Search results for: mercosur

Authors: L. Aparecida Bastos, J. Leige Lopes, J. Crepaldi, R. Monteiro da Silva

Abstract:

The objective of this study is to analyze the evolution of some social and economic indicators of Mercosur´s economies from 1980 to 2012, based on the statistics of the Latin American Integration Association (LAIA). The objective is to observe if after the accession of these economies to Mercosur (the first accessions occurred in 1994) these indicators showed better performance, in order to demonstrate if economic integration contributed to improved trade, macroeconomic performance, and level of social and economic development of member countries. To this end, the methodologies used will be a literature review and descriptive statistics. The theoretical framework that guides the work are the theories of Integration: Classical Liberal, Marxist and structural-proactive. The results reveal that most social and economic indicators showed better performance in those economies that joined Mercosur after 1994. This work is the result of an investigation already completed.

Keywords: economic integration, Mercosur, social indicators, economic indicators

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Authors: Luciana Aparecida Bastos, Tatiana Diair L. F. Rosa, Jesus Creapldi

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The idea of Latin American integration occurred from the ideals of Simón Bolívar that, in 1824, called the Ibero-American nations to Amphictyonic Congress of Panama, on June 22, 1826, where he would defend the importance of Latin American unity. However, this congress was frustrating and the idea of Bolívar went no further. It was only after the European Union to start the process, driven by the end of World War II that the subject returned to emerge in Latin America. Thus, in 1960, supported by the European integration process, started in 1957 with the excellent result of the ECSC - European Coal and Steel Community, a result of the Customs Union of the BENELUX (integration between Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg) in 1948, was created in Latin America, LAFTA - Latin American Free Trade Association, in 1960. In 1980, LAFTA was replaced by LAAI- Latin American Association, both with the same goal: to integrate Latin America, it´s economy and its trade. Most researchers in this period agree that the regional market would be expanded through the integration. The creation of one or more economic blocs in the region would provide the union of Latin American countries through a fusion of common interests and by their geographical proximity, which would try to develop common projects to promote mutual growth and economic development, tariff reductions, promotion of increased trade between, among many other goals set together. Thus, taking into account Mercosur, the main Latin-American block, created in 1994, the aim of this paper is to make a brief analysis of the trade balance performance of Brazil (larger economy of the block) in Mercosur in the periods: 1989-1994 and 1994-2012. The choice of this period was because the objective is to compare the period before and after the integration of Brazil in Mercosur. The methodologies used were the literature review and descriptive statistics. The results showed that after the integration of Brazil in Mercosur, the exports and imports grew within the bloc and the country turned out to become the leading importer of other economies of Mercosur after integration, that is, Brazil, after integration to Mercosur, was largely responsible for promoting the expansion of regional trade through the import of products from other members of the block.

Keywords: Brazil, mercosur, integration, trade balance, comparison

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Authors: Andre Sanches Siqueira Campos

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Central banks can play a significant role in promoting regional economic and monetary integration by strengthening the payment and settlement systems. However, close coordination and cooperation require facilitating the implementation of reforms at domestic and cross-border levels in order to benchmark with international standards and commitments to the liberal order. This situation reflects the normative power of the regulatory globalization dimension of strong states, which may drive or constrain regional integration. In the MERCOSUR and SAARC regions, central banks have set financial initiatives that could facilitate South America and South Asia regions to move towards convergence integration and facilitate trade and investments connectivities. This is qualitative method research based on a combination of the Process-Tracing method with Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This research approaches multiple forms of data based on central banks, regional organisations, national governments, and financial institutions supported by existing literature. The aim of this research is to analyze the decision-making process of the Central Bank of Brazil (BCB) and the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) towards regional financial cooperation by identifying connectivity instruments that foster, gridlock, or redefine cooperation. The BCB and The RBI manage the monetary policy of the largest economies of those regions, which makes regional cooperation a relevant framework to understand how they provide an effective institutional arrangement for regional organisations to achieve some of their key policies and economic objectives. The preliminary conclusion is that both BCB and RBI demonstrate a reluctance to deepen regional cooperation because of the existing economic, political, and institutional asymmetries. Deepening regional cooperation is constrained by the interests of central banks in protecting their economies from risks of instability due to different degrees of development between countries in their regions and international financial crises that have impacted the international system in the 21st century. Reluctant regional integration also provides autonomy for national development and political ground for the contestation of Global Financial Governance by Brazil and India.

Keywords: Brazil, central banks, decision-making process, global financial governance, India, MERCOSUR, connectivity, payment system, regional cooperation, SAARC

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Authors: Romeu Bonk Mesquita

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Argentina is the South American number 1 country of destiny to intraregional migration flows. This research aims to shed light on the main trends of the Argentine immigrant policy from 2016 on, when Mauricio Marci was elected President, taking the approval of the current and fairly protective of human rights Ley de Migraciones (2003) as an analytical starting point. Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) serves as the theoretical background, highlighting decision-making processes and institutional designs that encourage or constraint political and social actors. The analysis goes through domestic and international levels, observing how immigration policy is formulated as a public policy and is simultaneously connected to Mercosur and other international organizations, such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Thus, the study revolves around the Direccion Nacional de Migraciones, which is the state agency in charge of executing the country’s immigrant policy, as to comprehend how its internal processes and the connections it has with both domestic and international institutions shape Argentina’s immigrant policy formulation and execution. Also, it aims to locate the migration agenda within the country’s contemporary social and political context. The methodology is qualitative, case-based and oriented by process-tracing techniques. Empirical evidence gathered includes official documents and data, media coverage and interviews to key-informants. Recent events, such as the Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/2017 issued by President Macri, and the return of discursive association between migration and criminality, indicate a trend of nationalization and securitization of the immigration policy in contemporary Argentina.

