Search results for: right to dissent

Authors: Priyanka Joshi

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The paper traces the evolving relationship between women, public spaces, and citizenship and dissent by analyzing acts of dissent led by women. The paper outlines this relationship in the context of the protests held in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), National Registry of Citizens (NRC), and National Population Register (NPR) in 2019. Additionally, the paper aims to explore how the multiple identities of the protestors in Shaheen Bagh affected the nature, implications, and responses to the protests. To do so, the paper will analyze three key areas in relationship with women, namely, public spaces, citizenship, and dissent. In doing so, it will examine the gendered access to public spaces and its implications on the realization of one’s citizenship rights. Moreover, it will explore the historical notions of citizenship, its contemporary understanding, the exclusionary nature of citizenship, and the conflict between community rights and individual rights with respect to women’s rights. In context of dissent, it will evaluate the understanding of dissent and trace the difference in the experience of dissent based on gender by reviewing social movements led and maintained by women. This paper will utilize secondary data to explore the questions it poses. This includes a study of books and journal articles in conjunction with media reports concerning gender, public spaces, citizenship, and dissent. It will apply an intersectional lens in its analysis.

Keywords: citizenship, dissent, public spaces, Shaheen Bagh, women

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Authors: Ziyad Motala

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It is often proclaimed by leasers in Muslim majority countries that Islamic Law does not permit dissent against a ruler. This paper will evaluate and discuss freedom of speech and dissent as found in concrete prophetic examples during the time of the Prophet Muhammad. It will further look at the examples and practices during the time of the four Noble Caliphs, the immediate successors to the Prophet Muhammad. It will argue that the positivist position of absolute obedience to a ruler is inconsistent with the prophetic tradition. The examples of the Prophet and his immediate four successors (whose lessons Sunni Islam considers to be a source of Islamic Law) demonstrates among the earliest example of freedom of speech and dissent in human history. That tradition frowned upon an inert and uninvolved citizenry. It will conclude with lessons for modern day Muslim majority countries arguing with empirical evidence that freedom of speech, dissent and the right to be governed by consensus versus coercion are fundamental requisites of Islamic law.

Keywords: islamic law, demoracy, freedom of speech, right to dissent

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Authors: Andrea Scapolo, Zaya Rustamova, Arturo Matute Castro

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The “Voices in Dissent” initiative aims at collecting and making available in a digital format, testimonies, letters, and other narratives produced by victims of political oppression from different geographical spaces across the Atlantic. By recovering silenced voices behind the official narratives, this open-access online database will provide indispensable tools for rewriting the history of authoritarian regimes from the margins as memory debates continue to provoke controversy among academic and popular transnational circles. In providing an extensive database of non-hegemonic discourses in a variety of political and social contexts, the project will complement the existing European and Latin-American studies, and invite further interdisciplinary and trans-national research. This digital resource will be available to academic communities and the general audience and will be organized geographically and chronologically. “Voices in Dissent” will offer a first comprehensive study of these personal accounts of persecution and repression against determined historical backgrounds and their impact on collective memory formation in contemporary societies. The digitalization of these texts will allow to run metadata analyses and adopt comparatist approaches for a broad range of research endeavors. Most of the testimonies included in our archive are testimonies of trauma: the trauma of exile, imprisonment, torture, humiliation, censorship. The research on trauma has now reached critical mass and offers a broad spectrum of critical perspectives. By putting together testimonies from different geographical and historical contexts, our project will provide readers and scholars with an extraordinary opportunity to investigate how culture shapes individual and collective memories and provides or denies resources to make sense and cope with the trauma. For scholars dealing with the epistemological and rhetorical analysis of testimonies, an online open-access archive will prove particularly beneficial to test theories on truth status and the formation of belief as well as to study the articulation of discourse. An important aspect of this project is also its pedagogical applications since it will contribute to the creation of Open Educational Resources (OER) to support students and educators worldwide. Through collaborations with our Library System, the archive will form part of the Digital Commons database. The texts collected in this online archive will be made available in the original languages as well as in English translation. They will be accompanied by a critical apparatus that will contextualize them historically by providing relevant background information and bibliographical references. All these materials can serve as a springboard for a broad variety of educational projects and classroom activities. They can also be used to design specific content courses or modules. In conclusion, the desirable outcomes of the “Voices in Dissent” project are: 1. the collections and digitalization of political dissent testimonies; 2. the building of a network of scholars, educators, and learners involved in the design, development, and sustainability of the digital archive; 3. the integration of the content of the archive in both research and teaching endeavors, such as publication of scholarly articles, design of new upper-level courses, and integration of the materials in existing courses.

