Search results for: Afghan Taliban

Authors: Lakshmi Chebolu

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'War’, the word itself, is so vibrant and handcuffs the entire society. Since the beginning of manhood, the world has been evident in constant struggles. However, along with the growth of communities, relations, on the one hand, and disputes, on the other hand, infinitely increased. When states cannot or will not settle their disputes or differences by means of peaceful agreements, weapons are suddenly made to speak. It does not mean states can engage in war whenever they desire. At an international level, there has been a vast development of the law of war in the 20th century. War, it may be internal or international, in all situations, belligerent actors should follow the principles of warfare. With the advent of technology, the shape of war has changed, and it violates fundamental principles without observing basic norms. Conversely, states' attitudes towards international relationships are also undermined to some extent as state parties are not prioritized the communal interest rather than political or individual interest. In spite of the persistent development of communities, still many people are innocent victims of modern wars. It costs a toll on many lives, liberties, and properties and remains a major obstacle to nations' development. Recent incidents in Afghan are a live example to World Nations. We know that the principles of international law cannot be implemented very strictly on perpetrators due to the lacuna in the international legal system. However, the rules of war are universal in nature. The Geneva Convention, 1949 which are the core element of IHL, has been ratified by all 196 States. In fact, very few international treaties received this much of big support from nations. State’s approach towards Modern International Law, places a heavy burden on States practice towards in implementation of law. Although United Nations Security Council possesses certain powers under ‘Pacific Settlement of Disputes’, (Chapter VI) of the United Nations Charter to prevent disputes in a peaceful manner, conversely, this practice has been overlooked for many years due to political interests, favor, etc. Despite international consensus on the prohibition of war and protection of fundamental freedoms and human dignity, still, often, law has been misused by states’. The recent tendencies trigger questions about states’ willingness towards the implementation of the law. In view of the existing practices of nations, this paper aims to elevate the legal obligations of the international community to save the succeeding generations from the scourge of modern war practices.

Keywords: modern wars, weapons, prohibition and suspension of war activities, states’ obligations

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Authors: Maryam Azish

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Russia, as an emerging global player in recent years, has projected a special place in the Middle East. Despite all the challenges it has faced over the years, it has always considered its presence in various fields with a strategy that has defined its maneuvering power as a level of competition and even confrontation with the United States. Therefore, its current approach is considered important as an influential actor in the Middle East. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the Russians withdrew completely from the Middle East, the American scene remained almost unrivaled by the Americans. With the start of the US-led war in Iraq and Afghanistan and the subsequent developments that led to the US military and political defeat, a new chapter in regional security was created in which ISIL and Taliban terrorism went along with the Arab Spring to destabilize the Middle East. Because of this, the Americans took every opportunity to strengthen their military presence. Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan have always been the three areas where terrorism was shaped, and the countries of the region have each reacted to this evil phenomenon accordingly. The West dealt with this phenomenon on a case-by-case basis in the general circumstances that created the fluid situation in the Arab countries and the region. Russian President Vladimir Putin accused the US of falling asleep in the face of ISIS and terrorism in Syria. In fact, this was an opportunity for the Russians to revive their presence in Syria. This article suggests that utilizing the recognition policy along with the constructivism theory will offer a better knowledge of Russia’s endeavors to endorse its international position. Accordingly, Russia’s distinctiveness and its ambitions for a situation of great power have played a vital role in shaping national interests and, subsequently, in foreign policy, in Putin's era in particular. The focal claim of the paper is that scrutinize Russia’s foreign policy with realistic methods cannot be attained. Consequently, with an aim to fill the prevailing vacuum, this study exploits the politics of acknowledgment in the context of constructivism to examine Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East. The results of this paper show that the key aim of Russian foreign policy discourse, accompanied by increasing power and wealth, is to recognize and reinstate the position of great power in the universal system. The Syrian crisis has created an opportunity for Russia to unite its position in the developing global and regional order after ages of dynamic and prevalent existence in the Middle East as well as contradicting US unilateralism. In the meantime, the writer thinks that the question of identifying Russia’s position in the global system by the West has played a foremost role in serving its national interests.

