Search results for: aid conditionality

Authors: Jennifer McNeill

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Over the years UK Governments have extended the use of welfare conditionality to more marginalised groups. Whereas in the past, disabled people’s rights to unconditional welfare were defended, significant numbers of disabled people have in recent years been re-classified as ‘fit for work’ as a result of this policy shift towards increased conditionality targeting more welfare service user groups. This paper discusses findings from a five-year project exploring the ethics and efficacy of welfare conditionality. Drawing on repeat interviews over three years with 58 disabled welfare service users across England and Scotland, the paper explores the experience of, and impact of conditionality upon, disabled participants. In particular, participants described the process of claiming disability-related benefits as stigmatising, with some describing the medical assessments as demeaning, traumatic and even painful. The medical assessments are conducted by private contractors and participants felt they were treated unfairly, under suspicion and under surveillance. This finding is important in line with a recent UN report concerned with the practice of such assessments. The findings reveal that notions of ‘deservedness’ are embedded in this system as disabled recipients argue for their entitlement to welfare claims relative to what are deemed to be less deserving groups of benefit claimants. This indicates an increasing competition ethic within different sections of the most marginalised social groups that facilitate further forms of social fragmentation, particularly in relation to opposition to benefit cuts and other changes requiring concerted and organised forms of resistance. The impact of media and political scapegoating of the most marginal has generated divisions within even those who position themselves as legitimate recipients.

Keywords: disability, medical assessments, stigma, welfare conditionality

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Authors: Aleksandra Dragojlov

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Since the election of Aleksandar Vučić and the Progressives, Serbia has witnessed a slow decline in media freedom, which has been worse than in the 1990s. Although the government adopted a package of three laws in August 2014 to bring the media landscape up to European standards, the implementation of the laws has been limited and marginal, with the progressives engaging in fake compliance. The adoption of the new media strategy for 2020-2025 in 2020 has not led to genuine domestic reform and compliance with EU conditionality. In fact, the EU Commission and journalists’ associations in Serbia have criticised the decline in Serbia’s media freedom citing continued attacks on journalists and indirect political and economic control through advertising and project co-financing, which continue to be features of the Serbian media landscape. In the absence of clear and credible EU conditionality, the decline of media freedom is in the eye of the beholder, where the gap between public engagements with Serbian politicians and the critical stance of progress reports regarding the degradation of the media have enabled Serbian elites to exploit this ambiguity to continue their strategy of fake compliance vis-a-vis rule of law. This study used a mixed methods approach combining both primary and secondary sources with those semi-structured interviews via Zoom, email, and in person with EU and Serbian officials and journalists. Our findings add to the studies where the lack of clear and credible conditionality has allowed Serbia politicians to exploit them in a manner that would suit their own interests, finding new means to retain their control over the media. We argued and concluded that it is this discrepancy between public engagements with Serbia and the progress reports in the area of freedom of expression that has not led to genuine domestic media reforms in Serbia and instead allowed Serbian elites to engage in a strategy of fake and even non-compliance towards media freedom conditionality.

Keywords: media freedom, EU conditionality, Serbia, fake compliance, EU integration, Chapter 23, justice and fundamental rights

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Authors: Ana Neves

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The European Union’s multi-level constitutionalism is grounded in an intricate network of vertical and horizontal legal relationships among different levels and types of public authorities. In a very significant way since the 2008 crisis, evolving institutional arrangements and institutional dynamics in the European Union have been progressively impacting Member States and the terms under which national public authorities are organised, interact and exercise their powers. This impact occurs in both macro and micro dimensions. Several examples are relevant here, such as the involvement of national Parliaments in the activities of the European Union, the enhanced integration of public administrations, the side effects of the Council framework decision on the European Arrest Warrant, the European Union Justice Scoreboard, the protection of whistle-blowers regulation, the enhanced cooperation on the establishment of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, the regime for the protection of the Union budget and the European Rule of Law Mechanism. A common trend or denominator underlies the deepening of institutional interdependence and the increased interactions between the European Union, Member States, and public authorities at different levels. This seems to be conditionality as a general principle. The European multi-level constitutionalism must be considered in the light of this conditionality principle, which does not “imply a relationship of command and obedience”. Nevertheless, it might be more effective or be a very compelling principle. It is as if the extension of the shared rule is being accompanied by a contrapuntal dialogue. The different public authorities at various levels are being called to rethink and readjust themselves within a broader and more plural framework concerning understanding the limitation of power.

