Search results for: electoral quota

Authors: Maike Andresen, Georg Dochtmann

Abstract:

Due to political, social, and societal changes in labor organization, top-sharing, defined as job-sharing in leading positions, becomes more important in HRM. German companies are looking for practical and economically meaningful solutions that allow to enduringly increase women’s ratio in management, not only because of a recently implemented quota. Furthermore, supporting employees in achieving work-life balance is perceived as an important goal for a sustainable HRM to gain competitive advantage. Top-sharing is seen as being suitable to reach both goals. To evaluate determinants leading to effective top-sharing, a case study of a newly implemented top-sharing tandem in a large German enterprise was conducted over a period of 15 months. In this company, a full leadership position was split into two 60%-part-time positions held by an experienced female leader in her late career and a female college who took over her first leadership position (mid-career). We assumed a person-person fit in terms of a match of the top sharing partners’ personality profiles (Big Five) and their leadership motivations to be important prerequisites for an effective collaboration between them. We evaluated the person-person fit variables once before the tandem started to work. Both leaders were expected to learn from each other (mentoring, competency development). On an operational level, they were supposed to lead together the same employees in an effective manner (leader-member exchange), presupposing an effective cooperation between both (handing over information). To see developments over time, these processes were evaluated three times over the span of the project. Top-Sharing and the underlined processes are expected to positively influence the tandem’s performance which has been evaluated twice, at the beginning and the end of the project, to assess its development over time as well. The evaluation of the personality and the basic motives suggests that both executives can be a successful top-sharing tandem. The competency evaluations (supervisor as well as self-assessment) increased over the time span. Although the top sharing tandem worked on equal terms, they implemented rather classical than peer-mentoring due to different career ambitions of the tandem partners. Thus, opportunities were not used completely. Team-member exchange scores proved the good cooperation between the top-sharers. Although the employees did not evaluate the leader-member-exchange between them and the two leaders of the tandem homogeneously, the top-sharing tandem itself did not have the impression that the employees’ task performance depended on whom of the tandem was responsible for the task. Furthermore, top-sharing did not negatively influence the performance of both leaders. During qualitative interviews with the top-sharers and their team, we found that the top-sharers could focus more easily on their tasks. The results suggest positive outcomes of top-sharing (e.g. competency improvement, learning from each other through mentoring). Top-Sharing does not hamper performance. Thus, further research and practical implementations are suggested. As part-time jobs are still more often a female solution to increase their work-life- and work-family-balance, top-sharing may be a suitable solution to increase the woman’s ratio in leadership positions as well as to sustainable increase work-life-balance of executives.

Keywords: mentoring, part-time leadership, top-sharing, work-life-balance

Procedia PDF Downloads 266

Authors: Manasi Mahanty

Abstract:

In the current phase of globalization, the mobility of capital facilitates outsourcing and subcontracting of production processes to the developing economies for cheap and flexible labour force. In such process, the globalization of production networks operates at multi-locational points within the nation. Under the new quota regime in the globalization period, the Indian manufacturing exporters came under the influence of corporate buyers and large retailers from the importing countries. As part of such process, the garment manufacturing sector is expected to create huge employment opportunities and to expand the export market in the country. While following these, expectations, the apparel and garment industries mostly target to hire female migrant workers with a purpose of establishing more flexible industrial relations through the casual nature of employment contract. It leads to an increasing women’s participation in the labour market as well as the rise in precarious forms of female paid employment. In the context, the main objective of the paper is to understand the wider dynamics of globalization of production and its link with informalization, feminization of labour force and internal migration process of the country. For this purpose, the study examines the changing labour relations in the KINFRA Apparel Park at Kerala’s Special Economic Zone which operates under the scheme ‘Apparel Parks for Export’ (APE) of the Government of India. The present study was based on both quantitative and qualitative analysis. In the first, the secondary sources of data were collected from the source location (SEAM centre) and destination (KINFRA Park). The official figures and data were discussed and analyzed in order to find out the various dimensions of labour relations under globalization of production. In the second, the primary survey was conducted to make a comparative analysis of local and migrant female workers. The study is executed by taking 100 workers in total. The local workers comprised of 53% of the sample whereas the outside state workers were 47%. Even personal interviews with management staff, and workers were also made for collecting the information regarding the organisational structure, nature, and mode of recruitment, work environment, etc. The study shows the enormous presence of rural women migrant workers in KINFRA Apparel Park. A Public Private Partnership (PPP) arranged migration system is found as Skills for Employment in Apparel Manufacturing (SEAM) from where young women and girls are being sent to work in garment factories of Kerala’s KINFRA International Apparel Park under the guise of an apprenticeship based recruitment. The study concludes that such arrangements try to avoid standard employment relationships and strengthen informalization, casualization and contractualization of work. In this process, the recruitment of women migrant workers is to be considered as best option for the employers of private industries which could be more easily hired and fired.

