Search results for: Régia C. M. B. Castro

Authors: Luis F. Caballero-castro, Dirsa Feliciano, Daniela Novoa, Orlando Arroyo, Jesús D. Villalba-morales

Abstract:

Colombia faces a critical challenge in seismic resilience due to the prevalence of informal housing, which constitutes approximately 70% of residential structures. More than 10 million Colombians (20% of the population), live in homes susceptible to collapse in the event of an earthquake. This, combined with the fact that 83% of the population is in intermediate and high seismic hazard areas, has brought serious consequences to the country. These consequences became evident during the 1999 Armenia earthquake, which affected nearly 100,000 properties and represented economic losses equivalent to 1.88% of that year's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Despite previous efforts to reinforce informal housing through methods like externally reinforced masonry walls, alternatives related to seismic protection systems (SPDs), such as Buckling-Restrained Braces (BRB), have not yet been explored in the country. BRBs are reinforcement elements capable of withstanding both compression and tension, making them effective in enhancing the lateral stiffness of structures. In this study, the use of low-cost and easily installable BRBs for the retrofit of informal housing in Colombia was evaluated, considering the economic limitations of the communities. For this purpose, a case study was selected involving an informally constructed dwelling in the country, from which field information on its structural characteristics and construction materials was collected. Based on the gathered information, nonlinear models with and without BRBs were created, and their seismic performance was analyzed and compared through incremental static (pushover) and nonlinear dynamic analyses. In the first analysis, the capacity curve was identified, showcasing the sequence of failure events occurring from initial yielding to structural collapse. In the second case, the model underwent nonlinear dynamic analyses using a set of seismic records consistent with the country's seismic hazard. Based on the results, fragility curves were calculated to evaluate the probability of failure of the informal housings before and after the intervention with BRBs, providing essential information about their effectiveness in reducing seismic vulnerability. The results indicate that low-cost BRBs can significantly increase the capacity of informal housing to withstand earthquakes. The dynamic analysis revealed that retrofit structures experienced lower displacements and deformations, enhancing the safety of residents and the seismic performance of informally constructed houses. In other words, the use of low-cost BRBs in the retrofit of informal housing in Colombia is a promising strategy for improving structural safety in seismic-prone areas. This study emphasizes the importance of seeking affordable and practical solutions to address seismic risk in vulnerable communities in earthquake-prone regions in Colombia and serves as a model for addressing similar challenges of informal housing worldwide.

Keywords: buckling-restrained braces, fragility curves, informal housing, incremental dynamic analysis, seismic retrofit

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Authors: Andrea N. Alarcon, Julian D. Castro, Gloria C. Rojas, Paola A. Vaca, Santiago Ortiz, Gustavo Martinez, Pablo D. Lemoine

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Recently, electoral results across many countries have shown to be inconsistent with rational decision theory, which states that individuals make decisions based on maximizing benefits and reducing risks. An alternative explanation has emerged: Fear and rage-driven vote have been proved to be highly effective for political persuasion and mobilization. This phenomenon has been evident in the 2016 elections in the United States, 2006 elections in Mexico, 1998 elections in Venezuela, and 2004 elections in Bolivia. In Colombia, it has occurred recently in the 2016 plebiscite for peace and 2018 presidential elections. The aim of this study is to explain this phenomenon using cultural cognition theory, referring to the psychological predisposition individuals have to believe that its own and its peer´s behavior is correct and, therefore, beneficial to the entire society. Cultural cognition refers to the tendency of individuals to fit perceived risks, and factual beliefs into group shared values; the Cultural Cognition Worldview Scales (CCWS) measures cultural perceptions through two different dimensions: Individualism-communitarianism and hierarchy-egalitarianism. The former refers to attitudes towards social dominance based on conspicuous and static characteristics (sex, ethnicity or social class), while the latter refers to attitudes towards a social ordering in which it is expected from individuals to guarantee their own wellbeing without society´s or government´s intervention. A probabilistic national sample was obtained from different polls from the consulting and public opinion company Centro Nacional de Consultoría. Sociodemographic data was obtained along with CCWS scores, a subjective measure of left-right ideological placement and vote intention for 2019 Mayor´s elections were also included in the questionnaires. Finally, the question “In your opinion, what is the greatest risk Colombia is facing right now?” was included to identify perceived risk in the population. Preliminary results show that Colombians are highly distributed among hierarchical communitarians and egalitarian individualists (30.9% and 31.7%, respectively), and to a less extent among hierarchical individualists and egalitarian communitarians (19% and 18.4%, respectively). Males tended to be more hierarchical (p < .000) and communitarian (p=.009) than females. ANOVA´s revealed statistically significant differences between groups (quadrants) for the level of schooling, left-right ideological orientation, and stratum (p < .000 for all), and proportion differences revealed statistically significant differences for groups of age (p < .001). Differences and distributions for vote intention and perceived risks are still being processed and results are yet to be analyzed. Results show that Colombians are differentially distributed among quadrants in regard to sociodemographic data and left-right ideological orientation. These preliminary results indicate that this study may shed some light on why Colombians vote the way they do, and future qualitative data will show the fears emerging from the identified values in the CCWS and the relation this has with vote intention.