Keywords: constructivism, foreign Policy, middle East, Russia, regionalism

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Authors: Waseem Makai

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The term ‘political Islam’ now seem to have gained the centre stage in every discourse pertaining to Islamic legitimacy and compatibility in modern civilisations. A never ceasing tradition of the philosophy of caliphate that has kept overriding the options of any alternate political institution in the Muslim world still permeates a huge faction of believers. Fully accustomed with the proliferation of changes and developments in individual, social and natural dispositions of the world, Islamic theologians retaliated to this flux through both conventional and modernist approaches. The so-called conventional approach was quintessential of the interpretations put forth by Syed Maududi, with new comprehensive, academic and powerful vigour, as never seen before. He generated the avant-garde scholarship which would bear testimony to his statements, made to uphold the political institution of Islam as supreme and noble. However, it was not his trait to challenge the established views but to codify them in such a bracket which a man of the 20th century would find captivating to his heart and satisfactory to his rationale. The delicate microcosms like selection of a caliph, implementation of Islamic commandments (Sharia), interest free banking sectors, imposing tax (Jazyah) on non-believers, waging the holy crusade (Jihad) for the expansion of Islamic boundaries, stoning for committing adulteration and capital punishment for apostates were all there in his scholarship which he spent whole of his life defending in the best possible manner. What and where did he went wrong with all this, was supposedly to be notified later, by his once been disciple, Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. Ghamidi is being accused of struggling between Scylla and Charybdis as he tries to remain steadfast to his basic Islamic tenets while modernising their interpretations to bring them in harmony with the Western ideals of democracy and liberty. His blatant acknowledgement of putting democracy at a high pedestal, calling the implementation of Sharia a non-mandatory task and denial to bracket people in the categories of Zimmi and Kaafir fully vindicates his stance against conventional narratives like that of Syed Maududi. Ghamidi goes to the extent of attributing current forms of radicalism and extremism, as exemplified in the operations of organisations like ISIS in Iraq and Syria and Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan, to such a version of political Islam as upheld not only by Syed Maududi but by other prominent theologians like Ibn-Timyah, Syed Qutub and Dr. Israr Ahmad also. Ghamidi is wretched, in a way that his allegedly insubstantial claims gained him enough hostilities to leave his homeland when two of his close allies were brutally murdered. Syed Maududi and Javed Ghamidi, both stand poles apart in their understanding of Islam and its political domain. Who has the appropriate methodology, scholarship and execution in his mode of comprehension, is an intriguing task, worth carrying out in detail.

Keywords: caliphate, democracy, ghamidi, maududi

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Authors: Mumtaz Ali, Hamzullah Khan, Khalid Khanzada, Shahid Ayub, Aurangzeb Wazir

