Search results for: Sarah%20De%20Saeger

Authors: Bailey Houghtaling, Elena Serrano, Vivica Kraak, Samantha Harden, George Davis, Sarah Misyak

Abstract:

United States (U.S.) Department of Agriculture Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) participants are low-income Americans receiving federal dollars for supplemental food and beverage purchases. Participants use a variety of (traditional/non-traditional) SNAP-authorized stores for household dietary purchases - also representing food access points for all Americans. Importantly consumers' food and beverage purchases from non-traditional store formats tend to be higher in saturated fats, added sugars, and sodium when compared to purchases from traditional (e.g., grocery/supermarket) formats. Overconsumption of energy-dense and low-nutrient food and beverage products contribute to high obesity rates and adverse health outcomes that differ in severity among urban/rural U.S. locations and high/low-income populations. Little is known about the SNAP-authorized food store format landscape nationally, regionally, or by urban-rural status, as traditional formats are currently used as the gold standard in food access research. This research utilized publicly available U.S. databases to fill this large literature gap and to provide insight into modes of food access for vulnerable U.S. populations: (1) SNAP Retailer Locator which provides a list of all authorized food stores in the U.S., and; (2) Rural-Urban Continuum Codes (RUCC) that categorize U.S. counties as urban (RUCC 1-3) or rural (RUCC 4-9). Frequencies were determined for the highest occurring food store formats nationally and within two regionally diverse U.S. states – Virginia in the east and California in the west. Store format codes were assigned (e.g., grocery, drug, convenience, mass merchandiser, supercenter, dollar, club, or other). RUCC was applied to investigate state-level differences in urbanity-rurality regarding prevalent food store formats and Chi Square test of independence was used to determine if food store format distributions significantly (p < 0.05) differed by region or rurality. The resulting research sample that represented highly prevalent SNAP-authorized food stores nationally included 41.25% of all SNAP stores in the U.S. (N=257,839), comprised primarily of convenience formats (31.94%) followed by dollar (25.58%), drug (19.24%), traditional (10.87%), supercenter (6.85%), mass merchandiser (1.62%), non-food store or restaurant (1.81%), and club formats (1.09%). Results also indicated that the distribution of prevalent SNAP-authorized formats significantly differed by state. California had a lower proportion of traditional (9.96%) and a higher proportion of drug (28.92%) formats than Virginia- 11.55% and 19.97%, respectively (p < 0.001). Virginia also had a higher proportion of dollar formats (26.11%) when compared to California (10.64%) (p < 0.001). Significant differences were also observed for rurality variables (p < 0.001). Prominently, rural Virginia had a significantly higher proportion of dollar formats (41.71%) when compared to urban Virginia (21.78%) and rural California (21.21%). Non-traditional SNAP-authorized formats are highly prevalent and significantly differ in distribution by U.S. region and rurality. The largest proportional difference was observed for dollar formats where the least nutritious consumer purchases are documented in the literature. Researchers/practitioners should investigate non-traditional food stores at the local level using these research findings and similar applied methodologies to determine how access to various store formats impact obesity prevalence. For example, dollar stores may be prime targets for interventions to enhance nutritious consumer purchases in rural Virginia while targeting drug formats in California may be more appropriate.

Keywords: food access, food store format, nutrition interventions, SNAP consumers

Procedia PDF Downloads 110

Authors: Kevin F. Hsu, Alvin Chua, Sarah X. Lin

Abstract:

As a multilingual society, Singaporean names for different parts of the city have changed over time. Residents included Indigenous Malays, dialect-speakers from China, European settler-colonists, and Tamil-speakers from South India. Each group would name locations in their own languages. Today, as ancestral tongues are increasingly supplanted by English, contemporary Singaporeans’ understanding of once-common place names is disappearing. After demolition or redevelopment, some urban places will only exist in archival records or in human memory. United Nations conferences on the standardization of geographic names have called attention to how place names relate to identity, well-being, and a sense of belonging. The Singapore Place-Naming Project responds to these imperatives by capturing past and present place names through digitizing historical maps, mining archival records, and applying selective crowd-sourcing to trace the evolution of place names throughout the city. The project ensures that both formal and vernacular geographical names remain accessible to historians, city planners, and the public. The project is compiling a gazetteer, a geospatial archive of placenames, with streets, buildings, landmarks, and other points of interest (POI) appearing in the historic maps and planning documents of Singapore, currently held by the National Archives of Singapore, the National Library Board, university departments, and the Urban Redevelopment Authority. To create a spatial layer of information, the project links each place name to either a geo-referenced point, line segment, or polygon, along with the original source material in which the name appears. This record is supplemented by crowd-sourced contributions from civil service officers and heritage specialists, drawing from their collective memory to (1) define geospatial boundaries of historic places that appear in past documents, but maybe unfamiliar to users today, and (2) identify and record vernacular place names not captured in formal planning documents. An intuitive interface allows participants to demarcate feature classes, vernacular phrasings, time periods, and other knowledge related to historical or forgotten spaces. Participants are stratified into age bands and ethnicity to improve representativeness. Future iterations could allow additional public contributions. Names reveal meanings that communities assign to each place. While existing historical maps of Singapore allow users to toggle between present-day and historical raster files, this project goes a step further by adding layers of social understanding and planning documents. Tracking place names illuminates linguistic, cultural, commercial, and demographic shifts in Singapore, in the context of transformations of the urban environment. The project also demonstrates how a moderated, selectively crowd-sourced effort can solicit useful geospatial data at scale, sourced from different generations, and at higher granularity than traditional surveys, while mitigating negative impacts of unmoderated crowd-sourcing. Stakeholder agencies believe the project will achieve several objectives, including Supporting heritage conservation and public education; Safeguarding intangible cultural heritage; Providing historical context for street, place or development-renaming requests; Enhancing place-making with deeper historical knowledge; Facilitating emergency and social services by tagging legal addresses to vernacular place names; Encouraging public engagement with heritage by eliciting multi-stakeholder input.

Keywords: collective memory, crowd-sourced, digital heritage, geospatial, geographical names, linguistic heritage, place-naming, Singapore, Southeast Asia

Procedia PDF Downloads 86