Keywords: digital archive, dissent, open educational resources, testimonies, transatlantic studies

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Authors: Yousef Barahmeh

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There is a wide cultural belief that Jordanians are po-faced and unable to produce humour and satire. However, in the light of the harbingers of the Arab Spring in the early 2011, socio-political satire has thrived notably in social media as a rigorous act of critique and dissent against the institutionalized discourse. This paper seeks to explore the case study of Ahmad Hassan al-Zou’bi’s satirical articles and Facebook posts in the context of theories of satire and digital politics. Al-Zou’bi is the most prominent and prolific Jordanian satirist who rose to prominence after the Arab Spring. The analysis shows that his satirical articles provide a vintage point to the rhetoric behind the socio-political and economic reform programs as much as the adverse impact of neoliberal governments in the modern history of Jordan.

Keywords: Arab Spring, digital politics, humour and socio-political satire

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Authors: A. Brigitte Coles

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In order to be successful in a campaign against terror and maintain a favorable world order, we must recognize the effects of priming, framing, and agenda setting on the public sphere, and address how terrorist organizations are able to manipulate language and symbols to shift public opinion and increase recruitment success. Because of their unprecedented activity in the region and foreign recruitment success, this study specifically addresses how the Islamic State (IS/ISIS/ISIL) manipulates the public sphere to amplify support and increase western recruitment. By following a grounded theory methodology and coding triangulated data from IS propaganda, a model for the process of terrorist recruitment has emerged, concerning both environments and personalities susceptible to recruitment, and the steps by which an extremist can be created. This has resulted in the ability to reverse engineer a method by which counter recruitment operations can be facilitated in an effort to lessen the vulnerability of areas and individuals, as well as create dissent among current extremists.

Keywords: countering violent extremism, counter-terrorism, recruitment, overton window

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Authors: Zouhir Gabsi

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The Arab Spring has had noticeable effects on Tunisia in socio-economic, political, and cultural terms. Few have predicted that the music of hip-hop and rap could engage with the socio-political situation in Tunisia, especially after the downfall of Ben Ali’s regime. Having survived as underground music since the year 2000, the genre of hip-hop and rap remains an aberration from the folkloric tradition. By adhering to the socio-economic reality of the Tunisian street, rappers attempt to claim authenticity mainly in both thematic and language uses, and by usurping the power of ‘space’ from the regime’s control. With the songs’ fast-paced rhythms, catchy phrases, puns, vulgarisms, and linguistic innovations using metaphors, hip-hop, and rap have struck a chord with Tunisia’s youth. Tunisia’s new social reality has allowed Tunisian rappers to express dissent and voice people’s despair over the socio-economic and political situation. This paper argues that rap artists use language as a vehicle to claim the authenticity of their message. It also explores how the performative nature of the language of hip-hop and rap interacts with the Tunisian culture and argues the power of music in the context of political and socio-economic grievances in post-Arab Spring Tunisia.

Keywords: Arab Spring, hip-hop, eevolution, Tunisia, Tunisian Arabic

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Authors: Bülent Diken

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This paper looks to set Ridley Scott’s original film Blade Runner (1982) and Denis Villeneuve’s Blade Runner 2049 (2017) in order to provide an analysis of both films with respect to the new configurations of slavery in the 21st century. Both Blade Runner films present a de-politicized society that oscillates between two extremes: the spectral (the eye, optics, digital communications) and the biopolitical (the body, haptics). On the one hand, recognizing the subject only as a sign, the society of the spectacle registers, identifies, produces and reproduces the subject as a code. At the same time, though, the subject is constantly reduced to a naked body, to bare life, for biometric technologies to scan it as a biological body or body parts. Being simultaneously a pure code (word without body) and an instrument slave (body without word), the replicants are thus the paradigmatic subjects of this society. The paper focuses first on the similarity: both films depict a relationship between masters and slaves, that is, a despotic relationship. The master uses the (body of the) slave as an instrument, as an extension of his own body. Blade Runner 2019 frames the despotic relation in this classical way through its triangulation with the economy (the Tyrell Corporation) and the slave-replicants’ dissent (rejecting their reduction to mere instruments). In a counter-classical approach, in Blade Runner 2049, the focus shifts to another triangulation: despotism, economy (the Wallace Corporation) and consent (of replicants who no longer perceive themselves as slaves).

