Search results for: Tlatelolco Massacre

Authors: Nancy Elizabeth Naranjo Garcia

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Canoa (1976) by Felipe Cazals is a film that exposes the consequences of power that the Mexican State exercised over the 1968 student movement. The film, in this particular way, approaches the Tlatelolco Massacre from a point of view that takes into consideration the events that led up to it. Nonetheless, the reference to the political tension in Canoa remains ambiguous. Thus, the cinematographic representation refers to an event that leaves space for reflection, and as a consequence leaves evidence of an image that signals the notion of survival as Georges Didi-Huberman points out. In addition to denouncing the oppressive force by the Mexican State, the images in Canoa also emphasize what did not happen in Tlatelolco and its condensation with the student activists. To observe the images that Canoa offers in a new light, this work proposes further exploration with the following questions; How do the images in Canoa narrate? How are the images inserted in the film? In this fashion, a more profound comprehension of the objective and the essence of the images becomes feasible. As a result, it is possible to analyze the images of Canoa with the real killing at San Miguel Canoa in literature. The film visualizes a testimony of the event that once seemed unimaginable, an image that anticipates and structures the proceeding event. Therefore, this study takes a second look at how Canoa considers not only the killing at San Miguel Canoa and the Tlatlelolco Massacre, but goes further on contextualize an unimaginable image.

Keywords: cinematographic representation, student movement, Tlatelolco Massacre, unimaginable image

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Authors: Zana Llonçari Osmani, Nita Llonçari

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In Kosovo, public rhetoric and popular sentiment position the War of 1998-99 (the war) as central to the formation of contemporary Kosovo's national identity. This period was marked by the forced massive displacement of Kosovo Albanians, the destruction of entire settlements, the loss of family members, and the profound emotional trauma experienced by civilians, particularly those who actively participated in the war as members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). Amidst these profound experiences, the Prekaz Massacre (The Massacre) is widely regarded as the defining event that preceded the final struggles of 1999 and the long-awaited attainment of independence. This study aims to explore how different visitors perceive the dominant discourse at The Memorial, a site dedicated to commemorating the Prekaz Massacre, and to identify the factors that influence their perceptions. The research employs a comprehensive mixed-method approach, combining online surveys, critical discourse analysis of visitor impressions, and content analysis of media representations. The findings of the study highlight the significant role played by original material remains in shaping visitor perceptions of The Memorial in comparison to the curated symbols and figurative representations interspersed throughout the landscape. While the design elements and physical layout of the memorial undeniably hold significance in conveying the memoryscape, there are notable shortcomings in enhancing the overall visitor experience. Visitors are still primarily influenced by the tangible remnants of the war, suggesting that there is room for improvement in how design elements can more effectively contribute to the memorial's narrative and the collective memory of the Prekaz Massacre.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, memorialisation, national discourse, public rhetoric, war tourism

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Authors: Anna Rhodora A. Solar, Jan Emil N. Langomez

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Social Media plays a crucial role in influencing Philippine public opinion with regard to a variety of socio-political issues. This became evident in the massacre of 44 members of the Special Action Force (SAF 44) tasked by the Philippine government to capture one of the US Federal Bureau of Investigation’s most wanted terrorists. The incident was said to be perpetrated by members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters. Part of the online discourse within Philippine cyberspace sparked intense debates on Filipino Muslim identity, with several Facebook viral posts linking Islam as a factor to the tragic event. Facebook is considered to be the most popular social media platform in the Philippines. As such, this begs the question of the extent to which social media, specifically Facebook, shape the perceptions of Filipinos on Filipino Muslims. This study utilizes Habermas’ theory of communicative action as it offers an explanation on how public sphere such as social media could be a network for communicating information and points of view through free and open dialogue among equal citizens to come to an understanding or common perception. However, the paper argues that communicative action which is aimed at reaching understanding free from force, and strategic action which is aimed at convincing someone through argumentation may not necessarily be mutually exclusive since reaching an understanding can also be considered as a result of convincing someone through argumentation. Moreover, actors may clash one another in their ideas before reaching common understanding, hence the presence of force. Utilizing content analysis on the Facebook posts with Islamic component that went viral after the massacre of the SAF 44, this paper argues that framing the image of Filipino Muslims through Facebook reflects both communicative and strategic actions. Moreover, comment threads on viral posts manifest force albeit implicit.