Keywords: Argentine foreign policy, human rights, immigrant policy, Mercosur

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Authors: Fátima R. Zan, Daniela C. Guimarães, Rosângela O. Soares, Suzana L. Russo

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The wine until it reaches the consumer has a long way to go, from planting the wine to the bottling and the placing on the market, bringing many years of experimentation, and through several generations to have recognition for quality and excellence. The winemaking grew dramatically and are today many brands, including the associated locations, demonstrating their origin and cultural order that is associated with their production. The production, circulation and marketing of wines and products of grape and wine in Brazil is regulated by Law 7.678/88, amended by Law 10970/04, and adjusting the legislation to Regulation Wine Mercosur. This study was based on a retrospective study, and aimed to identify and characterize the modalities of industrial property used in wine production in Brazil. The wineries were selected from the 2014 ranking list, drawn up by the World Association of Journalists and Writers of Wines and Spirits (WAWWJ). The results show that the registration with INPI, regarding Patents, Trademarks, Industrial Designs and Geographical Indications, is not used by the wineries analyzed.

Keywords: counterfeiting, industrial property, protection, wine production

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Authors: Anton Andreev

Abstract:

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of a large part of the socialist regimes, left-wing parties all over the world entered the space of crisis, of problems with ideology, identity, with the definition of its goals and objectives. First of all, we can say that the communist parties actually lost their foundation. In 1992, despite the victory of left-wing forces, a Broad Front in which was the winner in the struggle against dictatorship plunged into a deep crisis, the nature of which is looking for a new platform, a new foundation, new goals. Thus, in the late 20th century, the party has revised theoretical beliefs and positions. Radical communist ideology was moderated to social reformism. Modern leftist movement in Uruguay is a movement of moderate reform. Left forces suggest going through successive changes. Changes in ideology and ideas have influenced to the understanding of foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union Broad Front has changed the direction of its diplomacy from the orientation to the Soviet state to support the USA policy. Government formed by Broad Front, supported the integration processes in the South America. Uruguay was developing the cooperation in the framework of MERCOSUR and began to create relationship with the new centers of power in world political space. Uruguay in the early 21st century is a country that starts to play important role in the international arena. Elections of 26 October 2014 should answer the question of support of internal policy of a Broad Front, as well as of the support of the diplomatic work of the "Left" governments of the country.

Keywords: Uruguay, broad front, Vazquez, international dimensions

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Authors: Evelyn Ilabaca, Ximena Valenzuela, Alejandra Torres, María José Galotto, Abel Guarda

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One of the biggest problems in food packaging industry, especially with the plastic materials, is the fact that these materials are usually obtained from non-renewable resources and also remain as waste after its use, causing environmental issues. This is an international concern and particular attention is given to reduction, reuse and recycling strategies for decreasing the waste from plastic packaging industry. In general, polyethylenes represent most plastic waste and recycling process of post-consumer polyethylene terephthalate (PCR-PET) has been studied. US Food and Drug Administration (FDA), European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) and Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) have generated different legislative documents to control the use of PCR-PET in the production of plastic packaging intended direct food contact in order to ensure the capacity of recycling process to remove possible contaminants that can migrate into food. Consequently, it is necessary to demonstrate by challenge test that the recycling process is able to remove specific contaminants, obtaining a safe recycled plastic to human health. These documents establish that the concentration limit for substitute contaminants in PET is 220 ppb (ug/kg) and the specific migration limit is 10 ppb (ug/kg) for each contaminant, in addition to assure the sensorial characteristics of food are not affected. Moreover, under the Commission Regulation (EU) N°10/2011 on plastic materials and articles intended to come into contact with food, it is established that overall migration limit is 10 mg of substances per 1 dm2 of surface area of the plastic material. Thus, the aim of this work is to determine the safety of PCR-PET-containing food packaging materials in Chile by measuring their overall migration, and their comparison with the established limits at international level. This information will serve as a basis to provide a regulation to control and regulate the use of recycled plastic materials in the manufacture of plastic packaging intended to be in direct contact with food. The methodology used involves a procedure according to EN-1186:2002 with some modifications. The food simulants used were ethanol 10 % (v/v) and acetic acid 3 % (v/v) as aqueous food simulants, and ethanol 95 % (v/v) and isooctane as substitutes of fatty food simulants. In this study, preliminary results showed that Chilean food packaging plastics with different PCR-PET percentages agree with the European Legislation for food aqueous character.

Keywords: contaminants, polyethylene terephthalate, plastic food packaging, recycling

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