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3 Post Liberal Perspective on Minorities Visibility in Contemporary Visual Culture: The Case of Mizrahi Jews
Authors: Merav Alush Levron, Sivan Rajuan Shtang
Abstract:
From as early as their emergence in Europe and the US, postmodern and post-colonial paradigm have formed the backbone of the visual culture field of study. The self-representation project of political minorities is studied, described and explained within the premises and perspectives drawn from these paradigms, addressing the key issues they had raised: modernism’s crisis of representation. The struggle for self-representation, agency and multicultural visibility sought to challenge the liberal pretense of universality and equality, hitting at its different blind spots, on issues such as class, gender, race, sex, and nationality. This struggle yielded subversive identity and hybrid performances, including reclaiming, mimicry and masquerading. These performances sought to defy the uniform, universal self, which forms the basis for the liberal, rational, enlightened subject. The argument of this research runs that this politics of representation itself is confined within liberal thought. Alongside post-colonialism and multiculturalism’s contribution in undermining oppressive structures of power, generating diversity in cultural visibility, and exposing the failure of liberal colorblindness, this subversion is constituted in the visual field by way of confrontation, flying in the face of the universal law and relying on its ongoing comparison and attribution to this law. Relying on Deleuze and Guattari, this research set out to draw theoretic and empiric attention to an alternative, post-liberal occurrence which has been taking place in the visual field in parallel to the contra-hegemonic phase and as a product of political reality in the aftermath of the crisis of representation. It is no longer a counter-representation; rather, it is a motion of organic minor desire, progressing in the form of flows and generating what Deleuze and Guattari termed deterritorialization of social structures. This discussion shall have its focus on current post-liberal performances of ‘Mizrahim’ (Jewish Israelis of Arab and Muslim extraction) in the visual field in Israel. In television, video art and photography, these performances challenge the issue of representation and generate concrete peripheral Mizrahiness, realized in the visual organization of the photographic frame. Mizrahiness then transforms from ‘confrontational’ representation into a 'presence', flooding the visual sphere in our plain sight, in a process of 'becoming'. The Mizrahi desire is exerted on the plains of sound, spoken language, the body and the space where they appear. It removes from these plains the coding and stratification engendered by European dominance and rational, liberal enlightenment. This stratification, adhering to the hegemonic surface, is flooded not by way of resisting false consciousness or employing hybridity, but by way of the Mizrahi identity’s own productive, material immanent yearning. The Mizrahi desire reverberates with Mizrahi peripheral 'worlds of meaning', where post-colonial interpretation almost invariably identifies a product of internalized oppression, and a recurrence thereof, rather than a source in itself - an ‘offshoot, never a wellspring’, as Nissim Mizrachi clarifies in his recent pioneering work. The peripheral Mizrahi performance ‘unhook itself’, in Deleuze and Guattari words, from the point of subjectification and interpretation and does not correspond with the partialness, absence, and split that mark post-colonial identities.Keywords: desire, minority, Mizrahi Jews, post-colonialism, post-liberalism, visibility, Deleuze and Guattari
Procedia PDF Downloads 3192 Criminal Attitude vs Transparency in the Arab World
Authors: Keroles Akram Saed Ghatas
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The political violence that characterized 1992 continued into 1993, creating a major security crisis for President Hosni Mubarak's government as the death toll and human rights abuses soared. Increasingly sensitive to criticism of 's human rights activities, the government established human rights departments in key ministries, beginning with the Foreign Office in February. Similar offices have been set up in the Justice and Agriculture Ministries, and plans to set up an office in the Home Office have been announced. It turned out that the main task of the law unit was to overturn the conclusions of international human rights organizations.President Mubarak was elected in a national referendum on October 4 for a third six-year term after being appointed on July 21 by the People's Assembly, an elected parliament overwhelmingly dominated by the in-power National Democratic Party will Mr. Mubarak ran unhindered. The Interior Ministry announced that nearly 16 million people cast their votes (84% of eligible voters), of which 96.28%. voted for presidential re-election.In 1993, armed Islamic extremists escalated their attacks on Christian citizens, government officials, police officers and senior security officials, resulting in casualties among the intended victims and bystanders. Sporadic attacks on buses, boats and tourist attractions also occurred throughout the year. From March 1992 to October 28, 1993, a total of 222 people lost their lives in the riots: 36 Coptic Christians and 38 other citizens; If one is a foreigner; sixty-six members of the Security Forces; and seventy-six known or suspected activists who were killed while resisting arrest. The latter was killed in airstrikes and firefights with security forces and at the site of planned attacks. On March 9-10, a series of airstrikes in Cairo, Giza, Qalyubiya province north of the capital and Aswan killed fifteen suspected militants and five members of the security forces.One of the airstrikes in Giza, part of Greater Cairo, killed the wife and son of Khalifa Mahmoud Ramadan, a suspected militant who was himself killed. The government agency Middle East News Agency reported on March 10 that the raids were part of a "broad confrontational plan aimed at ofterrorist elements"The state of emergency declared in October 1981 after the assassination of President Anwar el-Sadat was still in force in Egypt. The law, previously in effect continuously from June 1967 to May 1980, continued to grant the executive branch unique legal powers that effectively overrode the human rights guarantees of the Egyptian constitution. These provisions included wide discretionary powers in arresting and detaining individuals, as well as the ability to try civilians in military courts. The Cairo-based Independent Organization for Human Rights said so in a document sent to the United Nations in July 1993The human rights committee said the continued imposition of the state of emergency had resulted in "another constitution for the country" and "led to widespread misconduct by the security apparatus".Keywords: constitution, human rights, legal power, president, anwar, el-sadat, assassination, state of emergency, middle east, news, agency, confrontational, arresting, fugitive, leaders, terrorist, elements, armed islamic extremists.
