Search results for: informal

Authors: Meinrad Haule Lembuka

Abstract:

Introduction: Ubuntu culture represents African humanism with collective and positive feeling of people living together, interdependence, equally and peaceful etc. Overtime, Ubuntu culture developed varieties of communicative strategies to express experiences, feelings and knowledge. Khanga or kanga (garment) is among the Ubuntu cultural practice of Bantu speaking people along the East African coast following interaction with Arabs and Bantu speaking people to formulate Swahili culture. Kanga or Kanga is a Swahili word which means a traditional soft cotton cloths in varieties of colours, patterns, and styles which as a deep cultural, historical, and social significance not only in Tanzania but the rest of East African coast. Swahili culture is a sub culture of Ubuntu African culture which is rich in customs and rituals that serve to preserve goodness and life where Tanzania, like the rest of East African societies along the Indian coast engaged in kanga dressing custom under Swahili culture to express their feelings and knowledge sharing. After the independence of Tanzania (formerly Tanganyika) from British colonial rule, Kanga traditional dressing gained momentum in Swahili culture and spread to the rest of East Africa and beyond. To date kanga dressing holds a good position as a formal and informal tool for advocating marginalised groups, counselling, psychosocial therapy, liberation, compassion, love, justice, campaign, and cerebration etc. Methodology: A literature review method was guided by Ubuntu theory to assess the implications of kanga traditional dressing in empowering Tanzanian community. Findings: During slavery, slaves wore Kaniki and people despised Kaniki dressing due to its association with slavery. Ex-slave women seeking to become part of the Swahili society began to decorate their Kaniki clothes. After slavery was abolished in 1897, Kangas began to be used for self-empowerment and to indicate that the wearer had personal wealth. During colonial era, freedom of expressions for Africans were restricted by colonial masters thus Tanzanians used kanga to express the evils of colonialism and other social problems, Under Ubuntu value of unity and solidarity liberation and independence fighters crafted motto and liberation messages that were shared and spread rapidly in the community. Political parities like TANU used kanga to spread nationalism and Ujamaa policy. kanga is more than a piece of fabric-it is a space for women to voice unspeakable communication and a women-centred repository for indigenous knowledge, feminisms addressing social ills, happiness, campaigns, memories and reconciliation etc. Kanga provides an indirect voice and support vulnerable and marginalised populations and strongly it has proved to be a peaceful platform of capture attention of government and societies. Kanga textiles gained increased international fame when an Obama kanga design was produced upon the president’s election in 2008 and his visit to Tanzania in 2013. Conclusion: Kanga preserves and symbolises Swahili culture and contributes in realization of social justice, inclusion, national identity and unity. As an inclusive cultural tool, Kanga spread across Africa to international community and the practice has moved from being a woman domination dressing code to other sex orientations.

Keywords: African culture, Kanga, khanga, swahili culture, ubuntu

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Authors: Oleg Shovkovyy

Abstract:

This research conducted in response to one of the most pressing questions on the agenda of many public administration offices around the world: “What could be done for better integration and assimilation of immigrants into hosting communities?” In author’s view, the answer could be suggested by immigrants themselves. They, often ‘bogged down in the past,’ snared by own idols and demons, perceive things differently, which, in turn, may result in their inability to integrate smoothly into hosting communities. Brief literature review suggests that perceptions of immigrants are completely neglected or something unsought in the current research on migrants, which, often, based on opinion polls by members of hosting communities themselves or superficial research data by various research organizations. Even those specimens that include voices of immigrants, unlikely to shed any additional light onto the problem simply because certain things are not made to speak out loud, especially to those in whose hands immigrants’ fate is (authorities). In this regard, this qualitative study, conducted by an insider to a few Russian-speaking communities, represents a unique opportunity for all stakeholders to look at the question of integration through the eyes of immigrants, from a different perspective and thus, makes research findings especially valuable for better understanding of the problem. Case study research employed ethnographic methods of gathering data where, approximately 200 Russian-speaking immigrants of first and second generations were closely observed by the Russian-speaking researcher in their usual setting, for eight months, and at different venues. The number of informal interviews with 27 key informants, with whom the researcher managed to establish a good rapport and who were keen enough to share their experiences voluntarily, were conducted. The field notes were taken at 14 locations (study sites) within the Brisbane region of Queensland, Australia. Moreover, all this time, researcher lived in dwelling of one of the immigrants and was an active participant in the social life (worship, picnics, dinners, weekend schools, concerts, cultural events, social gathering, etc.) of observed communities, whose members, to a large extent, belong to various religious lines of the Russian and Protestant Church. It was found that the majority of immigrants had experienced some discrimination in matters of hiring, employment, recognition of educational qualifications from home countries, and simply felt a sort of dislike from society in various everyday situations. Many noted complete absences or very limited state assistance in terms of employment, training, education, and housing. For instance, the Australian Government Department of Human Services not only does not stimulate job search but, on the contrary, encourages to refuse short-term works and employment. On the other hand, offered free courses on adaptation, and the English language proved to be ineffective and unpopular amongst immigrants. Many interviewees have reported overstated requirements for English proficiency and local work experience, whereas it was not critical for the given task or job. Based on the result of long-term monitoring, the researcher also had the courage to assert the negative and decelerating roles of immigrants’ communities, particularly religious communities, on processes of integration and assimilation. The findings suggest that governments should either change current immigration policies in the direction of their toughening or to take more proactive and responsible role in dealing with immigrant-related issues; for instance, increasing assistance and support to all immigrants and probably, paying more attention to and taking stake in managing and organizing lives of immigrants’ communities rather, simply leaving it all to chance.

