governance functions in developing countries. BS engages in political decision-making and provides financial and technical support to poverty reduction strategies of the partner countries. Nevertheless, many donors have withdrawn their support from this modality due to cases of corruption, fraud or human rights violations. This exit from BS is leaving a finance and governance vacuum in the countries. The evaluation team analyzed the consequences of terminating the use of this modality and found particularly negative effects for good governance outcomes. Methodology: The evaluation uses a qualitative (theory-based) approach consisting of a comparative case study design, which is complemented by a process-tracing approach. For the case studies, the team conducted over 100 semi-structured interviews in Malawi, Uganda, Rwanda and Zambia and used four country-specific, tailor-made budget analysis. In combination with a previous DEval evaluation synthesis on the effects of BS, the team was able to create a before-and-after comparison that yields causal effects. Main Findings: In all four countries domestic accountability and budget transparency declined if other forms of pressure are not replacing BS´s mutual accountability mechanisms. In Malawi a fraud scandal created pressure from the society and from donors so that accountability was improved. In the other countries, these pressure mechanisms were absent so that domestic accountability declined. BS enables donors to actively participate in political processes of the partner country as donors transfer funds into the treasury of the partner country and conduct a high-level political dialogue. The results confirm that the exit from BS created a governance vacuum that, if not compensated through external/internal pressure, leads to a deterioration of good governance. For example, in the case of highly aid dependent Malawi did the possibility of a relaunch of BS provide sufficient incentives to push for governance reforms. Overall the results show that the three good governance areas are negatively affected by the exit from BS. This stands in contrast to positive effects found before the exit. The team concludes that the relationship is causal, because the before-and-after comparison coherently shows that the presence of BS correlates with positive effects and the absence with negative effects. Conclusion: These findings strongly suggest that BS is an effective modality to promote governance and its abolishment is likely to cause governance disruptions. Donors and partner governments should find ways to re-engage in closely coordinated policy-based aid modalities. In addition, a coordinated and carefully managed exit-strategy should be in place before an exit from similar modalities is considered. Particularly a continued framework of mutual accountability and a high-level political dialogue should be aspired to maintain pressure and oversight that is required to achieve good governance.

Keywords: budget support, domestic accountability, public financial management and budget transparency, Sub-Sahara Africa

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Authors: Shierwin Agagen Cabunilas

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The unitary form of Philippine government has built a tradition of bureaucracy that strengthened oligarch and clientele politics. Consequently, the Philippines is lagged behind development. There is so much poverty, unemployment, and inadequate social services. In addition, it seems that the rights of national ethnic minority groups like the Igorots to develop their political and economic interests, linguistic and cultural heritage are neglected. Given these circumstances, a paradigm shift is inevitable. The author advocates a transition from a unitary to a federal system of government. Contrary to the notion that a unitary system facilitates better governance, it actually stifles it. As a unitary government, the Philippines seems (a) to exhibit incompetence in delivering efficient, necessary services to the people and (b) to exclude the minority from political participation and policy making. This shows that Philippine unitary system is highly centralized and operates from a top-bottom scheme. However, a federal system encourages decentralization, plurality and political participation. In my view, federalism is beneficial to the Philippine society and congenial to the Igorot indigenous peoples insofar as participative decision-making and development goals are concerned. This research employs critical and constructive analyses. The former interprets some complex practices of Philippine politics while the latter investigates how theories of federalism can be appropriated to deal with political deficits, ethnic diversity, and indigenous peoples’ rights to self-determination. The topic is developed accordingly: First, the author briefly examines the unitary structure of the Philippines and its impact on inter-governmental affairs and processes, asserting that bureaucracy and corruption, for example, are counterproductive to a participative political life, to economic development and to the recognition of national ethnic minorities. Second, he scrutinizes why federalism might transform this. Here, he assesses various opposing philosophical contentions on federal system in managing ethnically diverse society, like the Philippines, and argue that decentralization of political power, economic and cultural developments are reasons to exit from unitary government. Third, he suggests that federalism can be instrumental to Igorots self-determination. Self-determination is neither opposed to national development nor to the ideals of democracy – liberty, justice, solidarity. For example, as others have already noted, a politics in the vernacular facilitates greater participation among the people. Hence, there is a greater chance to arrive at policies that serve the interest of the people. Some may wary that decentralization disintegrates a nation. According to the author, however, the recognition of minority rights which includes self-determination may promote filial devotion to the state. If Igorot indigenous peoples have access to suitable institutions to determine their political life, economic goals, social needs, i.e., education, culture, language, chances are it moves the country forward to development fostering national unity. Remarkably, federal system thus best responds to the Philippines’s democratic and development deficits. Federalism can also significantly rectify the practices that oppress and dislocate national ethnic minorities as it ensures the creation of localized institutions for optimum political, economic, cultural determination and maximizes representation in the public sphere.