Procedia PDF Downloads 291 Large-scale GWAS Investigating Genetic Contributions to Queerness Will Decrease Stigma Against LGBTQ+ Communities
Authors: Paul J. McKay
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Large-scale genome-wide association studies (GWAS) investigating genetic contributions to sexual orientation and gender identity are largely lacking and may reduce stigma experienced in the LGBTQ+ community by providing an underlying biological explanation for queerness. While there is a growing consensus within the scientific community that genetic makeup contributes – at least in part – to sexual orientation and gender identity, there is a marked lack of genomics research exploring polygenic contributions to queerness. Based on recent (2019) findings from a large-scale GWAS investigating the genetic architecture of same-sex sexual behavior, and various additional peer-reviewed publications detailing novel insights into the molecular mechanisms of sexual orientation and gender identity, we hypothesize that sexual orientation and gender identity are complex, multifactorial, and polygenic; meaning that many genetic factors contribute to these phenomena, and environmental factors play a possible role through epigenetic modulation. In recent years, large-scale GWAS studies have been paramount to our modern understanding of many other complex human traits, such as in the case of autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Despite possible benefits of such research, including reduced stigma towards queer people, improved outcomes for LGBTQ+ in familial, socio-cultural, and political contexts, and improved access to healthcare (particularly for trans populations); important risks and considerations remain surrounding this type of research. To mitigate possibilities such as invalidation of the queer identities of existing LGBTQ+ individuals, genetic discrimination, or the possibility of euthanasia of embryos with a genetic predisposition to queerness (through reproductive technologies like IVF and/or gene-editing in utero), we propose a community-engaged research (CER) framework which emphasizes the privacy and confidentiality of research participants. Importantly, the historical legacy of scientific research attempting to pathologize queerness (in particular, falsely equating gender variance to mental illness) must be acknowledged to ensure any future research conducted in this realm does not propagate notions of homophobia, transphobia or stigma against queer people. Ultimately, in a world where same-sex sexual activity is criminalized in 69 UN member states, with 67 of these states imposing imprisonment, 8 imposing public flogging, 6 (Brunei, Iran, Mauritania, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Yemen) invoking the death penalty, and another 5 (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Qatar, Somalia, United Arab Emirates) possibly invoking the death penalty, the importance of this research cannot be understated, as finding a biological basis for queerness would directly oppose the harmful rhetoric that “being LGBTQ+ is a choice.” Anti-trans legislation is similarly widespread: In the United States in 2022 alone (as of Oct. 13), 155 anti-trans bills have been introduced preventing trans girls and women from playing on female sports teams, barring trans youth from using bathrooms and locker rooms that align with their gender identity, banning access to gender affirming medical care (e.g., hormone-replacement therapy, gender-affirming surgeries), and imposing legal restrictions on name changes. Understanding that a general lack of knowledge about the biological basis of queerness may be a contributing factor to the societal stigma faced by gender and sexual orientation minorities, we propose the initiation of large-scale GWAS studies investigating the genetic basis of gender identity and sexual orientation.Keywords: genome-wide association studies (GWAS), sexual and gender minorities (SGM), polygenicity, community-engaged research (CER)
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