Search results for: unergative

Authors: Joung Hyoun Lee

Abstract:

Intransitive verbs consist of two subclasses called unergatives and unaccusatives. However, traditionally Italian intransitive verbs have been taught regardless their semantic distinctions and any mention of grammatical terms such as unaccusatives and unergatives even though there is a huge gap between them. This paper aims to explore the teaching of Italian intransitive verbs categorizing them into unaccusatives and unergatives, which is compared with researches on the teaching of English unaccusative and unergative verbs. For this purpose, first, the study analyses various aspects of English vs. Italian unergatives and unaccusatives, and their properties of the constructions. Next, this study highlights the research trend on Korean students' learning errors, which is leaning toward causal analyses of the over passivization of English unaccusative verbs. In order to investigate these issues, 53 students of the Busan University of Foreign Studies, who are studying Italian language as a second language, were surveyed through a grammaticality judgment test divided into 9 sections. As expected, the findings confirmed that the test results of Italian unaccusatives and unergatives showed similar and different aspects comparing to those of English. Moreover, there was a highly affirmative demand for a more careful way of teaching which should be considered both syntactically and semantically according to the grammatical items. The research provides a framework of a more effective and systematic teaching method of Italian intransitive verbs for further research.

Keywords: unaccusative verbs, unergative verbs, agent, patient, theme, overpassivization

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Authors: Zixi You

Abstract:

There are a number of verbal prefixes in Old Japanese. However, the selection or the compatibility of verbs and verbal prefixes is among the least investigated topics on Old Japanese language. Unlike other types of prefixes, verbal prefixes in dictionaries are more often than not listed with very brief information such as ‘unknown meaning’ or ‘rhythmic function only’. To fill in a part of this knowledge gap, this paper presents an exhaustive investigation based on the newly developed ‘Oxford Corpus of Old Japanese’ (OCOJ), which included nearly all existing resource of Old Japanese language, with detailed linguistics information in TEI-XML tags. In this paper, we propose the possibility that the following three prefixes, i-, sa-, ta- (with ta- being considered as a variation of sa-), are relevant to split intransitivity in Old Japanese, with evidence that unergative verbs favor i- and that unergative verbs favor sa-(ta-). This might be undermined by the fact that transitives are also found to follow i-. However, with several manifestations of split intransitivity in Old Japanese discussed, the behavior of transitives in verbal prefix selection is no longer as surprising as it may seem to be when one look at the selection of verbal prefix in isolation. It is possible that there are one or more features that played essential roles in determining the selection of i-, and the attested transitive verbs happen to have these features. The data suggest that this feature is a sense of ‘change’ of location or state involved in the event donated by the verb, which is a feature of typical unaccusatives. This is further discussed in the ‘affectedness’ hierarchy. The presentation of this paper, which includes a brief demonstration of the OCOJ, is expected to be of the interest of both specialists and general audiences.

Keywords: old Japanese, split intransitivity, unaccusatives, unergatives, verbal prefix selection

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Authors: Rui-heng Ray Huang

Abstract:

This study compares the syntax and semantics of two kinds of passives in Mandarin Chinese: bèi passives and yóu passives. To express a Chinese equivalent for ‘The thief was taken away by the police,’ either bèi or yóu can be used, as in Xiǎotōu bèi/yóu jǐngchá dàizǒu le. It is shown in this study that bèi passives and yóu passives differ semantically and syntactically. The semantic observations are based on the theta theory, dealing with thematic roles. On the other hand, the syntactic analysis draws heavily upon the generative grammar, looking into thematic structures. The findings of this study are as follows. First, the core semantics of bèi passives is centered on the Patient NP in the subject position. This Patient NP is essentially an Affectee, undergoing the outcome or consequence brought up by the action represented by the predicate. This may explain why in the sentence Wǒde huà bèi/*yóu tā niǔqū le ‘My words have been twisted by him/her,’ only bèi is allowed. This is because the subject NP wǒde huà ‘my words’ suffers a negative consequence. Yóu passives, in contrast, place the semantic focus on the post-yóu NP, which is not an Affectee though. Instead, it plays a role which has to take certain responsibility without being affected in a way like an Affectee. For example, in the sentence Zhèbù diànyǐng yóu/*bèi tā dānrèn dǎoyǎn ‘This film is directed by him/her,’ only the use of yóu is possible because the post-yóu NP tā ‘s/he’ refers to someone in charge, who is not an Affectee, nor is the sentence-initial NP zhèbù diànyǐng ‘this film’. When it comes to the second finding, the syntactic structures of bèi passives and yóu passives differ in that the former involve a two-place predicate while the latter a three-place predicate. The passive morpheme bèi in a case like Xiǎotōu bèi jǐngchá dàizǒu le ‘The thief was taken away by the police’ has been argued by some Chinese syntacticians to be a two-place predicate which selects an Experiencer subject and an Event complement. Under this analysis, the initial NP xiǎotōu ‘the thief’ in the above example is a base-generated subject. This study, however, proposes that yóu passives fall into a three-place unergative structure. In the sentence Xiǎotōu yóu jǐngchá dàizǒu le ‘The thief was taken away by the police,’ the initial NP xiǎotōu ‘the thief’ is a topic which serves as a Patient taken by the verb dàizǒu ‘take away.’ The subject of the sentence is assumed to be an Agent, which is in a null form and may find its reference from the discourse or world knowledge. Regarding the post-yóu NP jǐngchá ‘the police,’ its status is dual. On the one hand, it is a Patient introduced by the light verb yóu; on the other, it is an Agent assigned by the verb dàizǒu ‘take away.’ It is concluded that the findings in this study contribute to better understanding of what makes the distinction between the two kinds of Chinese passives.

Keywords: affectee, passive, patient, unergative

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