Keywords: federalism, Igorot, indigenous peoples, self-determination

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Authors: John Lachapelle

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Introduction: Neural stimulation is increasingly targeted toward treatment of back pain, PTSD, Parkinson’s disease, and for sensory perception. Sensory recording during stimulation is important in order to examine neural response to stimulation. Most neural amplifiers (headstages) focus on noise efficiency factor (NEF). Conversely, neural headstages need to handle artifacts from several sources including power lines, movement (EMG), and neural stimulation itself. In this work a layered approach to artifact rejection is used to reduce corruption of the neural ENG signal by 60dBv, resulting in recovery of sensory signals in rats and primates that would previously not be possible. Methods: The approach combines analog techniques to reduce and handle unwanted signal amplitudes. The methods include optimized (1) sensory electrode placement, (2) amplifier configuration, and (3) artifact blanking when necessary. The techniques together are like concentric moats protecting a castle; only the wanted neural signal can penetrate. There are two conditions in which the headstage operates: unwanted artifact < 50mV, linear operation, and artifact > 50mV, fast-settle gain reduction signal limiting (covered in more detail in a separate paper). Unwanted Signals at the headstage input: Consider: (a) EMG signals are by nature < 10mV. (b) 60 Hz power line signals may be > 50mV with poor electrode cable conditions; with careful routing much of the signal is common to both reference and active electrode and rejected in the differential amplifier with <50mV remaining. (c) An unwanted (to the neural recorder) stimulation signal is attenuated from stimulation to sensory electrode. The voltage seen at the sensory electrode can be modeled Φ_m=I_o/4πσr. For a 1 mA stimulation signal, with 1 cm spacing between electrodes, the signal is <20mV at the headstage. Headstage ASIC design: The front end ASIC design is designed to produce < 1% THD at 50mV input; 50 times higher than typical headstage ASICs, with no increase in noise floor. This requires careful balance of amplifier stages in the headstage ASIC, as well as consideration of the electrodes effect on noise. The ASIC is designed to allow extremely small signal extraction on low impedance (< 10kohm) electrodes with configuration of the headstage ASIC noise floor to < 700nV/rt-Hz. Smaller high impedance electrodes (> 100kohm) are typically located closer to neural sources and transduce higher amplitude signals (> 10uV); the ASIC low-power mode conserves power with 2uV/rt-Hz noise. Findings: The enhanced neural processing ASIC has been compared with a commercial neural recording amplifier IC. Chronically implanted primates at MGH demonstrated the presence of commercial neural amplifier saturation as a result of large environmental artifacts. The enhanced artifact suppression headstage ASIC, in the same setup, was able to recover and process the wanted neural signal separately from the suppressed unwanted artifacts. Separately, the enhanced artifact suppression headstage ASIC was able to separate sensory neural signals from unwanted artifacts in mouse-implanted peripheral intrafascicular electrodes. Conclusion: Optimizing headstage ASICs allow observation of neural signals in the presence of large artifacts that will be present in real-life implanted applications, and are targeted toward human implantation in the DARPA HAPTIX program.

Keywords: ASIC, biosensors, biomedical signal processing, biomedical sensors

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Authors: Amarasinghe Shashikala, Pramudika Hansini, Fernando Tajan, Rathnayake Piyumi