Keywords: Blade Runner, the spectacle, bio-politics, slavery, imstrumentalisation

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Authors: A. F. Chikerema

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Political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalization” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power (Van Wyk:2007: p1). Political parties just like any other organizations always need leadership renewal and revamping, besides ideological and policy renewal. Zimbabwean politics present a shunned leadership renewal as reflected by the two champion political parties namely ZANU PF and MDC-T. Despite hot political power contestation between MDC and ZANUPF, the parties` internal structures are hinged on the two Godfather or Father figure that is Mugabe and Tsvangirai. They are the “labels “behind the two political parties. The suppressing of dissent voice on succession and renewal of leadership in the two parties has brew resistance from within and this has resulted in factional fights within the two political parties. The disgruntlement in the political parties has led to the stemming of the ‘bhoramusango concept’ from the electorate and party cadres whereby they are throwing or donating away their votes to other political parties. The ‘bhoramusango’ concept haunted ZANUPF in 2008 leading to its defeat by the opposition MDC-T .The paper takes the form of an analytic approach on leadership crisis in Zimbabwe. The narrative is framed on key concepts of leadership: namely leadership renewal and leadership succession, as agents operating within inherited structures negotiated political settlements, and form structures of leadership. Rulers gave priority to the consolidation of state power by installing party loyalists in the armed forces, civil service and local government. As part of this process, rulers have ensured consolidated power and authority.

Keywords: leadership renewal, leadership succession, ‘Bhora Musango’, political culture, political legitimacy

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Authors: Javeria Khurshid

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The aim of this study is to bring forth the interpretation that Agha Shahid Ali in his verses exhibits. The study will focus on the conflict and chaos in his verses, reflecting the sense of identity attached to Kashmir. His verse advertently depicts the political turmoil and social dissent in the 'un-silent' valley, and ultimately, it expresses the chaos, anguish, and suffering, a sense of longing and belonging to this conflicted state of 'being' as well as 'mind.' Agha Shahid Ali, Kashmiri- American poet who writes of Kashmiri tragedies that continue to remain unarticulated and unheard to the major parts of world, articulates the narrative that showcases the conflicted self of Kashmiris in general and Ali’s in particular. The focus of the paper will be his poetry that debunks the claims of civility and how Kashmiri identity is kept either maligned or obscured in the major narratives that arise from the mainstream writers. However, Ali’s verses are substantially broad and clear, and very brilliantly, he rewrites Kashmir in his avid and novel voice, his verses embracing the Kashmiri self, effectively anew in English language. The paper will clearly indicate how Ali remains true to his name, 'shaheed' and 'shahid,' both a martyr and witness. Ali’s fate has been intricately entangled with Kashmir, even after his untimely death. He has fully and beautifully immersed himself in the surreal world of the conflict prevalent in the Valley, and this paper will examine the grotesque and gory history that has been spanning over the years in Kashmir with never ending cycle of conflict. The originality and innovation of his poetry surfaces from the anarchy of Kashmir, spanning between its culture, historical context, the art of memory and imagery.

Keywords: identity, self, turmoil, Kashmir

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Authors: Ahmed Tahsin Shams

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The right to dissent through any form of art has been facing challenges through various strict legal measures, particularly since 2018 when the Government of Bangladesh passed the Digital Security Act 2018 (DSA). Therefore, the references to ‘popular’ culture mostly include mainstream religious and national festivals and exclude critical intellectual representation of specific political allusions in any form of storytelling: whether wall art or fiction writing, since the post-DSA period in Bangladesh. Through inductive quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches, this paper aims to study the pattern of censorship, detention or custodial tortures against artists and the banning approach by the Bangladeshi government in the last five years, specifically against static visual arts, i.e., cartoon and wall art. The pattern drawn from these data attempts to redefine the popular notion of ‘pop culture’ as an unorganized folk or mass culture. The results also hypothesize how the post-DSA period forcefully constructs ‘pop culture’ as a very organized repetitive deception of enlightenment or entertainment. Thus the argument theorizes that this censoring trend is a fascist approach making the artists subaltern. So, in this socio-political context, these two similar and overlapping elements: culture and art, are vastly separated in two streams: the former being appreciated by the power, and the latter is a fearful concern for the power. Therefore, the purpose of art also shifts from entertainment to an act of rebellion, adding more layers to the new postmodern definition of ‘pop culture.’

