Search results for: ibadan metropolis

Authors: Varinder Kaur Gambhir, Neema Gupta, Sonal Tickoo Chaudhuri

Abstract:

Bengaluru, a rapidly growing metropolis in India, with a population of 12.5 million citizens, generates 5,757 metric tonnes of solid waste per day. Despite their invaluable contribution to waste management, society and the economy, waste pickers face significant stigma, suspicion and contempt and are left with a sense of shame about their work. In this context, BBC Media Action was funded by the H&M Foundation to develop a 3-year multi-phase social media campaign to shift perceptions of waste picking and informal waste pickers amongst the Bengaluru population. Research has been used to inform project strategy and adaptation, at all stages. Formative research to inform campaign strategy used mixed methods– 14 focused group discussions followed by 406 online surveys – to explore people’s knowledge of, and attitudes towards waste pickers, and identify potential barriers and motivators to changing perceptions. Use of qualitative techniques like metaphor maps (using bank of pictures rather than direct questions to understand mindsets) helped establish the invisibility of informal waste pickers, and the quantitative research enabled audience segmentation based on attitudes towards informal waste pickers. To pretest the campaign idea, eight I-GDs (individual interaction followed by group discussions) were conducted to allow interviewees to first freely express their feelings individually, before discussing in a group. Robert Plucthik’s ‘wheel of emotions’ was used to understand audience’s emotional response to the content. A robust monitoring and evaluation is being conducted (baseline and first phase of monitoring already completed) using a rotating longitudinal panel of 1,800 social media users (exposed and unexposed to the campaign), recruited face to face and representative of the social media universe of Bengaluru city. In addition, qualitative in-depth interviews are being conducted after each phase to better understand change drivers. The research methodology and ethical protocols for impact evaluation have been independently reviewed by an Institutional Review Board. Formative research revealed that while waste on the streets is visible and is of concern to the public, informal waste pickers are virtually ‘invisible’, for most people in Bengaluru Pretesting research revealed that the creative outputs evoked emotions like acceptance and gratitude towards waste-pickers, suggesting that the content had the potential to encourage attitudinal change. After the first phase of campaign, social media analytics show that #Invaluables content reached at least 2.6 million unique people (21% of the Bengaluru population) through Facebook and Instagram. Further, impact monitoring results show significant improvements in spontaneous awareness of different segments of informal waste pickers ( such as sorters at scrap shops or dry waste collection centres -from 10% at baseline to 16% amongst exposed and no change amongst unexposed), recognition that informal waste pickers help the environment (71% at baseline to 77% among exposed and no change among unexposed) and greater discussion about informal waste pickers among those exposed (60%) as against not exposed (49%). Using the insights from this research, the planned social media intervention is designed to increase the visibility of and appreciation for the work of waste pickers in Bengaluru, supporting a more inclusive society.

Keywords: awareness, discussion, discrimination, informal waste pickers, invisibility, social media campaign, waste management

Procedia PDF Downloads 82

Authors: Mario Tauzene Afonso Matangue, Ivan Andres Sanchez Ortiz

Abstract:

The Metropolitan area of Maputo (Mozambique Capital City) is located in semi-arid zone (800 mm annual rainfall) with 1101170 million inhabitants. On the west side, there are the flatlands of Infulene where the Mulauze River flows towards to the Indian Ocean, receiving at this site, the storm water contaminated with sanitary sewage from Maputo, transported through a concrete open channel. In Infulene, local communities grow salads crops such as tomato, onion, garlic, lettuce, and cabbage, which are then commercialized and consumed in several markets in Maputo City. Lettuce is the most daily consumed salad crop in different meals, generally in fast-foods, breakfasts, lunches, and dinners. However, the risk of infection by several pathogens due to the consumption of lettuce, using the Quantitative Microbial Risk Assessment (QMRA) tools, is still unknown since there are few studies or publications concerning to this matter in Mozambique. This work is aimed at determining the annual risk arising from the consumption of lettuce grown in Infulene valley, in Maputo, using QMRA tools. The exposure model was constructed upon the volume of contaminated water remaining in the lettuce leaves, the empirical relations between the number of pathogens and the indicator of microorganisms (E. coli), the consumption of lettuce (g) and reduction of pathogens (days). The reference pathogens were Vibrio cholerae, Cryptosporidium, norovirus, and Ascaris. The water quality samples (E. coli) were collected in the storm water channel from January 2016 to December 2018, comprising 65 samples, and the urban lettuce consumption data were collected through inquiry in Maputo Metropolis covering 350 persons. A non-parametric bootstrap was performed involving 10,000 iterations over the collected dataset, namely, water quality (E. coli) and lettuce consumption. The dose-response models were: Exponential for Cryptosporidium, Kummer Confluent hypergeomtric function (1F1) for Vibrio and Ascaris Gaussian hypergeometric function (2F1-(a,b;c;z) for norovirus. The annual infection risk estimates were performed using R 3.6.0 (CoreTeam) software by Monte Carlo (Latin hypercubes), a sampling technique involving 10,000 iterations. The annual infection risks values expressed by Median and the 95th percentile, per person per year (pppy) arising from the consumption of lettuce are as follows: Vibrio cholerae (1.00, 1.00), Cryptosporidium (3.91x10⁻³, 9.72x 10⁻³), nororvirus (5.22x10⁻¹, 9.99x10⁻¹) and Ascaris (2.59x10⁻¹, 9.65x10⁻¹). Thus, the consumption of the lettuce would result in greater risks than the tolerable levels ( < 10⁻³ pppy or 10⁻⁶ DALY) for all pathogens, and the Vibrio cholerae is the most virulent pathogens, according to the hit-single models followed by the Ascaris lumbricoides and norovirus. The sensitivity analysis carried out in this work pointed out that in the whole QMRA, the most important input variable was the reduction of pathogens (Spearman rank value was 0.69) between harvest and consumption followed by water quality (Spearman rank value was 0.69). The decision-makers (Mozambique Government) must strengthen the prevention measures related to pathogens reduction in lettuce (i.e., washing) and engage in wastewater treatment engineering.

