Search results for: narcissistic rage

Authors: H. Tavakoli, S. S. Mohtasebi, R. Alimardani, R. Gebbers

Abstract:

Nitrogen (N) is one of the most important agricultural inputs affecting crop growth, yield and quality in rain-fed cereal production. N demand of crops varies spatially across fields due to spatial differences in soil conditions. In addition, the response of a crop to the fertilizer applications is heavily reliant on plant available water. Matching N supply to water availability is thus essential to achieve an optimal crop response. The objective of this study was to determine effect of drought stress on estimation of nitrogen status of winter wheat by some vegetation indices. During the 2012 growing season, a field experiment was conducted at the Bundessortenamt (German Plant Variety Office) Marquardt experimental station which is located in the village of Marquardt about 5 km northwest of Potsdam, Germany (52°27' N, 12°57' E). The experiment was designed as a randomized split block design with two replications. Treatments consisted of four N fertilization rates (0, 60, 120 and 240 kg N ha-1, in total) and two water regimes (irrigated (Irr) and non-irrigated (NIrr)) in total of 16 plots with dimension of 4.5 × 9.0 m. The indices were calculated using readings of a spectroradiometer made of tec5 components. The main parts were two “Zeiss MMS1 nir enh” diode-array sensors with a nominal rage of 300 to 1150 nm with less than 10 nm resolutions and an effective range of 400 to 1000 nm. The following vegetation indices were calculated: NDVI, GNDVI, SR, MSR, NDRE, RDVI, REIP, SAVI, OSAVI, MSAVI, and PRI. All the experiments were conducted during the growing season in different plant growth stages including: stem elongation (BBCH=32-41), booting stage (BBCH=43), inflorescence emergence, heading (BBCH=56-58), flowering (BBCH=65-69), and development of fruit (BBCH=71). According to the results obtained, among the indices, NDRE and REIP were less affected by drought stress and can provide reliable wheat nitrogen status information, regardless of water status of the plant. They also showed strong relations with nitrogen status of winter wheat.

Keywords: nitrogen status, drought stress, vegetation indices, precision agriculture

Procedia PDF Downloads 289

Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

Abstract:

The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

Procedia PDF Downloads 102

Authors: Nana Katsia

Abstract:

This paper explores the ways both medieval and medievalist conceptions of ugliness might be linked to the physical and spiritual transformation of the protagonists and how it is realised through specific musical rhythm, such as the dochmiac rhythm in the opera. As Eco and Henderson note, only one kind of ugliness could be represented in conformity with nature in the Middle Ages without destroying all aesthetic pleasure and, in turn, artistic beauty: namely, a form of ugliness which arouses disgust. Moreover, Eco explores the fact that the enemies of Christ who condemn, martyr, and crucify him are represented as wicked inside. In turn, the representation of inner wickedness and hostility toward God brings with it outward ugliness, coarseness, barbarity, and rage. Ultimately these result in the deformation of the figure. In all these regards, the non-beautiful is represented here as a necessary phase, which is not the case with classical (the ancient Greek) concepts of Beauty. As we can see, the understanding of disfigurement and ugliness in the Middle Ages was both varied and complex. In the Middle Ages, the disfigurement caused by leprosy (and other skin and bodily conditions) was interpreted, in a somewhat contradictory manner, as both a curse and a gift from God. Some saints’ lives even have the saint appealing to be inflicted with the disease as part of their mission toward true humility. We shall explore that this ‘different concept’ of ugliness (non-classical beauty) might be represented in Messiaen’s opera. According to Messiaen, the Leper and Saint François are the principal characters of the third scene, as both of them will be transformed, and a double miracle will take place in the process. Messiaen mirrors the idea of the true humility of Saint’s life and positions Le Baiser au Lépreux as the culmination of the first act. The Leper’s character represents his physical and spiritual disfigurement, which are healed after the miracle. So, the scene can be viewed as an encounter between beauty and ugliness, and that much of it is spent in a study of ugliness. Dochmiac rhythm is one of the most important compositional elements in the opera. It plays a crucial role in the process of creating a dramatic musical narrative and structure in the composition. As such, we shall explore how Messiaen represents the medieval idea of ugliness in the opera through particular musical elements linked to the main protagonists’ spiritual or physical ugliness; why Messiaen makes reference to dochmiac rhythm, and how they create the musical and dramatic context in the opera for the medieval aesthetic category of ugliness.

