Search results for: nationalism

Authors: Mernoosh Abouzari, Shahrokh Sahraei

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Electronic government is a way for governments to use new technology that provides people with the necessary facilities for proper access to government information and services, improving the quality of services and providing broad opportunities to participate in democratic processes and institutions. That leads to providing the possibility of easy use of information technology in order to distribute government services to the customer without holidays, which increases people's satisfaction and participation in political and economic activities. The expansion of e-government services and its movement towards intelligentization has the ability to re-establish the relationship between the government and citizens and the elements and components of the government. Electronic government is the result of the use of information and communication technology (ICT), which by implementing it at the government level, in terms of the efficiency and effectiveness of government systems and the way of providing services, tremendous commercial changes are created, which brings people's satisfaction at the wide level will follow. The main level of electronic government services has become objectified today with the presence of artificial intelligence systems, which recent advances in artificial intelligence represent a revolution in the use of machines to support predictive decision-making and Classification of data. With the use of deep learning tools, artificial intelligence can mean a significant improvement in the delivery of services to citizens and uplift the work of public service professionals while also inspiring a new generation of technocrats to enter government. This smart revolution may put aside some functions of the government, change its components, and concepts such as governance, policymaking or democracy will change in front of artificial intelligence technology, and the top-down position in governance may face serious changes, and If governments delay in using artificial intelligence, the balance of power will change and private companies will monopolize everything with their pioneering in this field, and the world order will also depend on rich multinational companies and in fact, Algorithmic systems will become the ruling systems of the world. It can be said that currently, the revolution in information technology and biotechnology has been started by engineers, large economic companies, and scientists who are rarely aware of the political complexities of their decisions and certainly do not represent anyone. Therefore, it seems that if liberalism, nationalism, or any other religion wants to organize the world of 2050, it should not only rationalize the concept of artificial intelligence and complex data algorithm but also mix them in a new and meaningful narrative. Therefore, the changes caused by artificial intelligence in the political and economic order will lead to a major change in the way all countries deal with the phenomenon of digital globalization. In this paper, while debating the role and performance of e-government, we will discuss the efficiency and application of artificial intelligence in e-government, and we will consider the developments resulting from it in the new world and the concepts of governance.

Keywords: electronic government, artificial intelligence, information and communication technology., system

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Authors: Izzati Nabiyla Risfa

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The role of civil society has become an important issue in national and international level nowadays. Government all over the world started to realize that the involvement of civil society can boost up public services and better policy making. Global Policy Forum stated that there are five good reasons for civil society to be engaged in global governance; (1) to conferring legitimacy on policy decisions; (2) to increasing the pool of policy ideas; (3) to support less powerful governments; (4) countering a lack of political will; and (5) helping states to put nationalism aside. Indonesia also keeps up with this good trend. In November 2011, Indonesian Government set up LAPOR! (means “to report” in Indonesian), an online portal for complaints about public services, which is accessible through its website lapor.ukp.go.id. LAPOR! also accessible through social media (Twitter, Facebook) and text message. This program is an initiative from the government to provide an integrated and accessible portal for the Indonesian public to submit complaints and inquiries as a means of enhancing public participation in national development programs. LAPOR! aims to catalyze public participation as well as to have a more coordinated national complaint handling mechanism. The goal of this program is to increase the role of civil society in order to develop better public services. Thus, LAPOR! works in a simplest way possible. Public can submit any complaints or report their problem concerning development programs and public services simply through the website, short message services to 1708 and mobile applications for BlackBerry and Android. LAPOR! will then transfer every validated input to relevant institutions to be featured and responded on the website. LAPOR! is now integrated with 81 Ministries, 5 local government, and 44 State Owned Enterprise. Public can also give comments, likes or share them through Facebook and Twitter to have a discussion and to ensure the completeness of the reports. LAPOR! has unexpectedly contributed to various successful cases concerning public services. So far the portal has over 280,704 registered users, receiving an average of 1,000 reports every day. Government's response rate increase time to time, with 81% of complaints and inquiries have been solved or are being investigated. This paper will examine the effectiveness of LAPOR! as a tools to increase the role of civil society in order to develop better public services in Indonesia. Beside their promising story, there still are various difficulties that need to be solved. With qualitative approach as methodology for this research, writers will also explore potential improvement of LAPOR! so it can perform effectively as a leading national complaint handling system in Indonesia.