Keywords: female migration, globalization, informalization, KINFRA apparel park

Procedia PDF Downloads 340

Authors: Mozamil Mohamed Ali

Abstract:

Understanding the relationship between law and democratic governance, this research, titled “The Role of Law in Enhancing Democratic Governance: A Comparative Study of Political Systems in Developing Countries,” focuses on examining the impact of legal frameworks on strengthening democratic practices within developing nations. Democratic governance requires transparency and institutional accountability to meet citizens’ needs, which necessitates legal frameworks that ensure compliance with governance standards. These frameworks hold greater significance in developing countries, where challenges such as corruption, weak public institutions, and socio-political conflicts affect their ability to achieve sustainable democratic governance. In this context, the research explores how laws influence these aspects. The study compares various developing countries that have experienced different levels of success and difficulty in enhancing democratic governance, focusing on the legal frameworks and public policies each country has implemented to improve transparency, accountability, and strengthen the role of public institutions. This comparative analysis aims to reveal the effectiveness of legal systems in supporting democratic governance and to identify the factors that lead to the success or failure of these legal frameworks in different contexts. For example, the study includes cases from countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, analyzing the legal and institutional policies and their roles in achieving justice and reducing corruption. It examines the impact of legislation that promotes freedom of the press, human rights, and judicial independence as fundamental elements for transparent and democratic governance. Additionally, the research discusses how anti-corruption policies and laws governing electoral competition contribute to improving government responsiveness to public demands. The hypothesis of the research centers on the idea that developing transparent and fair laws contributes to achieving sustainable democratic governance. The analyses show that applying laws equally and impartially strengthens citizens’ trust in public institutions and encourages political participation. At the same time, the research highlights the importance of local adaptation to global legal frameworks, as it may be necessary to consider local socio-political and economic contexts to ensure the success of these frameworks. In conclusion, this research underscores the importance of legal frameworks as a pivotal factor in the success of democratic governance. It provides recommendations related to enhancing judicial independence, enforcing anti-corruption laws, and improving access to information as essential steps for strengthening democratic governance in developing countries. The findings suggest that laws respected and carefully implemented can form a solid foundation for building more transparent and effective government institutions, contributing to sustainable development and social justice in these nations.

Keywords: impact of legislation, role of institutions in controlling power, community participation, role of the judiciary

Procedia PDF Downloads 25

Authors: Henry Okechukwu Onyeiwu

Abstract:

The role of media in the transformation of contemporary Nigeria's democracies is multifaceted and profoundly impactful. As Nigeria navigates its complex socio-political landscape, media serves as both a catalyst for democratic engagement and a platform for public discourse. This paper explores the various dimensions through which media influences democracy in Nigeria, including its role in informing citizens, shaping public opinion, and providing a forum for diverse voices. The increasing penetration of social media has revolutionized the political sphere, empowering citizens to participate in governance and hold leaders accountable. However, challenges such as misinformation, censorship, and media bias continue to pose significant threats to democratic integrity. This study critically analyzes the interplay between traditional and new media, highlighting their contributions to electoral processes, civic education, and advocacy for human rights. Ultimately, the findings illustrate that while media is a crucial agent for democratic transformation, its potential can only be realized through a commitment to journalistic integrity and the promotion of media literacy among the Nigerian populace. The media plays a critical role in shaping public democracies in Nigeria, yet it faces a myriad of challenges that hinder its effectiveness. This paper examines the various obstacles confronting media broadcasting in Nigeria, which range from political interference and censorship to issues of professionalism and the proliferation of fake news. Political interference is particularly pronounced, as government entities and political actors often attempt to control narratives, compromising the independence of media outlets. This control often manifests in the form of censorship, where journalists face threats and harassment for reporting on sensitive topics related to governance, corruption, and human rights abuses. Moreover, the rapid rise of social media has introduced a dual challenge; while it offers a platform for citizen engagement and diverse viewpoints, it also facilitates the spread of misinformation and propaganda. The lack of media literacy among the populace exacerbates this issue, as citizens often struggle to discern credible information from false narratives. Additionally, economic constraints deeply affect the sustainability and independence of many broadcasting organizations. Advertisers may unduly influence content, leading to sensationalism over substantive reporting. This paper argues that for media to effectively contribute to Nigerian public democracies, there needs to be a concerted effort to address these challenges. Strengthening journalistic ethics, enhancing regulatory frameworks, and promoting media literacy among citizens are essential steps in fostering a more vibrant and accountable media landscape. Ultimately, this research underscores the necessity of a resilient media ecosystem that can truly support democratic processes, empower citizens, and hold power to account in contemporary Nigeria.