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Objective: To analyse the death of patients treated in neuro-surgical ICU for severe head injuries from different perspectives. The evaluation of the data so obtained to help improve the health care delivery to this group of patients in ICU. Study Design: It is a descriptive study based on retrospective analysis of patients presenting to neuro-surgical ICU in Lady Reading Hospital, Peshawar. Study Duration: It covered the period between 1st January 2009 to 31st December 2009. Material and Methods: The Clinical record of all the patients presenting with the clinical radiological and surgical features of severe head injuries, who expired in neuro-surgical ICU was collected. A separate proforma which mentioned age, sex, time of arrival and death, causes of head injuries, the radiological features, the clinical parameters, the surgical and non surgical treatment given was used. The average duration of stay and the demographic and domiciliary representation of these patients was noted. The record was analyzed accordingly for discussion and recommendations. Results: Out of the total 112 (n-112) patients who expired in one year in the neuro-surgical ICU the young adults made up the majority 64 (57.14%) followed by children, 34 (30.35%) and then the elderly age group: 10 (8.92%). Road traffic accidents were the major cause of presentation, 75 (66.96%) followed by history of fall; 23 (20.53%) and then the fire arm injuries; 13 (11.60%). The predominant CT scan features of these patients on presentation was cerebral edema, and midline shift (diffuse neuronal injuries). 46 (41.07%) followed by cerebral contusions. 28 (25%). The correctable surgical causes were present only in 18 patients (16.07%) and the majority 94 (83.92%) were given conservative management. Of the 69 (n=69) patients in which CT scan was repeated; 62 (89.85%) showed worsening of the initial CT scan abnormalities while in 7 cases (10.14%) the features were static. Among the non surgical cases both ventilatory therapy in 7 (6.25%) and tracheostomy in 39 (34.82%) failed to change the outcome. The maximum stay in the neuro ICU leading upto the death was 48 hours in 35 (31.25%) cases followed by 31 (27.67%) cases in 24 hours; 24 (21.42%) in one week and 16 (14.28%) in 72 hours. Only 6 (5.35%) patients survived more than a week. Patients were received from almost all the districts of NWFP except. The Hazara division. There were some Afghan refugees as well. Conclusion: Mortality following the head injuries is alarmingly high despite repeated claims about the professional and administrative improvement. Even places like ICU could not change the out come according to the desired aims and objectives in the present set up. A rethinking is needed both at the individual and institutional level among the concerned quarters with a clear aim at the more scientific grounds. Only then one can achieve the desired results.

Keywords: Glasgow Coma Scale, pediatrics, geriatrics, Peshawar

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Authors: Mustafa Mutahari, Nao Sugiki, Kojiro Matsuo

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The four decades of war, lack of job opportunities, poverty, lack of services, and natural disasters in different provinces of Afghanistan have contributed to a rapid increase in the population of Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. Population census has not been conducted since 1979, the first and last population census in Afghanistan. However, according to population estimations by Afghan authorities, the population of Kabul has been estimated at more than 4 million people, whereas the city was designed for two million people. Although the major transport mode of Kabul residents is public transport, responsible authorities within the country failed to supply the required means of transportation systems for the city. Besides, informal resettlement, lack of intersection control devices, presence of illegal vendors on streets, presence of illegal and unstandardized on-street parking and bus stops, driver`s unprofessional behavior, weak traffic law enforcement, and blocked roads and sidewalks have contributed to the extreme traffic congestion of Kabul. In 2018, the government of Afghanistan approved the Kabul city Urban Design Framework (KUDF), a vision towards the future of Kabul, which provides strategies and design guidance at different scales to direct urban development. Considering traffic congestion of the city and its budget limitations, the KUDF proposes a BRT route network with seven lines to reduce the traffic congestion, and it is said to facilitate more than 50% of Kabul population to benefit from this service. Based on the KUDF, it is planned to increase the BRT mode share from 0% to 17% and later to 30% in medium and long-term planning scenarios, respectively. Therefore, a detailed research study is needed to evaluate the proposed system before the implementation stage starts. The integrated land-use transport model is an effective tool to evaluate the Kabul BRT because of its future assessment capabilities that take into account the interaction between land use and transportation. This research aims to analyze and evaluate the proposed BRT route network with the application of an integrated land-use and transportation model. The research estimates the population distribution and travel behavior of Kabul within small boundary scales. The actual road network and land-use detailed data of the city are used to perform the analysis. The BRT corridors are evaluated not only considering its impacts on the spatial interactions in the city`s transportation system but also on the spatial developments. Therefore, the BRT are evaluated with the scenarios of improving the Kabul transportation system based on the distribution of land-use or spatial developments, planned development typology and population distribution of the city. The impacts of the new improved transport system on the BRT network are analyzed and the BRT network is evaluated accordingly. In addition, the research also focuses on the spatial accessibility of BRT stops, corridors, and BRT line beneficiaries, and each BRT stop and corridor are evaluated in terms of both access and geographic coverage, as well.