Keywords: communication, Muslim, Philippines, social media

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Authors: Mohammad Reza Haji Babai, Sepideh Ahmadkhan Beigi

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Internationalization and modernization of the globe have played their roles in the process of cultural interaction between globalized societies and, consequently, found their way to the world of literature under the name of ‘imagology’. Imagology has made it possible for the reader to understand the author’s thoughts and judgments of others. The present research focuses on the intercultural images portrayed in the novel of a popular Turkish-French writer, Elif Shafak, about the lifestyle, traditions, habits, and social norms of Turkish, Americans, and Armenians. The novel seeks to articulate a more intricate multicultural memory of Turkishness by grieving over the Armenian massacre. This study finds that, as a mixture of multiple lifestyles and discourses, The Bastard of Istanbul reflects not only images of oriental culture but also occidental cultures. This means that the author has attempted to maintain selfhood through historical and cultural recollection, which resulted in constructing the self and another identity.

Keywords: imagology, Elif Shafak, The Bastard of Istanbul, self-image, other-image

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Authors: Gashaw Sisay Zenebe

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Northern-Ethiopian conflict that broke out on 04 November 2020 between the central government and TPLF caused destruction beyond imagination in all aspects; millions of people have been killed, including civilians, mainly women, and children. Civilians have been indiscriminately attacked simply because of their ethnic or religious identity. Warrying parties committed serious crimes of international concern opposite to International Humanitarian Law (IHL). A House of People Representatives (HPR) declared that the terrorist Tigrean Defense Force (TDF), encompassing all segments of its people, waged war against North Gondar through human flooding. On Aug 30, 2021, after midnight, TDF launched a surprise attack against Chena People who had been drunk and deep slept due to the annual festivity. Unlike the lowlands, however, ENDF conjoined the local people to fight TDF in these Highland areas. This research examines identity politics and the consequential genocidal massacre of Chena, including its human and physical destructions that occurred as a result of the armed conflict. As such, the study could benefit international entities by helping them develop a better understanding of what happened in Chena and trigger interest in engaging in ensuring the accountability and enforcement of IHL in the future. Preserving fresh evidence will also serve as a starting point on the road to achieving justice either nationally or internationally. To study the Chena case evaluated against IHL rules, a combination of qualitative and doctrinal research methodology has been employed. The study basically follows a unique sampling case study which has used primary data tools such as observation, interview, key-informant interview, FGD, and battle-field notes. To supplement, however, secondary sources, including books, journal articles, domestic laws, international conventions, reports, and media broadcasts, were used to give meaning to what happened on the ground in light of international law. The study proved that the war was taking place to separate Tigray from Ethiopia. While undertaking military operations to achieve this goal, mass killings, genocidal acts, and war crimes were committed over Chena and approximate sites in the Dabat district of North Gondar. Thus, hundreds of people lost their lives to the brutalities of mass killings, hundreds of people were subjected to a forcible disappearance, and tens of thousands of people were forced into displacement. Furthermore, harsh beatings, forced labor, slavery, torture, rape, and gang rape have been reported, and generally, people are subjected to pass cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment and punishment. Also, what is so unique is that animals were indiscriminately killed completely, making the environment unsafe for human survival because of pollution and bad smells and the consequent diseases such as Cholera, Flu, and Diarrhea. In addition to TDF, ENDF’s shelling has caused destruction to farmers’ houses & claimed lives. According to humanitarian principles, acts that can establish MACs and war crimes were perpetrated. Generally, the war in this direction has shown an absolute disrespect for international law norms.