Keywords: civil society, government, Indonesia, public services

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Authors: Mária Ildikó Farkas

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Kokugaku of the Edo period can be seen as a key factor of defining cultural (and national) identity in the 18th and early 19th century based on Japanese cultural heritage. Kokugaku focused on Japanese classics, on exploring, studying and reviving (or even inventing) ancient Japanese language, literature, myths, history and also political ideology. ‘Japanese culture’ as such was distinguished from Chinese (and all other) cultures, ‘Japanese identity’ was thus defined. Meiji scholars used kokugaku conceptions of Japan to construct a modern national identity based on the premodern and culturalist conceptions of community. The Japanese cultural movement of the 18-19th centuries (kokugaku) of defining cultural and national identity before modernization can be compared not to the development of Western Europe (where national identity strongly attached to modern nation states) or other parts of Asia (where these emerged after the Western colonization), but rather with the ‘national awakening’ movements of the peoples of East Central Europe, a comparison which have not been dealt with in the secondary literature yet. The role of a common language, culture, history and myths in the process of defining cultural identity – following mainly Miroslav Hroch’s comparative and interdisciplinary theory of national development – can be examined compared to the movements of defining identity of the peoples of East Central Europe (18th-19th c). In the shadow of a cultural and/or political ‘monolith’ (China for Japan and Germany for Central Europe), before modernity, ethnic groups or communities started to evolve their own identities with cultural movements focusing on their own language and culture, thus creating their cultural identity, and in the end, a new sense of community, the nation. Comparing actual texts (‘narratives’) of the kokugaku scholars and Central European writers of the nation building period (18th and early 19th centuries) can reveal the similarities of the discourses of deliberate searches for identity. Similar motives of argument can be identified in these narratives: ‘language’ as the primary bearer of collective identity, the role of language in culture, ‘culture’ as the main common attribute of the community; and similar aspirations to explore, search and develop native language, ‘genuine’ culture, ‘original’ traditions. This comparative research offering ‘development patterns’ for interpretation can help us understand processes that may be ambiguously considered ‘backward’ or even ‘deleterious’ (e.g. cultural nationalism) or just ‘unique’. ‘Cultural identity’ played a very important role in the formation of national identity during modernization especially in the case of non-Western communities, who had to face the danger of losing their identities in the course of ‘Westernization’ accompanying modernization.

Keywords: cultural identity, Japanese modernization, kokugaku, national awakening