Keywords: Australia, immigration, integration, perceptions

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Authors: Julie M. Novak, Simone K. Brennan, Lacey Brim

Abstract:

Undergraduate medical education (UME) curriculum notably addresses micro-level communications (e.g., patient-provider, intercultural, inter-professional), yet frequently under-examines the role and impact of organizational communication, a more macro-level. Organizational communication, however, functions as foundation and through systemic structures of an organization and thereby serves as hidden curriculum and influences learning experiences and outcomes. Yet, little available research exists fully examining how students experience organizational communication while in medical school. Extant literature and best practices provide insufficient guidance for UME programs, in particular. The purpose of this study was to map and examine current organizational communication systems and processes in a UME program. Employing a phenomenology-grounded and participatory approach, this study sought to understand the organizational communication system from medical students' perspective. The research team consisted of a core team and 13 medical student co-investigators. This research employed multiple methods, including focus groups, individual interviews, and two surveys (one reflective of focus group questions, the other requesting students to submit ‘examples’ of communications). To provide context for student responses, nonstudent participants (faculty, administrators, and staff) were sampled, as they too express concerns about communication. Over 400 students across all cohorts and 17 nonstudents participated. Data were iteratively analyzed and checked for triangulation. Findings reveal the complex nature of organizational communication and student-oriented communications. They reveal program-impactful strengths, weaknesses, gaps, and tensions and speak to the role of organizational communication practices influencing both climate and culture. With regard to communications, students receive multiple, simultaneous communications from multiple sources/channels, both formal (e.g., official email) and informal (e.g., social media). Students identified organizational strengths including the desire to improve student voice, and message frequency. They also identified weaknesses related to over-reliance on emails, numerous platforms with inconsistent utilization, incorrect information, insufficient transparency, assessment/input fatigue, tacit expectations, scheduling/deadlines, responsiveness, and mental health confidentiality concerns. Moreover, they noted gaps related to lack of coordination/organization, ambiguous point-persons, student ‘voice-only’, open communication loops, lack of core centralization and consistency, and mental health bridges. Findings also revealed organizational identity and cultural characteristics as impactful on the medical school experience. Cultural characteristics included program size, diversity, urban setting, student organizations, community-engagement, crisis framing, learning for exams, inefficient bureaucracy, and professionalism. Moreover, they identified system structures that do not always leverage cultural strengths or reduce cultural problematics. Based on the results, opportunities for productive change are identified. These include leadership visibly supporting and enacting overall organizational narratives, making greater efforts in consistently ‘closing the loop’, regularly sharing how student input effects change, employing strategies of crisis communication more often, strengthening communication infrastructure, ensuring structures facilitate effective operations and change efforts, and highlighting change efforts in informational communication. Organizational communication and communications are not soft-skills, or of secondary concern within organizations, rather they are foundational in nature and serve to educate/inform all stakeholders. As primary stakeholders, students and their success directly affect the accomplishment of organizational goals. This study demonstrates how inquiries about how students navigate their educational experience extends research-based knowledge and provides actionable knowledge for the improvement of organizational operations in UME.

Keywords: medical education programs, organizational communication, participatory research, qualitative mixed methods

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