Search results for: violence and aggression
Commenced in January 2007
Frequency: Monthly
Edition: International
Paper Count: 873

Search results for: violence and aggression

3 Criminal Attitude vs Transparency in the Arab World

Authors: Keroles Akram Saed Ghatas

Abstract:

The political violence that characterized 1992 continued into 1993, creating a major security crisis for President Hosni Mubarak's government as the death toll and human rights abuses soared. Increasingly sensitive to criticism of 's human rights activities, the government established human rights departments in key ministries, beginning with the Foreign Office in February. Similar offices have been set up in the Justice and Agriculture Ministries, and plans to set up an office in the Home Office have been announced. It turned out that the main task of the law unit was to overturn the conclusions of international human rights organizations.President Mubarak was elected in a national referendum on October 4 for a third six-year term after being appointed on July 21 by the People's Assembly, an elected parliament overwhelmingly dominated by the in-power National Democratic Party will Mr. Mubarak ran unhindered. The Interior Ministry announced that nearly 16 million people cast their votes (84% of eligible voters), of which 96.28%. voted for presidential re-election.In 1993, armed Islamic extremists escalated their attacks on Christian citizens, government officials, police officers and senior security officials, resulting in casualties among the intended victims and bystanders. Sporadic attacks on buses, boats and tourist attractions also occurred throughout the year. From March 1992 to October 28, 1993, a total of 222 people lost their lives in the riots: 36 Coptic Christians and 38 other citizens; If one is a foreigner; sixty-six members of the Security Forces; and seventy-six known or suspected activists who were killed while resisting arrest. The latter was killed in airstrikes and firefights with security forces and at the site of planned attacks. On March 9-10, a series of airstrikes in Cairo, Giza, Qalyubiya province north of the capital and Aswan killed fifteen suspected militants and five members of the security forces.One of the airstrikes in Giza, part of Greater Cairo, killed the wife and son of Khalifa Mahmoud Ramadan, a suspected militant who was himself killed. The government agency Middle East News Agency reported on March 10 that the raids were part of a "broad confrontational plan aimed at ofterrorist elements"The state of emergency declared in October 1981 after the assassination of President Anwar el-Sadat was still in force in Egypt. The law, previously in effect continuously from June 1967 to May 1980, continued to grant the executive branch unique legal powers that effectively overrode the human rights guarantees of the Egyptian constitution. These provisions included wide discretionary powers in arresting and detaining individuals, as well as the ability to try civilians in military courts. The Cairo-based Independent Organization for Human Rights said so in a document sent to the United Nations in July 1993The human rights committee said the continued imposition of the state of emergency had resulted in "another constitution for the country" and "led to widespread misconduct by the security apparatus".

Keywords: constitution, human rights, legal power, president, anwar, el-sadat, assassination, state of emergency, middle east, news, agency, confrontational, arresting, fugitive, leaders, terrorist, elements, armed islamic extremists.

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2 Mining and Ecological Events and its Impact on the Genesis and Geo-Distribution of Ebola Outbreaks in Africa

Authors: E Tambo, O. O. Olalubi, E. C. Ugwu, J. Y. Ngogang

Abstract:

Despite the World Health Organization (WHO) declaration of international health emergency concern, the status quo of responses and efforts to stem the worst-recorded Ebola epidemic Ebola outbreak is still precariously inadequate in most of the affected in West. Mining natural resources have been shown to play a key role in both motivating and fuelling ethnic, civil and armed conflicts that have plagued a number of African countries over the last decade. Revenues from the exploitation of natural resources are not only used in sustaining the national economy but also armies, personal enrichment and building political support. Little is documented on the mining and ecological impact on the emergence and geographical distribution of Ebola in Africa over time and space. We aimed to provide a better understanding of the interconnectedness among issues of mining natural, resource management, mining conflict and post-conflict on Ebola outbreak and how wealth generated from abundant natural resources could be better managed in promoting research and development towards strengthening environmental, socioeconomic and health systems sustainability on Ebola outbreak and other emerging diseases surveillance and responses systems prevention and control, early warning alert, durable peace and sustainable development rather than to fuel conflicts, resurgence and emerging diseases epidemics in the perspective of community and national/regional approach. Our results showed the first assessment of systematic impact of all major minerals conflict events diffusion over space and time and mining activities on nine Ebola genesis and geo-distribution in affected countries across Africa. We demonstrate how, where and when mining activities in Africa increase ecological degradation, conflicts at the local level and then spreads violence across territory and time by enhancing the financial capacities of fighting groups/ethnics and diseases onset. In addition, led process of developing minimum standards for natural resource governance; improving governmental and civil society capacity for natural resource management, including the strengthening of monitoring and enforcement mechanisms; understanding the post-mining and conflicts community or national reconstruction and rehabilitation programmes in strengthening or developing community health systems and regulatory mechanisms. In addition the quest for the control over these resources and illegal mining across the landscape forest incursion provided increase environmental and ecological instability and displacement and disequilibrium, therefore affecting the intensity and duration of mining and conflict/wars and episode of Ebola outbreaks over time and space. We highlight the key findings and lessons learnt in promoting country or community-led process in transforming natural resource wealth from a peace liability to a peace asset. The imperative necessity for advocacy and through facilitating intergovernmental deliberations on critical issues and challenges affecting Africa community transforming exploitation of natural resources from a peace liability to outbreak prevention and control. The vital role of mining in increasing government revenues and expenditures, equitable distribution of wealth and health to all stakeholders, in particular local communities requires coordination, cooperative leadership and partnership in fostering sustainable developmental initiatives from mining context to outbreak and other infectious diseases surveillance responses systems in prevention and control, and judicious resource management.