Keywords: european union -, multi-level hierarchy, conditionality, separation of powers

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Authors: Joseph Paul Chunga

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The investment universe is awash with a myriad of financial choices that investors have to opt for, which principally culminates into a duality between aggressive or conservative approaches. Howbeit, it is pertinent to emphasize that the investment vehicles with an aggressive approach tend to take on more risk than the latter group in an effort to generate higher future returns for their respective investors. This study examines the conditionality effect that such partiality in financing has on the High-Tech and Public Utility companies listed on the Shenzhen Stock Exchange (SSE). Specifically, it examines the significance of the relationship between capitalization ratios of Total Debt Ratio (TDR), Degree of Financial Leverage (DFL) and profitability ratios of Earnings per Share (EPS) and Returns on Equity (ROE) on the Financial Risk of the two industries. We employ a modified version of the Panel Regression Model used by Rahman (2017) to estimate the relationship. The study finds that there is a significant positive relationship between the capitalization ratios on the financial risk of Public Utility companies more than High-Tech companies and a substantial negative relationship between the profitability ratios and the financial risk of the former than the latter companies. This then spells an important insight for prospective investors with regards to the volatility of earnings of such companies.

Keywords: financial leverage, debt financing, conservative firms, aggressive firms

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Authors: Karimova Sitora Yuldashevna

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The August 2021 resurgence of Taliban as a ruling force in Afghanistan once again challenged the global community into dealing with an unprecedentedly unlike-minded government. To express their disapproval of the new regime, Western governments and intergovernmental institutions have suspended their infrastructural projects and other forms of support. Moreover, the Afghan offshore reserves were frozen, and Afghanistan was disconnected from the international financial system, which impeded even independent aid agencies’ work. The already poor provision of aid was then further complicated with political conditionality. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the efficacy of conditional aid policy in the Afghan peacebuilding under Taliban rule and provide recommendations to international donors on further course of action. Arguing that conditionality of aid is a counterproductive factor in the peacebuilding process, this paper employs scholarly literature on peacebuilding alongside reports from International non-governmental organizations INGOs who operate directly in Afghanistan. The existing debate on peacebuilding in Afghanistan revolves around aid as a means of building democratic foundation for achieving peace on communal and national levels and why the previous attempts to do so were unsuccessful. This paper focuses on how to recalibrate the approach to aid provision and peacebuilding in the new reality. In the early 2000s, amid the weak Post-Cold War international will for a profound engagement in the conflict, humanitarian and development aid became the new means of achieving peace. Aid agencies provided resources directly to communities, minimizing the risk of local disputes. Through subsidizing education, governance reforms, and infrastructural projects, international aid accelerated school enrollment, introduced peace education, funded provincial council and parliamentary elections, and helped rebuild a conflict-torn country.When the Taliban seized power, the international community called on them to build an inclusive government based on respect for human rights, particularly girls’ and women’s schooling and work, as a condition to retain the aid flow. As the Taliban clearly failed to meet the demands, development aid was withdrawn. Some key United Nation agencies also refrained from collaborating with the de-facto authorities. However, contrary to the intended change in Talibs’ behavior, such a move has only led to further deprivation of those whom the donors strived to protect. This is because concern for civilians has always been the second priority for the warring parties. This paper consists of four parts. First, it describes the scope of the humanitarian crisis that began in Afghanistan in 2001. Second, it examines the previous peacebuilding attempts undertaken by the international community and the contribution that the international aid had in the peacebuilding process. Third, the paper describes the current regime and its relationships with the international donors. Finally, the paper concludes with recommendations for donors who would have to be more realistic and reconsider their priorities. While it is certainly not suggested that the Taliban regime is legitimized internationally, the crisis calls upon donors to be more flexible in collaborating with the de-facto authorities for the sake of the civilians.