Keywords: annual infections risk, lettuce, non-parametric bootstrapping, quantitative microbial risk assessment tools

Procedia PDF Downloads 110

Authors: Stephan Treuke

Abstract:

The paper analyses the neighbourhood effects on the economic mobility of the inhabitants of three segregated communities of Salvador (Brazil), in other words, the socio-economic advantages and disadvantages affecting the lives of poor people due to their embeddedness in specific socio-residential contexts. Recent studies performed in Brazilian metropolis have concentrated on the structural dimensions of negative externalities in order to explain neighbourhood-level variations in a field of different phenomena (delinquency, violence, access to the labour market and education) in spatial isolated and socially homogeneous slum areas (favelas). However, major disagreement remains whether the contiguity between residents of poor neighbourhoods and higher-class condominio-dwellers provides structures of opportunities or whether it fosters socio-spatial stigmatization. Based on a set of interviews, investigating the variability of interpersonal networks and their activation in the struggle for economic inclusion, the study confirms that the proximity of Nordeste de Amaralina to middle-/upper-class communities affects positively the access to labour opportunities. Nevertheless, residential stigmatization, as well as structures of social segmentation, annihilate these potentials. The lack of exposition to individuals and groups extrapolating from the favela’s social, educational and cultural context restricts the structures of opportunities to local level. Therefore, residents´ interpersonal networks reveal a high degree of redundancy and localism, based on bonding ties connecting family and neighbourhood members. The resilience of segregational structures in Plataforma contributes to the naturalization of social distance patters. It’s embeddedness in a socially homogeneous residential area (Subúrbio Ferroviário), growing informally and beyond official urban politics, encourages the construction of isotopic patterns of sociability, sharing the same values, social preferences, perspectives and behaviour models. Whereas it’s spatial isolation correlates with the scarcity of economic opportunities, the social heterogeneity of Fazenda Grande II interviewees and the socialising effects of public institutions mitigate the negative repercussions of segregation. The networks’ composition admits a higher degree of heterophilia and a greater proportion of bridging ties accounting for the access to broader information actives and facilitating economic mobility. The variability observed within the three different scenarios urges to reflect about the responsability of urban politics when it comes to the prevention or consolidation of the social segregation process in Salvador. Instead of promoting the local development of the favela Plataforma, public housing programs priorize technocratic habitational solutions without providing the residents’ socio-economic integration. The impact of negative externalities related to the homogeneously poor neighbourhood is potencialized in peripheral areas, turning its’ inhabitants socially invisible, thus being isolated from other social groups. The example of Nordeste de Amaralina portrays the failing interest of urban politics to bridge the social distances structuring the brazilian society’s rigid stratification model, founded on mecanisms of segmentation (unequal access to labour market and education system, public transport, social security and law protection) and generating permanent conflicts between the two socioeconomically distant groups living in geographic contiguity. Finally, in the case of Fazenda Grande II, the public investments in both housing projects and complementary infrastructure (e.g. schools, hospitals, community center, police stations, recreation areas) contributes to the residents’ socio-economic inclusion.

Keywords: economic mobility, neighborhood effects, Salvador, segregation

Procedia PDF Downloads 265