Keywords: popular culture, visual arts, censoring trend, fascist approach, subaltern, digital security act

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Authors: Amrashaa Singh

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In the digital age and the large cyberspace, Data Protection and Privacy have become major issues in this technological era. There was a time when social media and online shopping websites were treated as a blessing for the people. But now the tables have turned, and the people have started to look at them with suspicion. They are getting aware of the privacy implications, and they do not feel as safe as they used to initially. When Edward Snowden informed the world about the snooping United States Security Agencies had been doing, that is when the picture became clear for the people. After the Cambridge Analytica case where the data of Facebook users were stored without their consent, the doubts arose in the minds of people about how safe they actually are. In India, the case of spyware Pegasus also raised a lot of concerns. It was used to snoop on a lot of human right activists and lawyers and the company which invented the spyware claims that it only sells it to the government. The paper will be dealing with the privacy concerns in the Indian perspective with an analytical methodology. The Supreme Court here had recently declared a right to privacy a Fundamental Right under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. Further, the Government is also working on the Data Protection Bill. The point to note is that India is still a developing country, and with the bill, the government aims at data localization. But there are doubts in the minds of many people that the Government would actually be snooping on the data of the individuals. It looks more like an attempt to curb dissenters ‘lawfully’. The focus of the paper would be on these issues in India in light of the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). The Indian Data Protection Bill is also said to be loosely based on EU GDPR. But how helpful would these laws actually be is another concern since the economic and social conditions in both countries are very different? The paper aims at discussing these concerns, how good or bad is the intention of the government behind the bill, and how the nations can act together and draft common regulations so that there is some uniformity in the laws and their application.

Keywords: Article 21, data protection, dissent, fundamental right, India, privacy

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Authors: Ghazal Faraj, Andras Micsik

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The CIDOC Conceptual Reference Model (CRM) is an extensible ontology that provides integrated access to heterogeneous and digital datasets. The CIDOC-CRM offers a “semantic glue” intended to promote accessibility to several diverse and dispersed sources of cultural heritage data. That is achieved by providing a formal structure for the implicit and explicit concepts and their relationships in the cultural heritage field. The COURAGE (“Cultural Opposition – Understanding the CultuRal HeritAGE of Dissent in the Former Socialist Countries”) project aimed to explore methods about socialist-era cultural resistance during 1950-1990 and planned to serve as a basis for further narratives and digital humanities (DH) research. This project highlights the diversity of flourished alternative cultural scenes in Eastern Europe before 1989. Moreover, the dataset of COURAGE is an online RDF-based registry that consists of historical people, organizations, collections, and featured items. For increasing the inter-links between different datasets and retrieving more relevant data from various data silos, a shared federated ontology for reconciled data is needed. As a first step towards these goals, a full understanding of the CIDOC CRM ontology (target ontology), as well as the COURAGE dataset, was required to start the work. Subsequently, the queries toward the ontology were determined, and a table of equivalent properties from COURAGE and CIDOC CRM was created. The structural diagrams that clarify the mapping process and construct queries are on progress to map person, organization, and collection entities to the ontology. Through mapping the COURAGE dataset to CIDOC-CRM ontology, the dataset will have a common ontological foundation with several other datasets. Therefore, the expected results are: 1) retrieving more detailed data about existing entities, 2) retrieving new entities’ data, 3) aligning COURAGE dataset to a standard vocabulary, 4) running distributed SPARQL queries over several CIDOC-CRM datasets and testing the potentials of distributed query answering using SPARQL. The next plan is to map CIDOC-CRM to other upper-level ontologies or large datasets (e.g., DBpedia, Wikidata), and address similar questions on a wide variety of knowledge bases.