Keywords: genocide, war crimes, Tigray Defense Force, Chena, IHL

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Authors: Ghazanfari Masoumeh, Hajimohammadi Bahador, Eskandari Soheyl, Karimian Khosroshahi Nader

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Consumption of ready to cook meat products such as hamburgers, sausages and etc is being increased in the worldwide specially in the big cities , so safety and quality required for food products is very important and vital for consumers with consideration of meat price and increasing demands for meat products, possibility of substitution of cheep and unauthorized textures such as undesirable enclosures animals (massacre, lung tissue, breast of spleen, the organs abdominal cavity, gizzard chicken, skin, etc. ) have increased in the recent years, in this study 30 industrial and 30 handmade hamburgers in fast food restaurants detected out of Iranian national standard for hamburger No. 2304 in using the unauthorized textures. The purpose of this study was to determine using of chicken skin in produced hamburgers from chicken meat in Tehran base on histology methods. The rates of skin used were, 2 % in industrial and 9 % in handmade formula samples. Statistically using the unauthorized textures had significant higher rate in handmade (P < 0.05) in compare with the industrial samples. The results showed the handmade hamburgers with higher adulteration rate and non-compliance with the hamburger national standard could be a potentially health hazard.

Keywords: histology, adulteration, unauthorized textures, undesirable enclosures animals

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Authors: Kristin Murray

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The proposed paper exams prologues in 20th and 21st century American literature in order to show how Native American writer Tommy Orange’s Prologue in his 2018 novel There, Thereis different. In an interview about his 2018 novel There, There, explains he feels “a kind of burden to catch the general reader up with what really happened, because history has got it so wrong and still continue to” (Laubernds). Orange, thus, includes a “Prologue” in his novel to do this work, catching readers upon Native Americans and their history. Prologues are usually from the narrator’s voice, a character’s voice, or even from a fictionalized version of the author, but the tone of Orange’s “Prologue” is that of a non-fictional first-person essayist. Examining prologues in American literature posits Orange’s prologue outside the norm. This paper also examines other introductory sections, the preface, in particular. The research and examination reveal that Orange is adding his personal voice in the Prologue to the multiple narratorsof the novel, and his is the voice of a writer who knows that his audience comes to his novel with a plethora of misinformation. The truths he tells are horrifying and hopeful. He tells of Thanksgiving as a “land deal” and a “successful massacre,” but he also tellsreaders how urban Indians have found a sense of the land, even through concrete. Native American writers contributed and still contribute to the genre of autobiography in ways that have changed our understanding of this genre. This examination of Orange’s Prologue reveals the new and unexpected way to view this often under-examined introductory section, the prologue.

Keywords: native american literature, prologues, prefaces, 20th century american literature

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Authors: Siwach Sripokangkul, Autthapon Muangming

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The Dao Din group is a gathering of students from the Faculty of Law, Khon Kaen University, a leading university in the northeast of Thailand. The Dao Din group has been one of the most prominent student movements in the past four decades since the bloody massacre of the 6th of October 1976. The group of student is a movement who gather to oppose and protest against different capitalist-run projects that have impacted upon the environment since 2009. The students have become heroes in Thai society and receive support from various groups, especially the middle class who regard the students as role models for the youth. Subsequently, the Dao Din group has received numerous awards between 2011-2013. However, the Dao Din group opposed the military coup d’état of 2014 and the subsequent military junta. Under the military dictatorship regime (2014-present), security officials have hunted, insulted, arrested, and jailed members of the group many times amidst silence from most of the from the middle class. Therefore, this article posits the question of why the Dao Din group which was once the hero and hope of Thai society, has become a political victim in only a few years. The study methods used are the analysis of documentaries, news articles, and interviews with representatives of the Dao Din group. The author argues that Thailand’s middle class previously demonstrated a positive perception of the Dao Din group precisely because that group had earlier opposed policies of the elected Yingluck Shinawatra government, which most of the middle class already despised. However, once the Dao Din group began to protest against the anti-Yingluck military government, then the middle class turned to harshly criticize the Dao Din group. So it can be concluded that the Thai middle class tends to put its partisan interests ahead of a civil society group which has been critical of elected as well as military administrations. This has led the middle class to support the demolishing of Thai democracy. Such a Thai middle-class characteristic not only poses a strong bulwark for the perpetuation of military rule but also destroys a civil society group (composed of young people) who should be the future hope of the nation rather than under the Thai society of darkness.

