Search results for: family conflicts

Authors: Oluwaseun Adeleke, Samuel O. Ikani, Simeon Christian Chukwu, Fidelis Edet, Anthony Nwala, Mopelola Raji, Simeon Christian Chukwu

Abstract:

Background: Health service providers are offered in-service training periodically to strengthen their ability to deliver services that are ethical, quality, timely and safe. Not all capacity-building courses have successfully resulted in intended service delivery outcomes because of poor training content, design, approach, and ambiance. The Delivering Innovations in Selfcare (DISC) project developed a Moment of Truth innovation, which is a proven training model focused on improving consumer/provider interaction that leads to an increase in the voluntary uptake of subcutaneous depot medroxyprogesterone acetate (DMPA-SC) self-injection among women who opt for injectable contraception. Methodology: Six months after training on a moment of truth (MoT) training manual, the project conducted two intensive rounds of qualitative data collection and triangulation that included provider, client, and community mobilizer interviews, facility observations, and routine program data collection. Respondents were sampled according to a convenience sampling approach, and data collected was analyzed using a codebook and Atlas-TI. Providers and clients were interviewed to understand their experience, perspective, attitude, and awareness about the DMPA-SC self-inject. Data were collected from 12 health facilities in three states – eight directly trained and four cascades trained. The research team members came together for a participatory analysis workshop to explore and interpret emergent themes. Findings: Quality-of-service delivery and performance outcomes were observed to be significantly better in facilities whose providers were trained directly trained by the DISC project than in sites that received indirect training through master trainers. Facilities that were directly trained recorded SI proportions that were twice more than in cascade-trained sites. Direct training comprised of full-day and standalone didactic and interactive sessions constructed to evoke commitment, passion and conviction as well as eliminate provider bias and misconceptions in providers by utilizing human interest stories and values clarification exercises. Sessions also created compelling arguments using evidence and national guidelines. The training also prioritized demonstration sessions, utilized job aids, particularly videos, strengthened empathetic counseling – allaying client fears and concerns about SI, trained on positioning self-inject first and side effects management. Role plays and practicum was particularly useful to enable providers to retain and internalize new knowledge. These sessions provided experiential learning and the opportunity to apply one's expertise in a supervised environment where supportive feedback is provided in real-time. Cascade Training was often a shorter and abridged form of MoT training that leveraged existing training already planned by master trainers. This training was held over a four-hour period and was less emotive, focusing more on foundational DMPA-SC knowledge such as a reorientation to DMPA-SC, comparison of DMPA-SC variants, counseling framework and skills, data reporting and commodity tracking/requisition – no facility practicums. Training on self-injection was not as robust, presumably because they were not directed at methods in the contraceptive mix that align with state/organizational sponsored objectives – in this instance, fostering LARC services. Conclusion: To achieve better performance outcomes, consideration should be given to providing training that prioritizes practice-based and emotive content. Furthermore, a firm understanding and conviction about the value training offers improve motivation and commitment to accomplish and surpass service-related performance outcomes.

Keywords: training, performance outcomes, innovation, family planning, contraception, DMPA-SC, self-care, self-injection.

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

Abstract:

The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

Procedia PDF Downloads 261