Keywords: CIDOC CRM, cultural heritage data, COURAGE dataset, ontology alignment

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Authors: Shivani Yadav

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The paper illustrates dynamics of nuclear resistance movements in India and how peoples’ power rises in response to subversion of justice and suppression of human rights. The need for democratizing nuclear policy runs implicit through the demands of the people protesting against nuclear programmes. The paper analyses the rationale behind developing nuclear energy according to the mainstream development model adopted by the state. Whether the prevalent nuclear discourse includes people’s ambitions and addresses local concerns or not is discussed. Primarily, the nuclear movements across India comprise of two types of actors i.e. the local population as well as the urban interlocutors. The first type of actor is the local population comprising of the people who are residing in the vicinity of the nuclear site and are affected by its construction, presence and operation. They have very immediate concerns against nuclear energy projects but also have an ideological stand against producing nuclear energy. The other types of actors are the urban interlocutors, who are the intellectuals and nuclear activists who have a principled stand against nuclear energy and help to aggregate the aims and goals of the movement on various platforms. The paper focuses on the nuclear resistance movements at five sites in India- Koodankulam (Tamil Nadu), Jaitapur (Maharashtra), Haripur (West Bengal), Mithivirdi (Gujrat) and Gorakhpur (Haryana). The origin, development, role of major actors and mass media coverage of all these movements are discussed in depth. Major observations from the Indian case include: first, nuclear policy discussions in India are confined to elite circles; secondly, concepts like national security and national interest are used to suppress dissent against mainstream policies; and thirdly, India’s energy policies focus on economic concerns while ignoring the human implications of such policies. In conclusion, the paper observes that the anti-nuclear movements question not just the feasibility of nuclear power but also its exclusionary nature when it comes to people’s participation in policy making, endangering the ecology, violation of human rights, etc. The character of these protests is non-violent with an aim to produce more inclusive policy debates and democratic dialogues.

Keywords: anti-nuclear movements, Koodankulam nuclear power plant, non-violent resistance, nuclear resistance movements, social movements

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Authors: Gina M. Newton

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Australia’s Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act (EPBC Act) is the premiere, national law under which species and 'ecological communities' (i.e., like ecosystems) can be formally recognised and 'listed' as threatened across all jurisdictions. The listing process involves assessment against a range of criteria (similar to the IUCN process) to demonstrate conservation status (i.e., vulnerable, endangered, critically endangered, etc.) based on the best available science. Over the past decade in Australia, there’s been a transition from almost solely terrestrial to the first aquatic threatened ecological community (TEC or ecosystem) listings (e.g., River Murray, Macquarie Marshes, Coastal Saltmarsh, Salt-wedge Estuaries). All constitute large areas, with some including multiple state jurisdictions. Development of these conservation and listing advices has enabled, for the first time, a more forensic analysis of three key factors across a range of aquatic and coastal ecosystems: -the contribution of invasive species to conservation status, -how to demonstrate and attribute decline in 'ecological integrity' to conservation status, and, -identification of related priority conservation actions for management. There is increasing global recognition of the disproportionate degree of biodiversity loss within aquatic ecosystems. In Australia, legislative protection at Commonwealth or State levels remains one of the strongest conservation measures. Such laws have associated compliance mechanisms for breaches to the protected status. They also trigger the need for environment impact statements during applications for major developments (which may be denied). However, not all jurisdictions have such laws in place. There remains much opposition to the listing of freshwater systems – for example, the River Murray (Australia's largest river) and Macquarie Marshes (an internationally significant wetland) were both disallowed by parliament four months after formal listing. This was mainly due to a change of government, dissent from a major industry sector, and a 'loophole' in the law. In Australia, at least in the immediate to medium-term time frames, invasive species (aliens, native pests, pathogens, etc.) appear to be the number one biotic threat to the biodiversity and ecological function and integrity of our aquatic ecosystems. Consequently, this should be considered a current priority for research, conservation, and management actions. Another key outcome from this analysis was the recognition that drawing together multiple lines of evidence to form a 'conservation narrative' is a more useful approach to assigning conservation status. This also helps to addresses a glaring gap in long-term ecological data sets in Australia, which often precludes a more empirical data-driven approach. An important lesson also emerged – the recognition that while conservation must be underpinned by the best available scientific evidence, it remains a 'social and policy' goal rather than a 'scientific' goal. Communication, engagement, and 'politics' necessarily play a significant role in achieving conservation goals and need to be managed and resourced accordingly.