Keywords: mining, mining conflicts, mines, ecological, Ebola, outbreak, mining companies, miners, impact

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1 The Impact of Neighborhood Effects on the Economic Mobility of the Inhabitants of Three Segregated Communities in Salvador (Brazil)

Authors: Stephan Treuke

Abstract:

The paper analyses the neighbourhood effects on the economic mobility of the inhabitants of three segregated communities of Salvador (Brazil), in other words, the socio-economic advantages and disadvantages affecting the lives of poor people due to their embeddedness in specific socio-residential contexts. Recent studies performed in Brazilian metropolis have concentrated on the structural dimensions of negative externalities in order to explain neighbourhood-level variations in a field of different phenomena (delinquency, violence, access to the labour market and education) in spatial isolated and socially homogeneous slum areas (favelas). However, major disagreement remains whether the contiguity between residents of poor neighbourhoods and higher-class condominio-dwellers provides structures of opportunities or whether it fosters socio-spatial stigmatization. Based on a set of interviews, investigating the variability of interpersonal networks and their activation in the struggle for economic inclusion, the study confirms that the proximity of Nordeste de Amaralina to middle-/upper-class communities affects positively the access to labour opportunities. Nevertheless, residential stigmatization, as well as structures of social segmentation, annihilate these potentials. The lack of exposition to individuals and groups extrapolating from the favela’s social, educational and cultural context restricts the structures of opportunities to local level. Therefore, residents´ interpersonal networks reveal a high degree of redundancy and localism, based on bonding ties connecting family and neighbourhood members. The resilience of segregational structures in Plataforma contributes to the naturalization of social distance patters. It’s embeddedness in a socially homogeneous residential area (Subúrbio Ferroviário), growing informally and beyond official urban politics, encourages the construction of isotopic patterns of sociability, sharing the same values, social preferences, perspectives and behaviour models. Whereas it’s spatial isolation correlates with the scarcity of economic opportunities, the social heterogeneity of Fazenda Grande II interviewees and the socialising effects of public institutions mitigate the negative repercussions of segregation. The networks’ composition admits a higher degree of heterophilia and a greater proportion of bridging ties accounting for the access to broader information actives and facilitating economic mobility. The variability observed within the three different scenarios urges to reflect about the responsability of urban politics when it comes to the prevention or consolidation of the social segregation process in Salvador. Instead of promoting the local development of the favela Plataforma, public housing programs priorize technocratic habitational solutions without providing the residents’ socio-economic integration. The impact of negative externalities related to the homogeneously poor neighbourhood is potencialized in peripheral areas, turning its’ inhabitants socially invisible, thus being isolated from other social groups. The example of Nordeste de Amaralina portrays the failing interest of urban politics to bridge the social distances structuring the brazilian society’s rigid stratification model, founded on mecanisms of segmentation (unequal access to labour market and education system, public transport, social security and law protection) and generating permanent conflicts between the two socioeconomically distant groups living in geographic contiguity. Finally, in the case of Fazenda Grande II, the public investments in both housing projects and complementary infrastructure (e.g. schools, hospitals, community center, police stations, recreation areas) contributes to the residents’ socio-economic inclusion.

Keywords: economic mobility, neighborhood effects, Salvador, segregation

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