Keywords: Dao Din student activists, the military coup d’état of 2014, Thai politics, human rights violations

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Authors: Uzma Ahmad

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hyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) is the most turbulent province of Pakistan, sharing a longborder with Afghanistan. For about four decades, KPK is facing a series of international events. The peak was reached after 9/11when region was labelled as posing a major theatre of militancy and terrorism which was intensified when Tehrik Taliban Pakistan (TTP) began attempts to seize the authority of state. One of the main focus of TTP was to damage and uprooting of female education system and infrastructure in KPK which later became the site of a massacre of school children of Army Public School Peshawar on 16 December 2014.It resulted to the launching of Zarb-e-Azb against the TTP insurgency,casualty and crime rates in the KPKas a whole dropped by 40.0% as compared to 2011–13. All this has badly hampered the female education both in terms of quantity and quality. Malala Yousafzai who is now an advocate of female education has been a victim of Talibans brutality in that area. And thelanguage in which she managed to express herself to the International community is English.Keeping in view the situation, the present project was designed with a sole aim to focus on female students of the area which are few in numbers and to investigate some specific area, where they have been confronting problems in the use of grammar, vocabulary,tenses and organization of ideas in writings. The reasons might be the careless attitude, insufficient reading habits, lack of interest and poor knowledge of English language. The methodology was a descriptive one as it shows the effects of the internal efficiency(independent variables) on an intermediate college’s progress(dependent variables). It was a case study since data was collected from a focused group of 60 female students of arts and humanities at Swabi college at Intermediate level. The ultimate focus was to explore the possibilities of creating a Gender friendly environment for female students. This research has proved how the correct use of English language has given them confidence to move ahead side by side with men and to acknowledge their right of self-determination.

Keywords: capacity building, female education, gender friendly, internal efficiency

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Authors: Myriam Benraad

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On 5 July 2016, just days before the bloody terrorist attack on the Promenade des Anglais in Nice, the Al-Hayat media centre, one of the official propaganda branches of the Islamic State, broadcast a French nasheed which paid tribute to the Paris and Brussels attacks of November 2015 and March 2016. Entitled 'My Revenge', the terrorist anthem was of rare vehemence. It mentioned, sequentially, 'huddled bodies', in a reference to the civilian casualties of Western air strikes in the Iraqi-Syrian zone, 'explosive belts', 'sharp knives', 'large-calibre weapons' as well as 'localised targets'. France was accused of bearing the responsibility for the wave of attacks on its territory since the Charlie Hebdo massacre of January 2015 due to its 'ruthless war' against the Muslim world. Evoking an 'old aggression' and the 'crimes and spoliations' of which France has made itself guilty, the jihadist hymn depicted the rebirth of the caliphate as 'laudable revenge'. The notion of revenge has always been central to contemporary jihadism, understood both as a revolutionary ideology and a global militant movement. In recent years, the attacks carried out in Europe and elsewhere in the world have, for most, been claimed in its name. Whoever says jihad, says drama, yet few studies, if any, have looked at its dramatic and emotional elements, most notably its tragic vengefulness. This seems all the more astonishing that jihad is filled with drama; it could even be seen as a drama in its own right. The jihadists perform a script and take on roles inspired by their respective group’s culture (norms, values, beliefs, and symbols). The militants stage and perform such a script for a designated audience, either partisan, sympathising or hostile towards them and their cause. This research paper will examine the dramaturgy of jihadism and in particular, the genre that best characterises its violence: revenge tragedy. Theoretically, the research will rely on the tools of social movement theory and the sociology of emotions. Methodologically, it will draw from dramaturgical analysis and a combination of qualitative and quantitative tools to attain valuable observations of a number of developments, trends, and patterns. The choice has been made to focus mainly – however not exclusively – on the attacks which have taken place since 2001 in the European Union and more specific member states that have been significantly hit by jihadist terrorism. The research looks at a number of representative longitudinal samples identifying continuities and discontinuities, similarities, but also substantial differences. The preliminary findings tend to establish the relevance and validity of this approach in helping make better sense of sensitisation, mobilisation, and survival dynamics within jihadist groups, and motivations among individuals who have embraced violence. Besides, they illustrate their pertinence for counterterrorism policymakers and practitioners. Through drama, jihadist groups ensure the unceasing regeneration of their militant cause as well as their legitimation among their partisans. Without drama, and without the spectacular ideological staging of reality, they would not be able to maintain their attraction potential and power of persuasion.

Keywords: Jihadism, dramaturgy, revenge, tragedy

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