Keywords: aquatic ecosystem conservation, conservation law, ecological integrity, invasive species

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Authors: Probuddha Mukhopadhyay

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The infiltration of key elements to the civil structure is foraying its way to reclaim, what is its own. The reclamation of lives and spaces, once challenged, becomes a consistent process of ingress, disguised as parallels to the moving city, disperses into discourses often unheard of and conveniently forgotten. In this age of 'hyper'-urbanization, there are solutions suggested to a plethora of issues faced by citizens, in improving their standards of living. Problems are ancillary to proposals that emerge out of the underlying disorders of the townscape. These interventions result in the formulation of urban policies, to consolidate and optimize, to regularize and to streamline resources. Policy and practice are processes where the politics in policies define the way in which urban solutions are prescribed. Social constraints, that formulate the various cycles of order and disorders within the urban realm, are the stigmas for such interventions. There is often a direct relation of policy to place, no matter how people-centric it may seem to be projected. How we live our lives depends on where we live our lives - a relative statement for urban problems, varies from city to city. Communal compositions, welfare, crisis, socio-economic balance, need for management are the generic roots for urban policy formulation. However, in reality, the gentry administering its environmentalism is the criterion, that shapes and defines the values and expanse of such policies. In relation to the psycho-spatial characteristic of urban spheres with respect to the other side of this game, there have been instances, where the associational values have been reshaped by interests. The public domain reclaimed for exclusivity, thus creating fortified neighborhoods. Here, the citizen cumulative is often drifted by proposals that would over time deplete such landscapes of the city. It is the organized rebellion that in turn formulates further inward looking enclaves of latent aggression. In recent times, it has been observed that the unbalanced division of power and the implied processes of regulating the weak, stem the rebellion who respond in kits and parts. This is a phenomenon that mimics the guerilla warfare tactics, in order to have systems straightened out, either by manipulations or by force. This is the form of the city determined by the various forms insinuated by the state of city wide decisions. This study is an attempt at understanding the way in which development is interpreted by the state and the civil society and the role that community driven processes undertake to reinstate their claims to the city. This is a charter of consolidated patterns of negotiations that tend to counter policies. The research encompasses a study of various contested settlements in two cities of India- Mumbai and Kolkata, tackling dissent through spatial order. The study has been carried out to identify systems - formal and informal, catering to the most challenged interests of the people with respect to their habitat, a model to counter the top-down authoritative framework challenging the legitimacy of such settlements.

Keywords: urban design, insurgence, tactical urbanism, urban governance, civil society, state

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Authors: Christine Wiesenthal

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This paper asks how to read a particularly vexed and complicated life writing text. For over half a century, the wartime journals of Ruth Andreas Friedrich (1901-1977) circulated as among a handful of more or less authoritative and “authentic” first-hand accounts of German resistance under Hitler. A professional journalist, Andreas Friedrich is remembered today largely through her publications at the war’s end, which appeared in English as Berlin Underground (published by Henry Holt in 1947), just before their publication in Germany as Der Schattenmann “The Shadow Man” (also in 1947). A British edition by the now obscure Latimer House Limited (London) followed in 1948; it is based closely on but is not identical to, the Henry Holt American edition, which in turn differs significantly from its German counterpart. Both Berlin Underground and Der Schattenmann figure Andreas-Friedrich as a key figure in an anti-fascist cell that operated in Berlin under the code name “Uncle Emil,” and provide a riveting account of political terror, opportunism, and dissent under the Nazi regime. Recent scholars have, however, begun to raise fascinating and controversial questions about Andreas-Friedrich’s own writing/reconstruction process in compiling the journals and about her highly selective curatorial role and claims. The apparent absence of any surviving original manuscript for Andreas-Friedrich’s journals amplifies the questions around them. Crucially, so too does the role of the translator of the English editions of Berlin Underground, the enigmatic June Barrows Mussey, a subject that has thus far gone virtually unnoticed and which this paper will focus on. Mussey, a prolific American translator, simultaneously cultivated a career as a professional magician, publishing a number of books on that subject under the alias Henry Hay. While the record indicates that Mussey attempted to compartmentalize his professional life, research into the publishing and translation history of Berlin Underground suggests that the two roles converge in the fact of the translator’s invisibility, by effacing the traces of his own hand and leaving unmarked his own significant textual interventions, Mussey, in effect, edited, abridged, and altered Andreas Friedrich’s journals for the second time. In fact, it could be said that while the fictitious “Uncle Emil” is positioned as “the shadow man” of the German edition, Mussey himself also emerges as precisely that in the English rendering of the journals. The implications of Mussey’s translation of Andreas Friedrich’s journals are one of the most important un-examined gaps in the shadowy publishing history of Berlin Underground, a history full of “tricks” (Mussey’s words) and illusions of transparency. Based largely on archival research of unpublished materials and methods of close reading and comparative analysis, this study will seek to convey some preliminary insights and exploratory work and frame questions toward what is ultimately envisioned as an experimental project in poetic historiography. As this work is still in the early stages, it would be especially welcome to have the opportunity provided by this conference to connect with a community of life writing colleagues who might help think through some of the challenges and possibilities that lie ahead.