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Authors: Alan Johnson

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This paper focuses on modern pilgrimage narratives about sites affiliated with Indian religious expressions located both within and outside India. The paper uses a multidisciplinary approach to examine poetry, personal essays, and online attestations of pilgrimage to illustrate how non-religious ideas coexist with outwardly religious ones, exemplifying a characteristically Indian form of syncretism that pre-dates Western ideas of pluralism. The paper argues that the syncretism on display in these modern creative works refutes the current exclusionary vision of India as a primordially Hindu-nationalist realm. A crucial premise of this argument is that the narrative’s intrinsic heteroglossia, so evident in India’s historically rich variety of stories and symbols, belies this reactionary version of Hindu nationalism. Equally important to this argument, therefore, is the vibrancy of Hindu sites outside India, such as the Batu Caves temple complex in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The literary texts examined in this paper include, first, Arun Kolatkar’s famous 1976 collection of poems, titled Jejuri, about a visit to the pilgrimage site of the same name in Maharashtra. Here, the modern, secularized visitor from Bombay (Mumbai) contemplates the effect of the temple complex on himself and on the other, more worshipful visitors. Kolatkar’s modernist poems reflect the narrator’s typically modern-Indian ambivalence for holy ruins, for although they do not evoke a conventionally religious feeling in him, they nevertheless possess an aura of timelessness that questions the narrator’s time-conscious sensibility. The paper bookends Kolatkar’s Jejuri with considerations of an early-twentieth-century text, online accounts by visitors to the Batu Caves, and a recent, more conventional Hindu account of pilgrimage. For example, the pioneering graphic artist Mukul Chandra Dey published in 1917, My Pilgrimages to Ajanta and Bagh, in which he devotes an entire chapter to the life of the Buddha as a means of illustrating the layering of stories that is a characteristic feature of sacred sites in India. In a different but still syncretic register, Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minister, and a committed secularist proffers India’s ancient pilgrimage network as a template for national unity in his classic 1946 autobiography The Discovery of India. Narrative is the perfect vehicle for highlighting this layering of sensibilities, for a single text can juxtapose the pilgrim-narrator’s description with that of a far older pilgrimage, a juxtaposition that establishes an imaginative connection between otherwise distanced actors, and between them and the reader.

Keywords: India, literature, narrative, syncretism

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Authors: Rubina Waseem

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The research focuses on the major crises and major effects, largely unforeseen, to counter international security concerns. At the close of 2019, the Covid-19 pandemic broke out in the city of Wuhan in Hubei province, China. The coronavirus was initially seen as an inchoate danger, aimed at striking people randomly. Owing to the extraordinary transmissibility of the virus and the highly knitted nature of the international political world, the Covid-19 soon became a formidable global challenge. The once hustling and bustling avenues, city centers, and market places became deserted. Lockdown, self-isolation, hygiene and safety, social-distancing, and job losses became a new norm. The national economies gradually plunged into crisis. The pandemic has so far caused over 33 million cases and one million deaths. The virus continues to devastate social life, as there is yet no therapeutic available. While the world was preoccupied addressing the human and social toll, the pandemic has exacerbated despair, mistrust, and friction in international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. The research will discuss how the coronavirus has accelerated the trends of transition in the postwar security order constructed by the United States. China, Russia, European Union, and other lesser regional players are now increasingly changing their security orientations to undermine the United States standing and authority in world politics. The systemic level analyses will be adopted as a methodology to broaden the lens of the study, and the research will analyze the prevalent global power distribution, whether vulnerable or exposed. The trends of parochial nationalism and isolationism are increasingly replacing multilateralism and collectivism. Yet worse, military posturing is assuming a greater role in international interactions. Taken together, the pandemic has worsened the prospects of international peace and stability by mounting equal pressure across the channels of international relations, diplomacy, and strategy. It is yet unclear which country or collectivity will face the real brunt. Despite this jaded and pessimistic view, the lingering pandemic has the potential to reinforce cooperation, multilateralism, and collectivism in the realm of international politics. There is a renewed momentum for global efforts against the pandemic. States and societies are coming closer to act as a whole. Equally important, the world leaders are feeling tempted to revisit the traditional conception of national security. In this regard, they are exploring the possibility of according preference to non-traditional security issues. In essence, the research concludes that Covid-19 has put the international political system under a great trial.

Keywords: covid-19, global challenges, international politics, international security