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This study investigates the prominence of the social entrepreneurship (SE) model over the sustainable entrepreneurship model among Sri Lankan exporters in the small and medium enterprise (SME) sector. The primary objective of this study is to explore how the unique socio-economic contextual nuances of the country influence this behavior. The study employs a multiple-case study approach, collecting data from thirteen SEs in the SME sector. The findings reveal a significant alignment between SE and the lifestyle of the people in Sri Lanka, attributed largely to its deep-rooted religious setting and cultural norms. A crucial factor driving the prominence of SE is the predominantly labor-intensive nature of production processes within the exporters of the SME sector. These processes inherently lend themselves to SE, providing employment opportunities and fostering community engagement. Further, SE initiatives substantially resonate with community-centric practices, making them more appealing and accessible to the local populace. In contrast, the findings highlight a dilemma between cost-effectiveness and sustainable entrepreneurship. Transitioning to sustainable export products and production processes is demanded by foreign buyers and acknowledged as essential for environmental stewardship, which often requires capital-intensive makeovers. This investment inevitably raises the overall cost of the export product, making it less competitive in the global market. Interestingly, the study notes a disparity between international demand for sustainable products and the willingness of buyers to pay a premium for them. Despite the growing global preference for eco-friendly options, the findings suggest that the additional costs associated with sustainable entrepreneurship are not adequately reflected in the purchasing behavior of international buyers. The abundance of natural resources coupled with a minimal occurrence of natural catastrophes renders exporters less environmentally sensitive. The absence of robust policy support for environmental preservation exacerbates this inclination. Consequently, exporters exhibit a diminished motivation to incorporate environmental sustainability into their business decisions. Instead, attention is redirected towards factors such as the local population's minimum standards of living, prevalent social issues, governmental corruption and inefficiency, and rural poverty. These elements impel exporters to prioritize social well-being when making business decisions. Notably, the emphasis on social impact, rather than environmental impact, appears to be a generational trend, perpetuating a focus on societal aspects in the realm of business. In conclusion, the manifestation of entrepreneurial behavior within developing nations is notably contingent upon contextual nuances. This investigation contributes to a deeper understanding of the dynamics shaping the prevalence of SE over sustainable entrepreneurship among Sri Lankan exporters in the SME sector. The insights generated have implications for policymakers, industry stakeholders, and academics seeking to navigate the delicate balance between socio-cultural values, economic feasibility, and environmental sustainability in the pursuit of responsible business practices within the export sector.

Keywords: small and medium enterprises, social entrepreneurship, Sri Lanka, sustainable entrepreneurship

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Authors: Shahzada Gulfam

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Islamism was considered as a new phenomenon in Muslim World to revolt against static Religious Traditionalists and the Imperialists. Islamist political parties viewed the establishment of an Islamic state within the limits of Sharia’h as their destination. The Islamists movements like Ikhwan-ul Muslimun, Jamaat-i-Islami etc. did appear with revolutionary agenda but were contained by military forces and the secular modernists of Muslim World. The Muslim rulers, historically could not respect the democratic and moral norms and equally emerged as dictators in democracies, military rule as well as in monarchies. The Arab Spring did not follow the Islamists agenda but gathered the common masses against the corrupt rulers to have a just democratic political system. The Islamic State and Sharia’h were not their immediate targets but the achievement of moral norms in Muslim societies and eradication of dictatorial rule were the basic aims. This phenomenon is named as post-Islamism. The political struggle of PAT (Pakistan Awami Tehreek) and the PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf) has been following the footsteps of Arab Spring and can be noted as the extension of Arab Spring in Muslim World. The results of this struggle would define the fate of Post-Islamism in Pakistan. Has Jamaat-i-Islami got the potential to reform its agenda accordingly? This paper intends to study the Jamaat’s struggle and tries to predict Jamaat’s role in post-Islamism scenario. There is a clear distinction between the people of religion and the people following the popular materialistic westernized value system. This division is also evident in political parties. Pakistan has been ruled mostly by the secular parties and rulers. The inability to establish Islamic system by replacing the imperial system has created militancy and revolt which requires the establishment of a sound model Islamic based system in the country. The political parties of Pakistan could not device a modernize agenda, equally acceptable in modernized world and addressing the prevailing issues and also having the indigenous religious and cultural roots. The inability of Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan to transform its agenda accordingly to serve the post-Islamism has made it irrelevant in Pakistan’s politics. Once Jamaat leaves behind its hard position as an Islamist party and accepts the post-Islamism as beginning to create its idealized state and society, it can pursue its agenda gradually. The phenomenon of post-Islamism does not make Islamists irrelevant but invites them to listen to the priorities of masses rather than insisting on the agenda of their respective ideologues to be followed for all times. The ruling Muslim democrats and military dictators of Pakistan have been following unfair means to sustain their political power which gave rise to space for the new political parties to emerge and organize agitation successfully in Pakistani Politics. Jamaat-i-Islami could not fill that space to be an agent of Post-Islamism and could not break their chains which had been tying them to the prevailing failed democracy of Pakistan. Post-Islamists are the addressers of the rulers corruption and are struggling for reforms in system. Jamaat due to its ideological compulsions could not transform its agenda accordingly. The new scenario indicates that the Post-Islamism which emerged in Arab World can be taken as first step to establish democracy and justice in state and society and then the establishment of Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state should have been the next targets. This gradual agenda would have delivered public support to the Jamaat which deserved that but PTI & PAT have cashed this opportunity in Pakistani politics by strengthening their respective vote banks.

