Search results for: Abderrahim El Mahi

Authors: Ezzi Olfa, Bouafia Nabiha, Ammar Asma, Ben Cheikh Asma, Mahjoub Mohamed, Bannour Wadiaa, Achour Bechir, Khelif Abderrahim, Njah Mansour

Abstract:

Background: In hematology/oncology, health care improvement has allowed increasingly aggressive management in diagnostic and therapeutic procedures. Nevertheless, these intensified procedures have been associated with higher risk of healthcare associated infections (HAIs). We undertook this study to estimate the burden of HAIs in the cancer patients in an onco -hematology unit in a Tunisian university hospital. Materials/Methods: A prospective, observational study, based on active surveillance for a period of 06 months from Mars through September 2016, was undertaken in the department of onco-hematology in a university hospital in Tunisia. Patients, who stayed in the unit for ≥ 48 h, were followed until hospital discharge. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention criteria (CDC) for site-specific infections were used as standard definitions for HAIs. Results: One hundred fifty patients were included in the study. The gender distribution was 33.3% for girls and 66.6% boys. They have a mean age of 23.12 years (SD = 18.36 years). The main patient’s diagnosis is: Acute Lymphoblastic Leukemia (ALL): 48.7 %( n=73). The mean length of stay was 21 days +/- 18 days. Almost 8% of patients had an implantable port (n= 12), 34.9 % (n=52) had a lumber puncture and 42.7 % (n= 64) had a medullary puncture. Chemotherapy was instituted in 88% of patients (n=132). Eighty (53.3%) patients had neutropenia at admission. The incidence rate of HAIs was 32.66 % per patient; the incidence density was 15.73 per 1000 patient-days in the unit. Mortality rate was 9.3% (n= 14), and 50% of cases of death were caused by HAIs. The most frequent episodes of infection were: infection of skin and superficial mucosa (5.3%), pulmonary aspergillosis (4.6%), Healthcare associated pneumonia (HAP) (4%), Central venous catheter associated infection (4%), digestive infection (5%), and primary bloodstream infection (2.6%). Finally, fever of unknown origin (FUO) incidence rate was 14%. In case of skin and superficial infection (n= 8), 4 episodes were documented, and organisms implicated were Escherichia.coli, Geotricum capitatum and Proteus mirabilis. For pulmonary aspergillosis, 6 cases were diagnosed clinically and radiologically, and one was proved by positive aspergillus antigen in bronchial aspiration. Only one patient died due this infection. In HAP (6 cases), four episodes were diagnosed clinically and radiologically. No bacterial etiology was established in these cases. Two patients died due to HAP. For primary bloodstream infection (4 cases), implicated germs were Enterobacter cloacae, Geotricum capitatum, klebsiella pneumoniae, and Streptococcus pneumoniae. Conclusion: This type of prospective study is an indispensable tool for internal quality control. It is necessary to evaluate preventive measures and design control guides and strategies aimed to reduce the HAI’s rate and the morbidity and mortality associated with infection in a hematology/oncology unit.

Keywords: cohort prospective studies, healthcare associated infections, hematology oncology department, incidence

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Authors: Abderrahim El Maslouhi

Abstract:

The paper aims to analyze an often-overlooked dimension of global constitutionalism, which is the rise of the regulatory state and its impact on parliamentary dynamics in transition regimes. In contrast to Majone’s technocratic vision of convergence towards a single regulatory system based on competence and efficiency, national transpositions of regulatory governance and, in general, the relationship to global standards primarily depend upon a number of distinctive parameters. These include policy formation process, speed of change, depth of parliamentary tradition and greater or lesser vulnerability to the normative conditionality of donors, interstate groupings and transnational regulatory bodies. Based on a comparison between three post-Arab Spring countries -Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt, whose constitutions have undergone substantive review in the period 2011-2014- and some European Union state members, the paper intends, first, to assess the degree of permeability to global constitutionalism in different contexts. A noteworthy divide emerges from this comparison. Whereas European constitutions still seem impervious to the lexicon of global constitutionalism, the influence of the latter is obvious in the recently drafted constitutions in Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt. This is evidenced by their reference to notions such as ‘governance’, ‘regulators’, ‘accountability’, ‘transparency’, ‘civil society’, and ‘participatory democracy’. Second, the study will provide a contextual account of internal and external rationales underlying the constitutionalization of regulatory governance in the cases examined. Unlike European constitutionalism, where parliamentarism and the tradition of representative government function as a structural mechanism that moderates the de-parliamentarization effect induced by global constitutionalism, Arab constitutional transitions have led to a paradoxical situation; contrary to the public demands for further parliamentarization, the 2011 constitution-makers have opted for a de-parliamentarization pattern. This is particularly reflected in the procedures established by constitutions and regular legislation, to handle the interaction between lawmakers and regulatory bodies. Once the ‘constitutional’ and ‘independent’ nature of these agencies is formally endorsed, the birth of these ‘fourth power’ entities, which are neither elected nor directly responsible to elected officials, will raise the question of their accountability. Third, the paper shows that, even in the three selected countries, the de-parliamentarization intensity is significantly variable. By contrast to the radical stance of the Moroccan and Egyptian constituents who have shown greater concern to shield regulatory bodies from legislatures’ scrutiny, the Tunisian case indicates a certain tendency to provide lawmakers with some essential control instruments (e. g. exclusive appointment power, adversarial discussion of regulators’ annual reports, dismissal power, later held unconstitutional). In sum, the comparison reveals that the transposition of the regulatory state model and, more generally, sensitivity to the legal implications of global conditionality essentially relies on the evolution of real-world power relations at both national and international levels.

Keywords: Arab legislatures, de-parliamentarization, global constitutionalism, normative conditionality, regulatory state

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