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Authors: Julia Mathew

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This paper explores the use of Bollywood and Chinese movies as soft power instruments within the larger context of India-China contention in South Asia. As India and China compete for influence in South Asia, they have increasingly relied on cultural diplomacy, using cinema to change perceptions, promote goodwill, and build cultural linkages. Bollywood, with its long-standing popularity and cultural resonance, has been a powerful instrument for projecting Indian ideals and identity throughout South Asia. In contrast, China has made concerted attempts in recent years to promote its own films, showing Chinese culture and values in a positive manner to offset Bollywood’s effect. This study examines the ways in which Chinese and Bollywood films influence public opinion and appeal to South Asian audiences while also supporting their respective countries’ soft power goals. To learn about this, we take a mixed-methods approach that incorporates content analysis of popular Bollywood and Chinese films released in South Asia, focussing on issues such as cultural identity, nationalism, and social values. In addition, we use sentiment analysis and surveys to map how these two cinematic traditions are received in various South Asian countries. This study takes into account government activities and cultural policies that promote each country’s cinema industry as a diplomatic instrument. The present study uses case studies from Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Bhutan to demonstrate the subtle ways in which Bollywood and Chinese movies influence regional attitudes. For example, in Nepal and Bangladesh, Bollywood’s deep cultural ties have historically given India an advantage, but China’s growing economic relations and media presence have presented Chinese cinema as an alternative cultural influence. In contrast, Sri Lanka exemplifies a complicated relationship in which Bollywood’s cultural attraction is strong, but Chinese state-backed media diplomacy is making inroads, altering the cultural landscape. Due to limited cultural interchange and Bhutan’s historical alignment with India, Chinese cinema has a small presence in the country. The findings highlight cinema’s significance as a soft power tool in India and China’s regional ambitions. Bollywood’s emotional resonance and cultural familiarity have long bolstered India’s prominence, but Chinese cinema’s expansion reflects China’s desire to shift cultural narratives in its favour. This paper closes by presenting insights into the broader implications of cultural diplomacy within the India-China competition, arguing that as India and China continue to compete for influence in South Asia, film will play an increasingly crucial role in defining the soft power environment.

Keywords: soft power, China, India, Bollywood, Chinese cinema

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev, Durdana Jafarli

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s and the 9/11 attacks resulted in the global changes created a totally new geopolitical situation for the Muslim populated republics of the former Soviet Union. Located between great powers such as China and Russia, as well as theocratic states like Iran and Afghanistan, the newly independent Central Asian states were facing a dilemma to choose a new politico-ideological course for development. Policies dubbed Perestroyka and Glasnost leading to the collapse of the world’s once superpower brought about a considerable rise in the national and religious self-consciousness of the Muslim population of the USSR where the religion was prohibited under the strict communist rule. Moreover, the religious movements prohibited during the Soviet era acted as a part of national straggle to gain their freedom from Moscow. The policies adopted by the Central Asian countries to manage the religious revival and extremism in their countries vary dramatically from each other. As Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are located between Russia and China and hosting a considerable number of the Russian population, these countries treated Islamic revival more tolerantly trying benefit from it in the nation-building process. The importance of the topic could be explained with the fact that it investigates an alternative way of management of religious activities and movements. The recent developments in the Middle East, Syria and Iraq in particular, and the fact that hundreds of fighters from the Central Asian republics joined the ISIL terrorist organization once again highlights the implications of the proper regulation of religious activities not only for domestic, but also for regional and global politics. The paper is based on multiple research methods. The process trace method was exploited to better understand the Russification and anti-religious policies to which the Central Asian countries were subject during the Soviet era. The comparative analyse method was also used to better understand the common and distinct features of the politics of religion of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan and the rest of the Central Asian countries. Various legislation acts, as well as secondary sources were investigated to this end. Mostly constructivist approach and a theory suggesting that religion supports national identity when there is a third cohesion that threatens both and when elements of national identity are weak. Preliminary findings suggest that in line with policies aimed at gradual reduction of Russian influence, as well as in the face of ever-increasing migration from China, the mentioned countries incorporated some Islamic elements into domestic policies as a part and parcel of national culture. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan did not suppress religious activities, which was case in neighboring states, but allowed in a controlled way Islamic movements to have a relatively freedom of action which in turn led to the less violent religious extremism further boosting national identity.