Keywords: arab spring, islamic state, islamic political parties, muslim world, post-islamism

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Authors: Andrew D. Henshaw, James M. Austin

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Introduction: Human trafficking is an increasingly serious transnational criminal enterprise and social security issue. Despite ongoing efforts to mitigate the phenomenon and a significant expansion of security scrutiny over past decades, it is not receding. This is true for many nations in Southeast Asia, widely recognized as the global hub for trafficked persons, including men, women, and children. Clearly, human trafficking is difficult to address because there are numerous drivers, causes, and motivators for it to persist, such as non-military and non-traditional security challenges, i.e., climate change, global warming displacement, and natural disasters. These make displaced persons and refugees particularly vulnerable. The issue is so large conservative estimates put a dollar value at around $150 billion-plus per year (Niethammer, 2020) spanning sexual slavery and exploitation, forced labor, construction, mining and in conflict roles, and forced marriages of girls and women. Coupled with corruption throughout military, police, and civil authorities around the world, and the active hands of powerful transnational criminal organizations, it is likely that such figures are grossly underestimated as human trafficking is misreported, under-detected, and deliberately obfuscated to protect those profiting from it. For example, the 2022 UN report on human trafficking shows a 56% reduction in convictions in that year alone (UNODC, 2022). Our Approach: To better understand this, our research utilizes a bespoke methodology. Applying a JAM (Juxtaposition Assessment Matrix), which we previously developed to detect flows of dark money around the globe (Henshaw, A & Austin, J, 2021), we now focus on the human trafficking paradigm. Indeed, utilizing a JAM methodology has identified key indicators of human trafficking not previously explored in depth. Being a set of structured analytical techniques that provide panoramic interpretations of the subject matter, this iteration of the JAM further incorporates behavioral and driver indicators, including the employment of Open-Source Artificial Intelligence (OS-AI) across multiple collection points. The extracted behavioral data was then applied to identify non-traditional indicators as they contribute to human trafficking. Furthermore, as the JAM OS-AI analyses data from the inverted position, i.e., the viewpoint of the traffickers, it examines the behavioral and physical traits required to succeed. This transposed examination of the requirements of success delivers potential leverage points for exploitation in the fight against human trafficking in a new and novel way. Findings: Our approach identified new innovative datasets that have previously been overlooked or, at best, undervalued. For example, the JAM OS-AI approach identified critical 'dark agent' lynchpins within human trafficking that are difficult to detect and harder to connect to actors and agents within a network. Our preliminary data suggests this is in part due to the fact that ‘dark agents’ in extant research have been difficult to detect and potentially much harder to directly connect to the actors and organizations in human trafficking networks. Our research demonstrates that using new investigative techniques such as OS-AI-aided JAM introduces a powerful toolset to increase understanding of human trafficking and transnational crime and illuminate networks that, to date, avoid global law enforcement scrutiny.

Keywords: human trafficking, open-source intelligence, transnational crime, human security, international human rights, intelligence analysis, JAM OS-AI, Dark Money

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Authors: B. M. Moda, L. F. Secco