Keywords: ugliness in music, medieval time, saint françois d’assise, messiaen

Procedia PDF Downloads 119

Authors: Cláudia Pereira, Lívia Boeschenstein

Abstract:

This article aims to present an analysis of rock band t-shirts as an element that claims a certain identity in modern-contemporary culture. This work focuses on the study of t-shirts that display the name, related elements and the logo of punk band The Ramones, because of its strong presence in the collective mind along the last decades. As we shall see, it is possible to observe a phenomenon of symbolic transition from the original cultural place of that object. At first, it was a piece of cloth that had been part of a specific subculture and then it became just a generic item diluted by the mainstream. This symbolic transitional phenomenon is significant in many ways and will be discussed furthermore. For the analysis, we begin with a brief introduction to the history of the band, followed by the study about the vintage rock band T-shirts and their meanings. From there, we will turn to a historical contextualization of band T-shirts as a subcultural item and to its redefinition after the appropriation made by the mainstream. To guide this reasoning, it will be used theories about the styles, subcultures and youth culture and about material culture from an anthropological perspective. In addition, we shall see the theories and concepts of social representations in order to understand the ways of using the Ramones’s T-shirt as a representative element of a fashionable style. This T-shirt, after being resignified by the standardization and the massive consumption, no longer symbolizes the punk movement, its behavioral motivations and original policies. Also has little to do with the rage the working class suburbs of London or New York. It seems to be a mute and vague sign of a restricted rebellion, foreseen and framed establishing a stylistic contrast to the designer clothes and good behavior predicted by establishment. It's an item that composes a specific style available on the market, but at the same time is accepted by the mainstream and provides a subcultural association that has some prestige in society. Another perspective is that of resignification loop. As the same way that punk resignified the conventional goods for their own social standards, fashion resignifies what was said to be an object of a subculture and absorbs in their own mass culture standards. Therefore, outsiders to the punk phenomenon wearing Ramones’s T-shirts can be perceived negatively by subcultural members, but at the same time are well received by those who are partially unaware or completely out of subcultural context. For the general public, the stamp of the Ramones’s logo happens to be appreciated as a diffuse allusion to a punk style, since its original meaning has being entirely neutralized.

Keywords: social representations, subcultures, material culture, punk

Procedia PDF Downloads 357

Authors: Thomas Compton

Abstract:

As Decolonialism becomes an important topic in Political Theory, the rupture between the colonized and the colonist relation has lost attention. Focusing on the anti-colonial activist Madhi Amel, we shall consider his attention to the permanence of the colonial relation and how it preempts Frank Wilderson’s formulation of (white) culturally necessary Anti-Black violence. Both projects draw attention away from empirical accounts of oppression, instead focusing on the structural relation which precipitates them. As Amel says that we should stop thinking of the ‘underdeveloped’ as beyond the colonial relation, Wilderson says we should stop think of the Black rights that have surpassed the role of the slave. However, Amel moves beyond his idol Althusser’s Structuralism toward a formulation of the colonial relation as source of domination. Our analysis will take a Lacanian turn in considering how this non-relation was formulated as a relation how this space of negativity became a ideological opportunity for Colonial domination. Wilderson’s work shall problematise this as we conclude with his criticisms of Structural accounts for the failure to consider how Black social death exists as more than necessity but a cite of white desire. Amel, a Lebanese activist and scholar (re)discovered by Hicham Safieddine, argues colonialism is more than the theft of land, but instead a privatization of collective property and form of investment which (re)produces the status of the capitalist in spaces ‘outside’ the market. Although Amel was a true Marxist-Leninsist, who exposited the economic determinacy of the Colonial Mode of Production, we are reading this account through Alenka Zupančič’s reformulation of the ‘invisible hand job of the market’. Amel points to the signifier ‘underdeveloped’ as buttressed on a pre-colonial epistemic break, as the Western investor (debt collector) sees the (post?) colony narcissistic image. However, the colony can never become site of class conflict, as the workers are not unified but existing between two countries. In industry, they are paid in Colonial subjectivisation, the promise of market (self)pleasure, at home, they are refugees. They are not, as Wilderson states, in the permanent social death of the slave, but they are less than the white worker. This is formulated as citizen (white), non-citizen (colonized), anti-citizen (Black/slave). Here we may also think of how indentured Indians were used as instruments of colonial violence. Wilderson’s aphorism “there is no analogy to anti-Black violence” lays bare his fundamental opposition between colonial and specifically anti-Black violence. It is not only that the debt collector, landowner, or other owners of production pleasures themselves as if their hand is invisible. The absolute negativity between colony and colonized provides a new frontier for desire, the development of a colonial mode of production. An invention inside the colonial structure that is generative of class substitution. We shall explore how Amel ignores the role of the slave but how Wilderson forecloses the history African anti-colonial.