Keywords: identity, Islam, nationalism, terrorism

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Authors: Isabel Latz, Mark Lusk, Josiah Heyman

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The rise of restrictive U.S. immigration policies and their strengthened enforcement has reportedly caused concerns among providers about their inadvertent effects on service utilization among Latinx and immigrant communities. This study presents perceptions on this issue from twenty service providers in health care, mental health, nutrition assistance, legal assistance, and immigrant advocacy in El Paso, Texas. All participants were experienced professionals, with fifteen in CEO, COO, executive director, or equivalent positions, and based at organizations that provide services for immigrant and/or low-income populations in a bi-national border community. Quantitative and qualitative data were collected by two primary investigators via semi-structured telephone interviews with an average length of 20 minutes. A survey script with closed and open-ended questions inquired about participants’ demographic information and perceptions of impacts of immigration enforcement policies under the current federal administration on their work and patient or client populations. Quantitative and qualitative data were analyzed to produce descriptive statistics and identify salient themes, respectively. Nearly all respondents stated that their work has been negatively (N=13) or both positively and negatively (N=5) affected by current immigration enforcement policies. Negative effects were most commonly related to immigration enforcement-related fear and uncertainty among patient or client populations. Positive effects most frequently referred to a sense of increased community organizing and greater cooperation among organizations. Similarly, the majority of service providers either reported an increase (N=8) or decrease (N=6) in service utilization due to changes in immigration enforcement policies. Increased service needs were primarily related to a need for public education about immigration enforcement policy changes, information about how new policies impact individuals’ service eligibility, legal status, and civil rights, as well as a need to correct misinformation. Decreased service utilization was primarily related to fear-related service avoidance. While providers observed changes in service utilization among undocumented immigrants and mixed-immigration status families, in particular, participants also noted ‘spillover’ effects on the larger Latinx community, including legal permanent and temporary residents, refugees or asylum seekers, and U.S. citizens. This study reveals preliminary insights into providers’ widespread concerns about the effects of current immigration enforcement policies on health, social, and legal service utilization among Latinx individuals. Further research is necessary to comprehensively assess impacts of immigration enforcement policies on service utilization in Latinx and immigrant communities. This information is critical to address gaps in service utilization and prevent an exacerbation of health disparities among Latinx, immigrant, and border populations. In a global climate of rising nationalism and xenophobia, it is critical for policymakers to be aware of the consequences of immigration enforcement policies on the utilization of essential services to protect the well-being of minority and immigrant communities.

Keywords: immigration enforcement, immigration policy, provider perceptions, service utilization

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Authors: Kasuri Kaushalya Pathirana Pahamunu Pathirannehelage

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Recent changes in the international system challenged the traditional idea of citizenship, prompting a need for a clearer definition. With the rapid globalization and shifting geopolitical dynamics, the concept of dual citizenship has emerged as a focal point of debate regarding its implications for state interests. As borders become less rigid and people identify with multiple nationalities, the traditional idea of citizenship is changing. This change is especially important given the increased connections between countries and the challenges that sovereign states face. While many countries accept dual citizenship, others are hesitant, seeing it as a potential threat to their national goals. This difference underscores the complicated relationship between national interests and the evolving concept of citizenship in the modern world. This study seeks to critically assess whether dual citizenship represents a significant threat to sovereign states by examining its effects across economic, social, and political sectors. Employing qualitative methodologies, including the analysis of published articles, reports, government acts, and a mix of primary and secondary sources, this research delves into the complexities surrounding dual citizenship. The findings reveal a nuanced landscape, showcasing both positive and negative impacts on state sovereignty and international cooperation. By exploring the tension between multinationalism and state interests, particularly through the lens of Sri Lanka’s evolving policies, this study aims to contribute valuable insights to the fields of political science and international relations, ultimately addressing the question of dual citizenship's implications for state interests. The evolving framework of dual citizenship in Sri Lanka provides a unique opportunity to examine its implications for various aspects of the nation. Specifically, this study will analyse the impact of dual citizenship on the country's economy, international cooperation, and social development. By exploring these dimensions, the research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how dual citizenship influences not only individual rights but also broader state interests and development goals within the context of globalization. It’s crucial to assess the potential threats posed by dual citizenship, as it can impact national security, economic stability, social unity, and political issues within countries. Understanding these effects is important for policymakers and researchers as they work to balance globalization with the need to protect state sovereignty. Dual citizenship presents a complex interplay of challenges and benefits to state interests, influencing critical areas such as international cooperation and state sovereignty. On the one hand, it can foster stronger ties between nations, enhance economic collaboration, and encourage cultural exchange, ultimately contributing to more robust international relationships. On the other hand, it may create tensions related to national identity, complicate governance, and raise concerns about loyalty and allegiance, which can challenge the notion of state sovereignty. As countries navigate these dual realities, it becomes essential to carefully assess and manage the implications of dual citizenship. By doing so, states can harness the potential advantages while addressing the associated risks, ultimately striving for a balance that promotes both national interests and international relations.