Keywords: Afghanistan, international aid, donors, peacebuilding

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Authors: Saeed Anwar

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Foreign aid has long been a prominent tool in the pursuit of economic development in recipient countries. This research paper aims to analyze the impact of foreign aid on economic development and explore the effectiveness of aid in promoting sustainable growth, poverty reduction, and improvements in human development indicators. Drawing upon a comprehensive review of existing literature, both theoretical frameworks and empirical evidence are synthesized to provide insights into the complex relationship between foreign aid and economic development. The paper examines various channels through which foreign aid influences economic development, including infrastructure development, education and healthcare investments, technology transfer, and institutional capacity building. It explores the potential positive effects of aid in stimulating economic growth, reducing poverty, and enhancing human capital formation. Additionally, it investigates the potential challenges and limitations associated with aid, such as aid dependency, governance issues, and the potential crowding out of domestic resources. Furthermore, the study assesses the heterogeneity of aid effectiveness across different types of aid modalities, recipient country characteristics, and aid allocation mechanisms. It considers the role of aid conditionality, aid fragmentation, and aid targeting in influencing the effectiveness of aid in promoting economic development. The findings of this research contribute to the ongoing discourse on foreign aid and economic development by providing a comprehensive analysis of the existing literature. The study highlights the importance of context-specific factors, recipient country policies, and aid effectiveness frameworks in determining the impact of foreign aid on economic development outcomes. The insights derived from this research can inform policymakers, donor agencies, and practitioners in designing and implementing effective aid strategies to maximize the positive impact of foreign aid on economic development.

Keywords: foreign aid, economic development, sustainable growth, poverty reduction, human development indicators, infrastructure development, education, healthcare, technology transfer, institutional capacity building, aid effectiveness, aid dependency, governance, crowding out, aid conditionality, aid fragmentation, aid targeting, recipient country policies, aid strategies, donor agencies, policymaking

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Authors: Abderrahim El Maslouhi

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The paper aims to analyze an often-overlooked dimension of global constitutionalism, which is the rise of the regulatory state and its impact on parliamentary dynamics in transition regimes. In contrast to Majone’s technocratic vision of convergence towards a single regulatory system based on competence and efficiency, national transpositions of regulatory governance and, in general, the relationship to global standards primarily depend upon a number of distinctive parameters. These include policy formation process, speed of change, depth of parliamentary tradition and greater or lesser vulnerability to the normative conditionality of donors, interstate groupings and transnational regulatory bodies. Based on a comparison between three post-Arab Spring countries -Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt, whose constitutions have undergone substantive review in the period 2011-2014- and some European Union state members, the paper intends, first, to assess the degree of permeability to global constitutionalism in different contexts. A noteworthy divide emerges from this comparison. Whereas European constitutions still seem impervious to the lexicon of global constitutionalism, the influence of the latter is obvious in the recently drafted constitutions in Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt. This is evidenced by their reference to notions such as ‘governance’, ‘regulators’, ‘accountability’, ‘transparency’, ‘civil society’, and ‘participatory democracy’. Second, the study will provide a contextual account of internal and external rationales underlying the constitutionalization of regulatory governance in the cases examined. Unlike European constitutionalism, where parliamentarism and the tradition of representative government function as a structural mechanism that moderates the de-parliamentarization effect induced by global constitutionalism, Arab constitutional transitions have led to a paradoxical situation; contrary to the public demands for further parliamentarization, the 2011 constitution-makers have opted for a de-parliamentarization pattern. This is particularly reflected in the procedures established by constitutions and regular legislation, to handle the interaction between lawmakers and regulatory bodies. Once the ‘constitutional’ and ‘independent’ nature of these agencies is formally endorsed, the birth of these ‘fourth power’ entities, which are neither elected nor directly responsible to elected officials, will raise the question of their accountability. Third, the paper shows that, even in the three selected countries, the de-parliamentarization intensity is significantly variable. By contrast to the radical stance of the Moroccan and Egyptian constituents who have shown greater concern to shield regulatory bodies from legislatures’ scrutiny, the Tunisian case indicates a certain tendency to provide lawmakers with some essential control instruments (e. g. exclusive appointment power, adversarial discussion of regulators’ annual reports, dismissal power, later held unconstitutional). In sum, the comparison reveals that the transposition of the regulatory state model and, more generally, sensitivity to the legal implications of global conditionality essentially relies on the evolution of real-world power relations at both national and international levels.