Keywords: media, democracy, socio-political, governance

Procedia PDF Downloads 24

Authors: Ani Eda Njwe

Abstract:

Cameroon is a bilingual and bijural country in West and Central Africa. The current president has been in power since 1982, which makes him the longest-serving president in the world. The length of his presidency is one of the major causes of the ongoing political instability in the country. The preamble of the Cameroonian constitution commits Cameroon to respect international law and human rights. It provides that these laws should be translated into national laws, and respected by all spheres of government and public service. Cameroon is a signatory of several international human rights laws and conventions. In theory, the citizens of Cameroon have adequate legal protection against the violation of their human rights for political reasons. The ongoing political crisis in Cameroon erupted after the Anglophone lawyers and teachers launched a protest against the hiring of Francophone judges in Anglophone courts; and the hiring of Francophone teachers in Anglophone schools. In retaliation, the government launched a military crackdown on protesters and civilians, conducted arbitrary arrests on Anglophones, raped and maimed civilians, and declared a state of emergency in the Anglophone provinces. This infuriated the Anglophone public, causing them to create a secessionist movement, requesting the Independence of Anglophone Cameroon and demanding a separate country called Ambazonia. The Ambazonian armed rebel forces have ever since launched guerrilla attacks on government troops. This fighting has deteriorated into a war between the Ambazonians and the Cameroon government. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful imprisonments have continued, causing the closure of Anglophone schools since November 2016. In October 2018, Cameroon held presidential elections. Before the electoral commission announced the results, the opposition leader, a Francophone, declared himself winner, following a leak of the polling information. This led to his imprisonment. This research has the objective of finding out whether the government’s reactions to protesters and opposition is lawful, under national and international laws. This research will also verify if the prison conditions of political prisoners meet human rights standards. Furthermore, this research seeks detailed information obtained from current political prisoners and detainees on their experiences. This research also aims to highlight the effort being made internationally, towards bringing awareness and finding a resolution to the war in Cameroon. Finally, this research seeks to elucidate on the efforts which human rights organisations have made, towards overseeing the respect of human rights in Cameroon. This research adopts qualitative methods, whereby data were collected using semi-structured interviews of political detainees, and questionnaires. Also, data was collected from secondary sources such as; scholarly articles, newspaper articles, web sources, and human rights reports. From the data collected, the findings were analysed using the content analysis research technique. From the deductions, recommendations have been made, which human rights organisations, activists, and international bodies can implement, to cause the Cameroonian government to stop unlawful arrests and reinstate the respect of human rights and the rule of law in Cameroon.

Keywords: arbitrary arrests, Cameroon, human rights, political

Procedia PDF Downloads 125

Authors: Andrea N. Alarcon, Julian D. Castro, Gloria C. Rojas, Paola A. Vaca, Santiago Ortiz, Gustavo Martinez, Pablo D. Lemoine

Abstract:

Recently, electoral results across many countries have shown to be inconsistent with rational decision theory, which states that individuals make decisions based on maximizing benefits and reducing risks. An alternative explanation has emerged: Fear and rage-driven vote have been proved to be highly effective for political persuasion and mobilization. This phenomenon has been evident in the 2016 elections in the United States, 2006 elections in Mexico, 1998 elections in Venezuela, and 2004 elections in Bolivia. In Colombia, it has occurred recently in the 2016 plebiscite for peace and 2018 presidential elections. The aim of this study is to explain this phenomenon using cultural cognition theory, referring to the psychological predisposition individuals have to believe that its own and its peer´s behavior is correct and, therefore, beneficial to the entire society. Cultural cognition refers to the tendency of individuals to fit perceived risks, and factual beliefs into group shared values; the Cultural Cognition Worldview Scales (CCWS) measures cultural perceptions through two different dimensions: Individualism-communitarianism and hierarchy-egalitarianism. The former refers to attitudes towards social dominance based on conspicuous and static characteristics (sex, ethnicity or social class), while the latter refers to attitudes towards a social ordering in which it is expected from individuals to guarantee their own wellbeing without society´s or government´s intervention. A probabilistic national sample was obtained from different polls from the consulting and public opinion company Centro Nacional de Consultoría. Sociodemographic data was obtained along with CCWS scores, a subjective measure of left-right ideological placement and vote intention for 2019 Mayor´s elections were also included in the questionnaires. Finally, the question “In your opinion, what is the greatest risk Colombia is facing right now?” was included to identify perceived risk in the population. Preliminary results show that Colombians are highly distributed among hierarchical communitarians and egalitarian individualists (30.9% and 31.7%, respectively), and to a less extent among hierarchical individualists and egalitarian communitarians (19% and 18.4%, respectively). Males tended to be more hierarchical (p < .000) and communitarian (p=.009) than females. ANOVA´s revealed statistically significant differences between groups (quadrants) for the level of schooling, left-right ideological orientation, and stratum (p < .000 for all), and proportion differences revealed statistically significant differences for groups of age (p < .001). Differences and distributions for vote intention and perceived risks are still being processed and results are yet to be analyzed. Results show that Colombians are differentially distributed among quadrants in regard to sociodemographic data and left-right ideological orientation. These preliminary results indicate that this study may shed some light on why Colombians vote the way they do, and future qualitative data will show the fears emerging from the identified values in the CCWS and the relation this has with vote intention.

Keywords: communitarianism, cultural cognition, egalitarianism, hierarchy, individualism, perceived risks

Procedia PDF Downloads 149

Authors: B. M. Moda, L. F. Secco

Abstract:

Through free and fair elections and others less democratic processes, Latin America has been gradually turning into a right-wing political region. In order to understand these recent changes, this paper aims to discuss the origin and the traits of the pink wave in the subcontinent, the reasons for its current rollback and future projections for left-wing in the region. The methodology used in this paper will be descriptive and analytical combined with secondary sources mainly from the social and political sciences fields. The canons of the Washington Consensus was implemented by the majority of the Latin American governments in the 80s and 90s under the social democratic and right-wing parties. The neoliberal agenda caused political, social and economic dissatisfaction bursting into a new political configuration for the region. It started in 1998 when Hugo Chávez took the office in Venezuela through the Fifth Republic Movement under the socialist flag. From there on, Latin America was swiped by the so-called ‘pink wave’, term adopted to define the rising of self-designated left-wing or center-left parties with a progressive agenda. After Venezuela, countries like Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Equator, Nicaragua, Paraguay, El Salvador and Peru got into the pink wave. The success of these governments was due a post-neoliberal agenda focused on cash transfers programs, increasing of public spending, and the straightening of national market. The discontinuation of the preference for the left-wing started in 2012 with the coup against Fernando Lugo in Paraguay. In 2015, the chavismo in Venezuela lost the majority of the legislative seats. In 2016, an impeachment removed the Brazilian president Dilma Rousself from office who was replaced by the center-right vice-president Michel Temer. In the same year, Mauricio Macri representing the right-wing party Proposta Republicana was elected in Argentina. In 2016 center-right and liberal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was elected in Peru. In 2017, Sebastián Piñera was elected in Chile through the center-right party Renovación Nacional. The pink wave current rollback points towards some findings that can be arranged in two fields. Economically, the 2008 financial crisis affected the majority of the Latin American countries and the left-wing economic policies along with the end of the raw materials boom and the subsequent shrinking of economic performance opened a flank for popular dissatisfaction. In Venezuela, the 2014 oil crisis reduced the revenues for the State in more than 50% dropping social spending, creating an inflationary spiral, and consequently loss of popular support. Politically, the death of Hugo Chavez in 2013 weakened the ‘socialism of the twenty first century’ ideal, which was followed by the death of Fidel Castro, the last bastion of communism in the subcontinent. In addition, several cases of corruption revealed during the pink wave governments made the traditional politics unpopular. These issues challenge the left-wing to develop a future agenda based on innovation of its economic program, improve its legal and political compliance practices, and to regroup its electoral forces amid the social movements that supported its ascension back in the early 2000s.

Keywords: Latin America, political parties, left-wing, right-wing, pink wave

Procedia PDF Downloads 241