Keywords: dual citizenship, globalization, sustainable development, nationalism

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Meinrad Haule Lembuka

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Introduction: Ubuntu culture represents African humanism with collective and positive feeling of people living together, interdependence, equally and peaceful etc. Overtime, Ubuntu culture developed varieties of communicative strategies to express experiences, feelings and knowledge. Khanga or kanga (garment) is among the Ubuntu cultural practice of Bantu speaking people along the East African coast following interaction with Arabs and Bantu speaking people to formulate Swahili culture. Kanga or Kanga is a Swahili word which means a traditional soft cotton cloths in varieties of colours, patterns, and styles which as a deep cultural, historical, and social significance not only in Tanzania but the rest of East African coast. Swahili culture is a sub culture of Ubuntu African culture which is rich in customs and rituals that serve to preserve goodness and life where Tanzania, like the rest of East African societies along the Indian coast engaged in kanga dressing custom under Swahili culture to express their feelings and knowledge sharing. After the independence of Tanzania (formerly Tanganyika) from British colonial rule, Kanga traditional dressing gained momentum in Swahili culture and spread to the rest of East Africa and beyond. To date kanga dressing holds a good position as a formal and informal tool for advocating marginalised groups, counselling, psychosocial therapy, liberation, compassion, love, justice, campaign, and cerebration etc. Methodology: A literature review method was guided by Ubuntu theory to assess the implications of kanga traditional dressing in empowering Tanzanian community. Findings: During slavery, slaves wore Kaniki and people despised Kaniki dressing due to its association with slavery. Ex-slave women seeking to become part of the Swahili society began to decorate their Kaniki clothes. After slavery was abolished in 1897, Kangas began to be used for self-empowerment and to indicate that the wearer had personal wealth. During colonial era, freedom of expressions for Africans were restricted by colonial masters thus Tanzanians used kanga to express the evils of colonialism and other social problems, Under Ubuntu value of unity and solidarity liberation and independence fighters crafted motto and liberation messages that were shared and spread rapidly in the community. Political parities like TANU used kanga to spread nationalism and Ujamaa policy. kanga is more than a piece of fabric-it is a space for women to voice unspeakable communication and a women-centred repository for indigenous knowledge, feminisms addressing social ills, happiness, campaigns, memories and reconciliation etc. Kanga provides an indirect voice and support vulnerable and marginalised populations and strongly it has proved to be a peaceful platform of capture attention of government and societies. Kanga textiles gained increased international fame when an Obama kanga design was produced upon the president’s election in 2008 and his visit to Tanzania in 2013. Conclusion: Kanga preserves and symbolises Swahili culture and contributes in realization of social justice, inclusion, national identity and unity. As an inclusive cultural tool, Kanga spread across Africa to international community and the practice has moved from being a woman domination dressing code to other sex orientations.

Keywords: African culture, Kanga, khanga, swahili culture, ubuntu

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