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Through free and fair elections and others less democratic processes, Latin America has been gradually turning into a right-wing political region. In order to understand these recent changes, this paper aims to discuss the origin and the traits of the pink wave in the subcontinent, the reasons for its current rollback and future projections for left-wing in the region. The methodology used in this paper will be descriptive and analytical combined with secondary sources mainly from the social and political sciences fields. The canons of the Washington Consensus was implemented by the majority of the Latin American governments in the 80s and 90s under the social democratic and right-wing parties. The neoliberal agenda caused political, social and economic dissatisfaction bursting into a new political configuration for the region. It started in 1998 when Hugo Chávez took the office in Venezuela through the Fifth Republic Movement under the socialist flag. From there on, Latin America was swiped by the so-called ‘pink wave’, term adopted to define the rising of self-designated left-wing or center-left parties with a progressive agenda. After Venezuela, countries like Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Equator, Nicaragua, Paraguay, El Salvador and Peru got into the pink wave. The success of these governments was due a post-neoliberal agenda focused on cash transfers programs, increasing of public spending, and the straightening of national market. The discontinuation of the preference for the left-wing started in 2012 with the coup against Fernando Lugo in Paraguay. In 2015, the chavismo in Venezuela lost the majority of the legislative seats. In 2016, an impeachment removed the Brazilian president Dilma Rousself from office who was replaced by the center-right vice-president Michel Temer. In the same year, Mauricio Macri representing the right-wing party Proposta Republicana was elected in Argentina. In 2016 center-right and liberal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was elected in Peru. In 2017, Sebastián Piñera was elected in Chile through the center-right party Renovación Nacional. The pink wave current rollback points towards some findings that can be arranged in two fields. Economically, the 2008 financial crisis affected the majority of the Latin American countries and the left-wing economic policies along with the end of the raw materials boom and the subsequent shrinking of economic performance opened a flank for popular dissatisfaction. In Venezuela, the 2014 oil crisis reduced the revenues for the State in more than 50% dropping social spending, creating an inflationary spiral, and consequently loss of popular support. Politically, the death of Hugo Chavez in 2013 weakened the ‘socialism of the twenty first century’ ideal, which was followed by the death of Fidel Castro, the last bastion of communism in the subcontinent. In addition, several cases of corruption revealed during the pink wave governments made the traditional politics unpopular. These issues challenge the left-wing to develop a future agenda based on innovation of its economic program, improve its legal and political compliance practices, and to regroup its electoral forces amid the social movements that supported its ascension back in the early 2000s.

Keywords: Latin America, political parties, left-wing, right-wing, pink wave

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Authors: A. Chandra, M. Arthur, L. Mize, A. Pomeroy-Stevens

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Background: Lower and middle-income countries (LMICs) in Asia face rapid urbanization resulting in both economic opportunities (the urban advantage) and emerging health challenges. Urban health risks are magnified in informal settlements and include infectious disease outbreaks, inadequate access to health services, and poor air quality. Over the coming years, urban spaces in Asia will face accelerating public health risks related to migration, climate change, and environmental health. These challenges are complex and require multi-sectoral and multi-stakeholder solutions. The Building Health Cities (BHC) program is funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to work with smart city initiatives in the Asia region. BHC approaches urban health challenges by addressing policies, planning, and services through a health equity lens, with a particular focus on informal settlements and migrant communities. The program works to develop data-driven decision-making, build inclusivity through stakeholder engagement, and facilitate the uptake of appropriate technology. Methodology: The BHC program has partnered with the smart city initiatives of Indore in India, Makassar in Indonesia, and Da Nang in Vietnam. Implementing partners support municipalities to improve health delivery and equity using two key approaches: political economy analysis and participatory systems mapping. Political economy analyses evaluate barriers to collective action, including corruption, security, accountability, and incentives. Systems mapping evaluates community health challenges using a cross-sectoral approach, analyzing the impact of economic, environmental, transport, security, health system, and built environment factors. The mapping exercise draws on the experience and expertise of a diverse cohort of stakeholders, including government officials, municipal service providers, and civil society organizations. Results: Systems mapping and political economy analyses identified significant barriers for health care in migrant populations. In Makassar, migrants are unable to obtain the necessary card that entitles them to subsidized health services. This finding is being used to engage with municipal governments to mitigate the barriers that limit migrant enrollment in the public social health insurance scheme. In Indore, the project identified poor drainage of storm and wastewater in migrant settlements as a cause of poor health. Unsafe and inadequate infrastructure placed residents of these settlements at risk for both waterborne diseases and injuries. The program also evaluated the capacity of urban primary health centers serving migrant communities, identifying challenges related to their hours of service and shortages of health workers. In Da Nang, the systems mapping process has only recently begun, with the formal partnership launched in December 2019. Conclusion: This paper explores lessons learned from BHC’s systems mapping, political economy analyses, and stakeholder engagement approaches. The paper shares progress related to the health of migrants in informal settlements. Case studies feature barriers identified and mitigating steps, including governance actions, taken by local stakeholders in partner cities. The paper includes an update on ongoing progress from Indore and Makassar and experience from the first six months of program implementation from Da Nang.

Keywords: informal settlements, migration, stakeholder engagement mapping, urban health

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