Keywords: Arab legislatures, de-parliamentarization, global constitutionalism, normative conditionality, regulatory state

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Authors: Kazi Rafikoddin

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Conditionality refers to a precondition for getting external funds from IMF or WB by giving consent for implementation of the program of economic or political reforms especially relating to open economies. These are put forth under the label of structural adjustment. It is a kind of challenge on the part of borrowing government to exercise balance between the domestic obligations and the expectations of external funding agencies. Countries have to take loans under certain criteria and regulations because better loans are often not readily available. Therefore taking loans and renewing them to pay the same with new interest rates and conditions makes the governments entangled in the circle of debt. They are forced to compete with well-established multinational companies. If their access to industrialized countries' markets is impaired through protectionism, the developed world will be condemning the indebted nations to perpetual financial crisis. On the other hand, the ability to sell their goods free in the world market is reduced through the introduction of Structural Adjustment Programmes. Although there are examples of positive effects on certain economies like India, some Third World, and poor countries have experienced the ire of these remedies. This paper tries to find out the effects of SAPs on some borrowing countries.

Keywords: IMF, world bank, conditionalities, SAPs, Third World Countries

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Authors: Viktorija Mano

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The objective of my research is to critique the International Monetary Fund (IMF) stance on foreign investment and the benefits for small, open economies of allowing the free movement of capital. In my research as a whole I will explore the extent to which this stance impacted upon and influenced the economic policies of Macedonia. This will involve providing a contextualized, critical account of the policy of the IMF focusing on a comparison of its policies during the early 2000s through policy documents, political discourse and enacted policies in Macedonia. The conditionality associated with these policies, such as the enforcement of austerity measures (including cutting public spending and reducing debt) and the privatization of public institutions has provoked strong reactions in countries which receive such loans. My main focus in my research is on exploring how the process of Financial Liberalization (FL) of the Macedonian economy affected capital flows in the form of foreign direct investments (FDI) in the private sector and how the recent Greek crisis of 2008 has impacted on this. In the case of Macedonia, the reality of FL was tested by the collapse of the Greek economy. However, this paper will highlight the main duties of the IMF and the goals of the FL process implemented in various countries.Additionally, I will undertake a rhetorical documentary analysis on the IMF reports regarding the process of FL in Macedonia since its independence until today.

Keywords: FDI, financial liberalization, Greece, IMF, Macedonia

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Authors: Karla Hrbackova, Anna Petr Safrankova, Jakub Hladik

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Machiavellianism as social phenomenon reveals certain methods of communication that man puts in contact with other people in both personal and working life (and work with clients). Especially at the helping-profession students is honesty, openness or low motivation for personal benefit important part of the profession. The aim of a study is to expose intercultural differences influence of Machiavellianism between Czech and Slovak university students and to determine whether these differences manifest themselves differently among students focusing on management and social profession (by helping degrees). The research involved 1120 university students from the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. The measurement of Machiavellianism used a test Mach IV. The test contained 20 statements divided into four central dimensions of Machiavellianism: flattery, deception and falsehood, immorality and cynicism. We found out, that Czech and Slovak's student expressed a similar attitude toward Machiavellianism as a means of manipulation in the interpersonal relationship, but this is not true in all dimensions. Czech and Slovak's students perceive differently flattery, deception and falsehood and cynicism too. In addition to specific features of cultural conditionality, we found out differences depending on the helping profession. Students focusing on managerial occupation (lower level of helping) tend towards greater acceptance of the use flattery as a means of communication than students specializing in the social profession (high-grade assisting). If they are an intercultural and interdisciplinary influences combined and effect on the perception of Machiavellianism together, then their significant importance for the perception of flattery and cynicism. The result will help us to reveal certain specific traits that students apply communication and with whom we can continue to work during their training.

Keywords: use of manipulative strategies, Machiavellianism, helping-profession students, professional training of students

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