Keywords: communitarianism, cultural cognition, egalitarianism, hierarchy, individualism, perceived risks

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Authors: Maria Zulema Morquecho Vega, Fabiola CarolinaMiranda Castro, Rafael Verdugo Miranda, Ignacio Yocupicio Villegas, Ana lidia Barron Raygoza, Martin enrique MArquez Cordova, Jose Alberto Duarte Moller

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Background: Anemopsis californica, also called (tame grass) belongs to the Saururaceae family small, green plant. The blade is long and wide. Gives a white flower. The plant population is only found in humid, swampy habitats, it grows where there is water, along the banks of streams and water holes. In the winter, it dries up. The leaves, rhizomes, or roots of this plant have been used to treat a range of diseases. Some of its healing properties are used to treat wounds, cold and flu symptoms, spasmodic cough, infection, pain and inflammation, burns, swollen feet, as well as lung ailments, asthma, circulatory problems (varicose veins), rheumatoid arthritis, purifies blood, helps in urinary and digestive tract diseases, sores and healing, for headache, sore throat, diarrhea, kidney pain. The tea made from the leaves and roots is used to treat uterine cancer, womb cancer, relieves menstrual pain and stops excessive bleeding after childbirth. It is also used as a gynecological treatment for infections, hemorrhoids, candidiasis and vaginitis. Objective: To study the cytotoxicity of gels prepared with silver nanoparticles in AC extract combined with chitosan, collagen and hyaluronic acid as an alternative therapy for skin conditions. Methods: The Ag NPs were synthesized according to the following method. A 0.3 mg/mL solution is prepared in 10 ml of deionized water, adjust to pH 12 with NaOH, stirring is maintained constant magnetic and a temperature of 80 °C. Subsequently, 100 ul of a 0.1 M AgNO3 solution and kept stirring constantly for 15 min. Once the reaction is complete, measurements are performed by UV-Vis. A gel was prepared in a 5% solution of acetic acid with the respective nanoparticles and AC extract of silver in the extract of AC. Chitosan is added until the process begins to occur gel. At that time, collagen will be added in a ratio of 3 to 5 drops, and later, hyaluronic acid in 2% of the total compound formed. Finally, after resting for 24 hours, the cytotoxic effect of the gels was studied. in the presence of highly positive bacteria Staphylococcus aureus and highly negative for Escherichia coli. Cultures will be incubated for 24 hours in the presence of the compound and compared with the reference. Results: Silver nanoparticles obtained had a spherical shape and sizes among 20 and 30 nm. UV-Vis spectra confirm the presence of silver nanoparticles showing a surface plasmon around 420 nm. Finally, the test in presence of bacteria yield a good antibacterial property of this nanocompound and tests in people were successful. Conclusion: Gel prepared by biogenic synthesis shown beneficious effects in severe acne, acne vulgaris and wound healing with diabetic patients.

Keywords: anemopsis californica, nanomedicina, biotechnology, biomedicine

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Authors: Andrea Scapolo, Zaya Rustamova, Arturo Matute Castro