Keywords: accessibility, BRT, integrated land-use and transport model, travel behavior, spatial development

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Authors: Shahriyar Keshtgar, Mahmoud Reza Heyhat, Sasan Bagheri, Ebrahim Gholami, Seyed Naser Raiisosadat

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The eastern Iranian range is a Z-shaped sigmoidal outcrop appearing with a NS-trending general strike on the satellite images, has already been known as the Sistan suture zone, recently identified as the product of an orogenic event introduced either by the Paleogene or Sistan orogen names. The flysch sedimentary basin of eastern Iran was filled by a huge volume of fine-grained Eocene turbiditic sediments, smaller amounts of pelagic deposits and Cretaceous ophiolitic slices, which are entirely remnants of older accretionary prisms appeared in a fold-thrust belt developed onto a subduction zone under the Lut/Afghan block, portions of the Cimmerian superterrane. In these ranges, there are Triassic sedimentary and carbonate sequences (equivalent to Nayband and Shotori Formations) along with scattered outcrops of Permian limestones (equivalent to Jamal limestone) and greenschist-facies metamorphic rocks, probably belonging to the basement of the Lut block, which have tectonic contacts with younger rocks. Moreover, the younger Eocene detrital-volcanic rocks were also thrusted onto the Cretaceous or younger turbiditic deposits. The first generation folds (parallel folds) and thrusts with slaty cleavage appeared parallel to the NE edge of the Lut block. Structural analysis shows that the most vergence of thrusts is toward the southeast so that the Permo-Triassic units in Lut have been thrusted on the younger rocks, including older (probably Jurassic) granites. Additional structural studies show that the regional transport direction in this deformation event is from northwest to the southeast where, from the outside to the inside of the orogen in the Sechengi area. Younger thrusts of the second deformation event were either directly formed as a result of the second deformation event, or they were older thrusts that reactivated and folded so that often, two sets or more slickenlines can be recognized on the thrust planes. The recent thrusts have been redistributed in directions nearly perpendicular to the edge of the Lut block and parallel to the axial surfaces of the northwest second generation large-scale folds (radial folds). Some of these younger thrusts follow the out-of-the-syncline thrust system. The both axial planes of these folds and associated penetrative shear cleavage extended towards northwest appeared with both northeast and southwest dips parallel to the younger thrusts. The large-scale buckling with the layer-parallel stress field has created this deformation event. Such consecutive deformation events perpendicular to each other cannot be basically explained by the simple linear orogen models presented for eastern Iran so far and are more consistent with the oroclinal buckling model.

Keywords: thrust, tectonic vergence, orocline buckling, sechangi, eastern iranian ranges

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Authors: Sezen Aslan, N. Aydan Sat

