Search results for: Ricardo%20Silva%20Th%C3%A9%20Pontes

Authors: Nikolaus Wilke, Boaz Paz

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Museum staff, conservators, restorers, curators, registrars, art handlers but potentially also museum visitors are often exposed to the harmful effects of biocides, which have been applied to collections in the past for the protection and preservation of cultural heritage. Due to stable light, moisture, and temperature conditions, the biocidal active ingredients were preserved for much longer than originally assumed by chemists, pest controllers, and museum scientists. Given the requirements to minimize the use and handling of toxic substances and the obligations of employers regarding safe working environments for their employees, but also for visitors, the museum sector worldwide needs adequate decontamination solutions. Today there are millions of contaminated objects in museums. This paper introduces the results of a systematic investigation into the reduction rate of biocide contamination in various organic materials that were treated with the humidity and temperature controlled ICM (Integrated Contamination Management) method. In the past, collections were treated with a wide range, at times even with a combination of toxins, either preventively or to eliminate active insect or fungi infestations. It was only later that most of those toxins were recognized as CMR (cancerogenic mutagen reprotoxic) substances. Among them were numerous chemical substances that are banned today because of their toxicity. While the biocidal effect of inorganic salts such as arsenic (arsenic(III) oxide), sublimate (mercury(II) chloride), copper oxychloride (basic copper chloride) and zinc chloride was known very early on, organic tar distillates such as paradichlorobenzene, carbolineum, creosote and naphthalene were increasingly used from the 19th century onwards, especially as wood preservatives. With the rapid development of organic synthesis chemistry in the 20th century and the development of highly effective warfare agents, pesticides and fungicides, these substances were replaced by chlorogenic compounds (e.g. γ-hexachlorocyclohexane (lindane), dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT), pentachlorophenol (PCP), hormone-like derivatives such as synthetic pyrethroids (e.g., permethrin, deltamethrin, cyfluthrin) and phosphoric acid esters (e.g., dichlorvos, chlorpyrifos). Today we know that textile artifacts (costumes, uniforms, carpets, tapestries), wooden objects, herbaria, libraries, archives and historical wall decorations made of fabric, paper and leather were also widely treated with toxic inorganic and organic substances. The migration (emission) of pollutants from the contaminated objects leads to continuous (secondary) contamination and accumulation in the indoor air and dust. It is important to note that many of mentioned toxic substances are also material-damaging; they cause discoloration and corrosion. Some, such as DDT, form crystals, which in turn can cause micro tectonic, destructive shifting, for example, in paint layers. Museums must integrate sustainable solutions to address the residual biocide problems already in the planning phase. Gas and dust phase measurements and analysis must become standard as well as methods of decontamination.

Keywords: biocides, decontamination, museum collections, toxic substances in museums

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Authors: Rudy Ralph Martinez

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The 1960s provided us with some of the most iconic protest images of the late-20th century. This was the result of worldwide unrest and the proliferation of filmmaking equipment, which led to a flood of photos and films depicting war and activism. Many of these images and films played a pivotal role in shaping the ever-evolving discussions surrounding the ‘60s. However, too often, radical imagery finds itself subsumed by consumer culture, a degradation that flattens radical imagery and turns it into consumer products. With this in mind, the work that follows is an analysis of one of the little-discussed chapters of the 60s and 70s, and it is that of the New German Cinema movement and its relationship with the Rote Armee Fraktion, or Red Army Faction (RAF), an armed Marxist-Leninist group founded in West Germany in 1970. The RAF arose out of a milieu which included student activists protesting Western military involvement in the Vietnam War, civil rights activists, and third world guerillas. The actions undertaken by the group throughout their first decade in existence, including bombings, and assassinations, would create West Germany’s most dire political crisis since the Nazi era, culminating in a crisis of legitimation remembered as the German Autumn, which saw the suicides of several of the militants and the assassination of SS officer-cum-prominent industrialist, Hans Martin-Schleyer. Throughout the 1970s, young filmmakers associated with the New German Cinema sought to analyze the political situation as it was unfolding, their films contributing to the public discourse in concomitance with the government and the media. Four notable examples of these films are Volker Schlöndorff and Margarethe von Trotta’sDie Verlorene Ehre der Katharina Blum oder: Wie Gewaltentstehen und wohinsieführenkann (The Lost Honour of Katharina Blum, or: How Violence Develops and Where it Can Lead) (1975), a dark drama about the media’s role in forming public opinion, Deutschland im Herbst(Germany in Autumn) (1977), an experimental collective work released mere months after the German Autumn, Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s Die Dritte Generation (The Third Generation) (1979), a satire about an inept cell of radical militants, and Die bleierne Zeit (The Leaden Time, alt. title: Marianne and Juliane) (1981), an intimate portrayal about two sisters whose activism leads them down disparate paths. The filmmakers of the New German Cinema refused to underline their films with the Manichaean claims respectively espoused by the RAF and the government. These complex portrayals found offspring in films such as Christian Petzold’s Die innere Sicherheit(The State I Am In) (2000), a portrait of a family on the run after the reunification of Germany but were countered by glossy high-budget portrayals such as Uli Edel’s Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex(The Baader-Meinhof Complex) (2008). In focusing on the aesthetic structure of these films in relation to the political atmosphere of the late-60s and 70s West Germany, I hope to shed light on questions concerning spectatorship, surveillance, the role of journalism, and how politics disrupts personal relationships, and the kinship between artists and so-called terrorists.