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The “Voices in Dissent” initiative aims at collecting and making available in a digital format, testimonies, letters, and other narratives produced by victims of political oppression from different geographical spaces across the Atlantic. By recovering silenced voices behind the official narratives, this open-access online database will provide indispensable tools for rewriting the history of authoritarian regimes from the margins as memory debates continue to provoke controversy among academic and popular transnational circles. In providing an extensive database of non-hegemonic discourses in a variety of political and social contexts, the project will complement the existing European and Latin-American studies, and invite further interdisciplinary and trans-national research. This digital resource will be available to academic communities and the general audience and will be organized geographically and chronologically. “Voices in Dissent” will offer a first comprehensive study of these personal accounts of persecution and repression against determined historical backgrounds and their impact on collective memory formation in contemporary societies. The digitalization of these texts will allow to run metadata analyses and adopt comparatist approaches for a broad range of research endeavors. Most of the testimonies included in our archive are testimonies of trauma: the trauma of exile, imprisonment, torture, humiliation, censorship. The research on trauma has now reached critical mass and offers a broad spectrum of critical perspectives. By putting together testimonies from different geographical and historical contexts, our project will provide readers and scholars with an extraordinary opportunity to investigate how culture shapes individual and collective memories and provides or denies resources to make sense and cope with the trauma. For scholars dealing with the epistemological and rhetorical analysis of testimonies, an online open-access archive will prove particularly beneficial to test theories on truth status and the formation of belief as well as to study the articulation of discourse. An important aspect of this project is also its pedagogical applications since it will contribute to the creation of Open Educational Resources (OER) to support students and educators worldwide. Through collaborations with our Library System, the archive will form part of the Digital Commons database. The texts collected in this online archive will be made available in the original languages as well as in English translation. They will be accompanied by a critical apparatus that will contextualize them historically by providing relevant background information and bibliographical references. All these materials can serve as a springboard for a broad variety of educational projects and classroom activities. They can also be used to design specific content courses or modules. In conclusion, the desirable outcomes of the “Voices in Dissent” project are: 1. the collections and digitalization of political dissent testimonies; 2. the building of a network of scholars, educators, and learners involved in the design, development, and sustainability of the digital archive; 3. the integration of the content of the archive in both research and teaching endeavors, such as publication of scholarly articles, design of new upper-level courses, and integration of the materials in existing courses.

Keywords: digital archive, dissent, open educational resources, testimonies, transatlantic studies

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Authors: B. M. Moda, L. F. Secco

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Through free and fair elections and others less democratic processes, Latin America has been gradually turning into a right-wing political region. In order to understand these recent changes, this paper aims to discuss the origin and the traits of the pink wave in the subcontinent, the reasons for its current rollback and future projections for left-wing in the region. The methodology used in this paper will be descriptive and analytical combined with secondary sources mainly from the social and political sciences fields. The canons of the Washington Consensus was implemented by the majority of the Latin American governments in the 80s and 90s under the social democratic and right-wing parties. The neoliberal agenda caused political, social and economic dissatisfaction bursting into a new political configuration for the region. It started in 1998 when Hugo Chávez took the office in Venezuela through the Fifth Republic Movement under the socialist flag. From there on, Latin America was swiped by the so-called ‘pink wave’, term adopted to define the rising of self-designated left-wing or center-left parties with a progressive agenda. After Venezuela, countries like Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Equator, Nicaragua, Paraguay, El Salvador and Peru got into the pink wave. The success of these governments was due a post-neoliberal agenda focused on cash transfers programs, increasing of public spending, and the straightening of national market. The discontinuation of the preference for the left-wing started in 2012 with the coup against Fernando Lugo in Paraguay. In 2015, the chavismo in Venezuela lost the majority of the legislative seats. In 2016, an impeachment removed the Brazilian president Dilma Rousself from office who was replaced by the center-right vice-president Michel Temer. In the same year, Mauricio Macri representing the right-wing party Proposta Republicana was elected in Argentina. In 2016 center-right and liberal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was elected in Peru. In 2017, Sebastián Piñera was elected in Chile through the center-right party Renovación Nacional. The pink wave current rollback points towards some findings that can be arranged in two fields. Economically, the 2008 financial crisis affected the majority of the Latin American countries and the left-wing economic policies along with the end of the raw materials boom and the subsequent shrinking of economic performance opened a flank for popular dissatisfaction. In Venezuela, the 2014 oil crisis reduced the revenues for the State in more than 50% dropping social spending, creating an inflationary spiral, and consequently loss of popular support. Politically, the death of Hugo Chavez in 2013 weakened the ‘socialism of the twenty first century’ ideal, which was followed by the death of Fidel Castro, the last bastion of communism in the subcontinent. In addition, several cases of corruption revealed during the pink wave governments made the traditional politics unpopular. These issues challenge the left-wing to develop a future agenda based on innovation of its economic program, improve its legal and political compliance practices, and to regroup its electoral forces amid the social movements that supported its ascension back in the early 2000s.

Keywords: Latin America, political parties, left-wing, right-wing, pink wave

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