Keywords: afropessimism, fanon, marxism, postcolonialism

Procedia PDF Downloads 124

Authors: Nurten Çelik

Abstract:

Under the new developments in science, medicine, sociology, psychology and literary theories, body studies has gained huge importance and the body has become a debatable issue. There has emerged, among sociologists and literary theorists, an overwhelming consensus that body is socially, politically and culturally perceived and constructed and thus, the position of an individual in the society is determined in accordance with his/her body image. In this regard, the most complicated point is the theoretical views propounded upon disability studies, where the disabled body is considered to be a site upon which social and political restrictions as well as repressions are inscribed. There has been the widely-accepted view that no matter what kind of disability it is, those with physical, mental or learning impairments face varied social, political and environmental obstacles that prevent them from being an active citizen, worker, lover and even a family member. In parallel with these approaches, the matter of the sufferings of disabled individuals attains its place in cinema and literature as well as in theatre studies under the category of disability theatre. One of the prominent plays that deal with physical disability came from the contemporary British playwright Nina Raine. In her awarded play Tribes, which premiered at the Royal Court Theatre in 2010, Raine develops the social strata where her deaf protagonist, Billy, caught up between two tribes – namely his family and his lover Slyvia, a member of the deaf community– experiences personal and social hardships due to his hearing impairment. In the play, intransigent and self-opinionated family members foster no sense of empathy towards Billy, there are noisy talking and shouting, but no communication, love, compassion or mutual understanding, and language becomes just a tool for the expression of rage and oppression. In the disordered atmosphere of the family life, Billy experiences isolation and loneliness. Billy’s hopes for success and love are destroyed when Slyvia, troubled between hearing and deafness, rejects him because she does not utterly grasp what Billy is experiencing. Drawing upon the hardships, Billy undergoes in his relationships with his family and his girlfriend, Tribes problematizes the concept of deafness and explores to what extent a deaf person can find a place in the hearing world. Setting ‘the disabled’ bodies against ‘the abled’ bodies in a family, a microcosm of the society where bodies are socially shaped and constructed, Tribes dramatizes how the disabled bodies are disenfranchised, stigmatised, marginalized and othered on the grounds that they are socially misfit. Tribes, with a specific focus on the dysfunctional family, shows that the lack of communication and empathy numbs the characters to the feelings of each other and thereby, they become more disabled than Billy. In conclusion, this paper, with the reference to the embodiment of disability and social theories, aims to explore how disabled bodies are socially marked and segregated from family and society.

Keywords: body, deafness, disability, disability theatre, Nina Raine, tribes

Procedia PDF Downloads 212

Authors: Neha Adsul, Rohit Shah

Abstract:

Background: The global history of nursing is exclusively a history of deep contradictions as it seeks to negotiate inclusion in an already gendered world. Although a powerful 'clinical gaze exists, nurses have toiled to re-negotiate and subvert the 'medical gaze' by practicing the 'therapeutic gaze' to tether back 'care into nursing practice.' This helps address the duality of the 'body' and 'mind' wherein the patient is not just limited to being an object of medical inquiry. Nevertheless, there has been a consistent effort to fit 'nursing' into being an art or an emerging science over the years. Especially with advances in hospital-based techno-centric medical practices, the boundaries between technology and nursing practices are becoming more blurred as the technical process becomes synonymous with nursing, eroding the essence of nursing care. Aim: This paper examines the history of nursing and offers insights into how gendered relations and the ideological belief of 'nursing as gendered work' have propagated to the subjugation of the nursing profession. It further aims to provide insights into the patriarchally imbibed techno-centrism that negates the gendered caregiving which lies at the crux of a nurse's work. Method: A literature search was carried out using Google Scholar, Web of Science and PubMed databases. Search words included: technology and nursing, medical technology and nursing, history of nursing, sociology and nursing and nursing care. The history of nursing is presented in a discussion that weaves together the historical events of the 'Birth of the Clinic' and the shift from 'bed-side medicine' to 'hospital-based medicine' that legitimizes exploitation of the bodies of patients to the 'medical gaze while the emergence of nursing as acquiescent to instrumental, technical, positivist and dominant views of medicine. The resultant power asymmetries, wherein in contemporary nursing, the constant struggle of nurses to juggle between being the physicians "operational right arm" to harboring that subjective understanding of the patients to refrain from de-humanizing nursing-care. Findings: The nursing profession suffers from being rendered invisible due to gendered relations having patrifocal societal roots. This perpetuates a notion rooted in the idea that emphasizes empiricism and has resulted in theoretical and epistemological fragmentation of the understanding of body and mind as separate entities. Nurses operate within this structure while constantly being at the brink of being pushed beyond the legitimate professional boundaries while being labeled as being 'unscientific' as the work does not always corroborate and align with the existing dominant positivist lines of inquiries. Conclusion: When understood in this broader context of how nursing as a practice has evolved over the years, it provides a particularly crucial testbed for understanding contemporary gender relations. Not because nurses like to live in a gendered work trap but because the gendered relations at work are written in a covert narcissistic patriarchal milieu that fails to recognize the value of intangible yet utmost necessary 'caring work in nursing. This research urges and calls for preserving and revering the humane aspect of nursing care alongside the emerging tech-savvy expectations from nursing work.

Keywords: nursing history, technocentric, power relations, scientific duality

Procedia PDF Downloads 122

Authors: Andrea N. Alarcon, Julian D. Castro, Gloria C. Rojas, Paola A. Vaca, Santiago Ortiz, Gustavo Martinez, Pablo D. Lemoine

Abstract:

Recently, electoral results across many countries have shown to be inconsistent with rational decision theory, which states that individuals make decisions based on maximizing benefits and reducing risks. An alternative explanation has emerged: Fear and rage-driven vote have been proved to be highly effective for political persuasion and mobilization. This phenomenon has been evident in the 2016 elections in the United States, 2006 elections in Mexico, 1998 elections in Venezuela, and 2004 elections in Bolivia. In Colombia, it has occurred recently in the 2016 plebiscite for peace and 2018 presidential elections. The aim of this study is to explain this phenomenon using cultural cognition theory, referring to the psychological predisposition individuals have to believe that its own and its peer´s behavior is correct and, therefore, beneficial to the entire society. Cultural cognition refers to the tendency of individuals to fit perceived risks, and factual beliefs into group shared values; the Cultural Cognition Worldview Scales (CCWS) measures cultural perceptions through two different dimensions: Individualism-communitarianism and hierarchy-egalitarianism. The former refers to attitudes towards social dominance based on conspicuous and static characteristics (sex, ethnicity or social class), while the latter refers to attitudes towards a social ordering in which it is expected from individuals to guarantee their own wellbeing without society´s or government´s intervention. A probabilistic national sample was obtained from different polls from the consulting and public opinion company Centro Nacional de Consultoría. Sociodemographic data was obtained along with CCWS scores, a subjective measure of left-right ideological placement and vote intention for 2019 Mayor´s elections were also included in the questionnaires. Finally, the question “In your opinion, what is the greatest risk Colombia is facing right now?” was included to identify perceived risk in the population. Preliminary results show that Colombians are highly distributed among hierarchical communitarians and egalitarian individualists (30.9% and 31.7%, respectively), and to a less extent among hierarchical individualists and egalitarian communitarians (19% and 18.4%, respectively). Males tended to be more hierarchical (p < .000) and communitarian (p=.009) than females. ANOVA´s revealed statistically significant differences between groups (quadrants) for the level of schooling, left-right ideological orientation, and stratum (p < .000 for all), and proportion differences revealed statistically significant differences for groups of age (p < .001). Differences and distributions for vote intention and perceived risks are still being processed and results are yet to be analyzed. Results show that Colombians are differentially distributed among quadrants in regard to sociodemographic data and left-right ideological orientation. These preliminary results indicate that this study may shed some light on why Colombians vote the way they do, and future qualitative data will show the fears emerging from the identified values in the CCWS and the relation this has with vote intention.

Keywords: communitarianism, cultural cognition, egalitarianism, hierarchy, individualism, perceived risks

Procedia PDF Downloads 117

Authors: Beth Vale

Abstract:

Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

Procedia PDF Downloads 201