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The society of 21st century constantly faces with complex otherness that emerges in various forms and justifications. Otherness caused by class, race or ethnicity inevitably reflects to urban areas, and in this way, cities are diversified into totally self-centered and closed-off urban enclaves. One of the most important dynamics that creates otherness in contemporary society is migration. Immigration on an international scale is one of the most important events that have reshaped the world, and the number of immigrants in the world is increasing day by day. Forced migration and refugee statements constitute the major part of countries' immigration policies and practices. Domestic problems such as racism, violence, war, censorship and silencing, attitudes contrary to human rights, different cultural or religious identities cause populations to migrate. Immigration is one of the most important reasons for the formation of urban enclaves within cities. Turkey, which was used to face a higher rate of outward migration, has begun to host immigrant groups from foreign countries. 1980s is the breaking point about the issue as a result of internal disturbances in the Middle East. After Iranian, Iraqi and Afghan immigrants, Turkey faces the largest external migration in its story with Syrian population. Turkey has been hosting approximate three million Syrian people after Syrian Civil War which started in 2011. 92% of Syrian refugees are currently living in different urban areas in Turkey instead of camps. Syrian refugees are experiencing a spontaneous spatiality due to the lack of specific settlement and housing policies of the country. This spontaneity is one of the most important factors in the creation of urban enclaves. From this point of view, the aim of this study is to clarify processes that lead the creation of urban enclaves and to explain socio-spatial effects of these urban enclaves to the other parts of the cities. Ankara, which is one of the most registered Syrian hosting Province in Turkey, is selected as a case study area. About 55% of the total Syrian population lives in the Altındağ district in Ankara. They settled specifically in two neighborhoods in Altındağ district, named as Önder and Ulubey. These neighborhoods are old slum areas, and they were evacuated due to urban renewal on the same dates with the migration of the Syrians. Before demolition of these old slums, Syrians are settled into them as tenants. In the first part of the study, a brief explanation of the concept of urban enclave, its occurrence parameters and possible socio-spatial threats, examples from previous immigrant urban enclaves caused internal migration will be given. Emergence of slums, planning history and social processes in the case study area will be described in the second part of the study. The third part will be focused on the Syrian refugees and their socio-spatial relationship in the case study area and in-depth interviews with refugees and spatial analysis will be realized. Suggestions for the future of the case study area and recommendations to prevent immigrant groups from social and spatial exclusion will be discussed in the conclusion part of the study.

Keywords: migration, immigration, Syrian refugees, urban enclaves, Ankara

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Authors: Ali Aqa Mohammad Jawad

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Taking a relational approach, this paper analyzes the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Enlightening Movement in post-2001 Afghanistan. The movement emerged after the state-owned Da Afghan Bereshna Sherkat (DABS) decided to divert the route for the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TUTAP) electricity project. The grid was initially planned to go through the Hazara-inhabited province of Bamiyan, according to Afghanistan’s Power Sector Master Plan. The reroute served as an aide-mémoire of historical subordination to other ethno-religious groups for the Hazara community. It was also perceived as deprivation from post-2001 development projects, financed by international aid. This torched the accumulated grievances, which then gave birth to the Enlightening Movement. The movement had a successful mobilization. However, it demobilized after losing much of its mobilizing capabilities through an amalgamation of external and internal relational factors. The successful mobilization yet rapid demobilization constitutes the puzzle of this paper. From the theoretical perspective, this paper is significant as it establishes the applicability of contentious politics theory to protest mobilizations that occurred in Afghanistan, a context-specific, characterized by ethnic politics. Both primary and secondary data are utilized to address the puzzle. As for the primary resources, media coverage, interviews, reports, public media statements of the movement, involved in contentious performances, and data from Social Networking Services (SNS) are used. The covered period is from 2001-2018. As for the secondary resources, published academic articles and books are used to give a historical account of contentious politics. For data analysis, a qualitative comparative historical method is utilized to uncover the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Movement. In this pursuit, both mobilization and demobilization are considered as larger political processes that could be decomposed to constituent mechanisms. Enlightening Movement’s framing and campaigns are first studied to uncover the associated mechanisms. Then, to avoid introducing some ad hoc mechanisms, the recurrence of mechanisms is checked against another case. Mechanisms qualify as robust if they are “recurrent” in different episodes of contention. Checking the recurrence of causal mechanisms is vital as past contentious events tend to reinforce future events. The findings of this paper suggest that the public sphere in Afghanistan is drastically different from Western democracies known as the birthplace of social movements. In Western democracies, when institutional politics did not respond, movement organizers occupied the public sphere, undermining the legitimacy of the government. In Afghanistan, the public sphere is ethicized. Considering the inter- and intra-relational dynamics of ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the movement reduced to an erosive inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. This undermined the cohesiveness of the movement, which then kicked-off its demobilization process.

Keywords: enlightening movement, contentious politics, mobilization, demobilization

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