Keywords: new german cinema, film history, red army faction, german cinema

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Authors: Carolyn Hatch, Laurent Simon

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Urban mobility and the transportation industry are undergoing a transformation, shifting from an auto production-consumption model that has dominated since the early 20th century towards new forms of personal and shared multi-modality [1]. This is shaped by key forces such as climate change, which has induced a shift in production and consumption patterns and efforts to decarbonize and improve transport services through, for instance, the integration of vehicle automation, electrification and mobility sharing [2]. Advanced innovation practices and platforms for experimentation and validation of new mobility products and services that are increasingly complex and multi-stakeholder-oriented are shaping this new world of mobility. Transportation hubs – such as airports - are emblematic of these disruptive forces playing out in the mobility industry. Airports are emerging as the core of innovation ecosystems on and around contemporary mobility issues, and increasingly recognized as complex public/private nodes operating in many societal dimensions [3,4]. These include urban development, sustainability transitions, digital experimentation, customer experience, infrastructure development and data exploitation (for instance, airports generate massive and often untapped data flows, with significant potential for use, commercialization and social benefit). Yet airport innovation practices have not been well documented in the innovation literature. This paper addresses this gap by proposing a model of airport innovation that aims to equip airport stakeholders to respond to these new and complex innovation needs in practice. The methodology involves: 1 – a literature review bringing together key research and theory on airport innovation management, open innovation and innovation ecosystems in order to evaluate airport practices through an innovation lens; 2 – an international benchmarking of leading airports and their innovation practices, including such examples as Aéroports de Paris, Schipol in Amsterdam, Changi in Singapore, and others; and 3 – semi-structured interviews with airport managers on key aspects of organizational practice, facilitated through a close partnership with the Airport Council International (ACI), a major stakeholder in this research project. Preliminary results find that the most successful airports are those that have shifted to a multi-stakeholder, platform ecosystem model of innovation. The recent entrance of new actors in airports (Google, Amazon, Accor, Vinci, Airbnb and others) have forced the opening of organizational boundaries to share and exchange knowledge with a broader set of ecosystem players. This has also led to new forms of governance and intermediation by airport actors to connect complex, highly distributed knowledge, along with new kinds of inter-organizational collaboration, co-creation and collective ideation processes. Leading airports in the case study have demonstrated a unique capacity to force traditionally siloed activities to “think together”, “explore together” and “act together”, to share data, contribute expertise and pioneer new governance approaches and collaborative practices. In so doing, they have successfully integrated these many disruptive change pathways and forced their implementation and coordination towards innovative mobility outcomes, with positive societal, environmental and economic impacts. This research has implications for: 1 - innovation theory, 2 - urban and transport policy, and 3 - organizational practice - within the mobility industry and across the economy.

Keywords: airport management, ecosystem, innovation, mobility, platform, transport hubs

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Authors: Pauliina Haustein

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Improvisation was part of Western classical concert culture and performers’ skill sets until early 20th century. Historical accounts, as well as recent studies, indicate that improvisatory elements in the programme may contribute specifically towards the audiences’ experience of enhanced emotional engagement during the concert. This paper presents findings from the author’s artistic practice research, which explored re-introducing improvisation to Western classical performance practice as a musician (cellist and ensemble partner/leader). In an investigation of four concert cycles, the performer-researcher sought to gain solo and chamber music improvisation techniques (both related to and independent of repertoire), conduct ensemble improvisation rehearsals, design concerts with an improvisatory approach, and reflect on interactions with audiences after each concert. Data was collected through use of reflective diary, video recordings, measurement of sound parameters, questionnaires, a focus group, and interviews. The performer’s empirical experiences and findings from audience research components were juxtaposed and interrogated to better understand the (1) rehearsal and planning processes that enable improvisatory elements to return to Western classical concert experience and (2) the emotional experience and type of engagement that occur throughout the concert experience for both performer and audience members. This informed the development of a concert model, in which a programme of solo and chamber music repertoire and improvisations were combined according to historically evidenced performance practice (including free formal solo and ensemble improvisations based on audience suggestions). Inspired by historical concert culture, where elements of risk-taking, spontaneity, and audience involvement (such as proposing themes for fantasies) were customary, this concert model invited musicians to contribute to the process personally and creatively at all stages, from programme planning, and throughout the live concert. The type of democratic, personal, creative, and empathetic collaboration that emerged, as a result, appears unique in Western classical contexts, rather finding resonance in jazz ensemble, drama, or interdisciplinary settings. The research identified features of ensemble improvisation, such as empathy, emergence, mutual engagement, and collaborative creativity, that became mirrored in audience’s responses, generating higher levels of emotional engagement, empathy, inclusivity, and a participatory, co-creative experience. It appears that duringimprovisatory moments in the concert programme, audience members started feeling more like active participants in za\\a creative, collaborative exchange and became stakeholders in a deeper phenomenon of meaning-making and narrativization. Examining interactions between all involved during the concert revealed that performer-audience impulse exchange occurred on multiple levels of awareness and seemed to build upon each other, resulting in particularly strong experiences of both performer and audience’s engagement. This impact appeared especially meaningful for audience members who were seldom concertgoers and reported little familiarity with classical music. The study found that re-introducing improvisatory elements to Western classical concert programmes has strong potential in increasing audience’s emotional engagement with the musical performance, enabling audience members to connect more personally with the individual performers, and in reaching new-to-classical-music audiences.

Keywords: artistic research, audience engagement, audience experience, classical improvisation, ensemble improvisation, emotional engagement, improvisation, improvisatory approach, musical performance, practice research

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Authors: Marcela Davalos Lopez

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The history of the circulation of hygienic knowledge and the consolidation of public health in Latin American cities towards the end of the 19th century is well known. Among them, Mexico City was inserted in international politics, strengthened institutions, medical knowledge, applied parameters of modernity and built sanitary engineering works. Despite the power that this hygienist system achieved, its scope was relative: it cannot be generalized to all cities. From a comparative and contextual analysis, it will be shown that conclusions derived from modern urban historiography present, from our contemporary observations, fractures. Between 1890 and 1930, the small cities and areas surrounding the Mexican capital adapted in their own way the international and federal public health regulations. This will be shown for neighborhoods located around Mexico City and in a medium city, close to the Mexican capital (about 80 km), called Cuernavaca. While the inhabitants of the neighborhoods kept awaiting the evolutionary process and the forms that public hygiene policies were taking (because they were witnesses and affected in their territories), in Cuernavaca, the dictates came as an echo. While the capital was drained, large roads were opened, roundabouts were erected, residents were expelled, and drains, sewers, drinking water pipes, etc., were built; Cuernavaca was sheltered in other times and practices. What was this due to? Undoubtedly, the time and energy that it took politicians and the group of "scientists" to carry out these enormous works in the Mexican capital took them away from addressing the issue in remote villages. It was not until the 20th century that the federal hygiene policy began to be strengthened. Despite this, there are other factors that emphasize the particularities of each site. I would like to draw attention here to the different receptions that each town prepared on public hygiene. We will see that Cuernavaca responded to its own semi-rural culture, history, orography and functions, prolonging for much longer, for example, the use of its deep ravines as sewers. For their part, the neighborhoods surrounding the capital, although affected and excluded from hygienist policies, chose to move away from them and solve the deficiencies with their own resources (they resorted to the waste that was left from the dried lake of Mexico to continue their lake practices). All of this points to a paradox that shapes our contemporary concerns: on the one hand, the benefits derived from medical knowledge and its technological applications (in this work referring particularly to the urban health system) and, on the other, the alteration it caused in environmental settings. Places like Cuernavaca (classified by the nineteenth-century and hygienists of the first decades of the twentieth century as backward), as well as landscapes such as neighborhoods, affected by advances in sanitary engineering, keep in their memory buried practices that we observe today as possible ways to reestablish environmental balances: alternative uses of water; recycling of organic materials; local uses of fauna; various systems for breaking down excreta, and so on. In sum, what the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries graduated as levels of backwardness or progress, turn out to be key information to rethink the routes of environmental conservation. When we return to the observations of the scientists, politicians and lawyers of that period, we find historically rejected cultural alterity. Populations such as Cuernavaca that, due to their history, orography and/or insufficiency of federal policies, kept different relationships with the environment, today give us clues to reorient basic elements of cities: alternative uses of water, waste of raw materials, organic or consumption of local products, among others. It is, therefore, a matter of unearthing the rejected that cries out to emerge to the surface.

Keywords: sanitary hygiene, Mexico city, cultural alterity, environmental conservation, environmental history

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Authors: Stephen Verderber

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The World Health Organization (WHO) calls for research and development on ecologically sustainable, resilient structures capable of effectively responding to disaster events globally, in response to climate change, politically based diasporas, earthquakes, and other adverse events upending the rhythms of everyday life globally. By 2050, nearly 80% of the world’s population will reside in coastal zones, and this, coupled with the increasingly dire impacts of climate change, constitute a recipe for further chaos and disruption, and in light of these events, architects have yet to rise up to meet the challenge. In the arena of healthcare, rapidly deployable clinics and field hospitals can provide immediate assistance in medically underserved disaster strike zones. Transportable facilities offer multiple advantages over conventional, fixed-site hospitals, as lightweight, comparatively unencumbered alternatives. These attributes have been proven repeatedly in 20th century vehicular and tent-based structures deployed in frontline combat theaters and in prior natural disasters. Prefab transportable clinics and trauma centers recently responded adroitly to medical emergencies in the aftermath of the Haitian (2010) and Ecuadorian (2016) earthquakes, and in North American post-hurricane relief efforts (2017) while architects continue to be castigated by their engineer colleagues as chronically poor first responders. Architecturally based portable structures for healthcare currently include Redeployable Health Centers (RHCs), Redeployable Trauma Centers (RTCs), and Permanent Modular Installations (PMIs). Five tectonic variants within this typology have recently been operationalized in the field: 1. Vehicular-based Nomadics: Prefab modules installed on a truck chassis with interior compartments dropped in prior to final assembly. Alternately, a two-component apparatus is preferred, with a truck cab pulling a modular medical unit, with independent transiting component; 2. Tent and Pneumatic Systems: Tent/yurt precursors and inflatable systems lightweight and responsive to topographically challenging terrain and diverse climates; 3. Containerized Systems: The standard modular intermodal-shipping container affords structural strength, resiliency in difficult transiting conditions, and can be densely close-packed and these can be custom-built or hold flat-pack systems; 4. Flat-Packs and Pop-Up Systems: These kit-of-part assemblies are shipped in standardized or specially-designed ISO containers; and 5. Hybrid Systems: These consist of composite facilities representing a synthesis of mobile vehicular components and/or tent or shipping containers, fused with conventional or pneumatically activated tent systems. Hybrids are advantageous in many installation contexts from an aesthetic, fabrication, and transiting perspective. Advantages/disadvantages of various modular systems are comparatively examined, followed by presentation of a compendium of 80 evidence (research)-based planning and design considerations addressing site/context, transiting and commissioning, triage, decontamination/intake, diagnostic and treatment, facility tectonics, and administration/total environment. The benefits of offsite pre-manufactured fabrication are examined, as is anticipated growth in international demand for transportable healthcare facilities to meet the challenges posed by accelerating global climate change and global conflicts. This investigation into rapid response facilities for pre and post-disaster zones is drawn from a recent book by the author, the first on architecture on this topic (Innovations in Transportable Healthcare Architecture).

Keywords: disaster mitigation, rapid response healthcare architecture, offsite prefabrication

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