Keywords: women’s wartime diaries, translation studies, auto/biographical theory, politics of life writing

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Authors: Zhiwei Wang

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Much emphasis has been placed on the political dimension of digitised Chinese national(ist) discourses and their embodied national identities, which neglects other important dimensions constitutive of their discursive nature. A further investigation into how Chinese national(ist) discourses are daily (re)shaped online by diverse socio-political actors (especially ordinary users) is crucial, which can contribute to not only deeper understandings of Chinese national sentiments on China’s Internet beyond the excessive focus on their passionate, political-charged facet but also richer insights into the socio-technical ecology of the contemporary Chinese digital (and physical) world. This research adopts an ethnographic methodology, by which ‘fieldsites’ are Sina Weibo and bilibili. The primary data collection method is virtual ethnographic observation on everyday national(ist) discussions on both platforms. If data obtained via observations do not suffice to answer research questions, in-depth online qualitative interviews with ‘key actors’ identified from those observations in discursively (re)producing Chinese national identity on each ‘fieldsite’ will be conducted, to complement data gathered through the first method. Critical discourse analysis is employed to analyse data. During the process of data coding, NVivo is utilised. From November 2021 to December 2022, 35 weeks’ digital ethnographic observations have been conducted, with 35 sets of fieldnotes obtained. The strategy adopted for the initial stage of observations was keyword searching, which means typing into the search box on Sina Weibo and bilibili any keywords related to China as a nation and then observing the search results. Throughout 35 weeks’ online ethnographic observations, six keywords have been employed on Sina Weibo and two keywords on bilibili. For 35 weeks’ observations, textual content created by ordinary users have been concentrated much upon. Based on the fieldnotes of the first week’s observations, multifarious national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili have been found, targeted both at national ‘Others’ and ‘Us’, both on the historical and real-world dimension, both aligning with and differing from or even conflicting with official discourses, both direct national(ist) expressions and articulations of sentiments in the name of presentation of national(ist) attachments but for other purposes. Second, Sina Weibo and bilibili users have agency in interpreting and deploying concrete national(ist) discourses despite the leading role played by the government and the two platforms in deciding on the basic framework of national expressions. Besides, there are also disputes and even quarrels between users in terms of explanations for concrete components of ‘nation-ness’ and (in)direct dissent to officially defined ‘mainstream’ discourses to some extent, though often expressed much more mundanely, discursively and playfully. Third, the (re)production process of national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili depends upon not only technical affordances and limitations of the two sites but also, to a larger degree, some established socio-political mechanisms and conventions in the offline China, e.g., the authorities’ acquiescence of citizens’ freedom in understanding and explaining concrete elements of national discourses while setting the basic framework of national narratives to the extent that citizens’ own national(ist) expressions do not reach political bottom lines and develop into mobilising power to shake social stability.

Keywords: national identity, national(ist) discourse(s), everyday nationhood/nationalism, Chinese nationalism, digital nationalism

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Authors: Tatiana Rizova

Abstract:

The migrant crisis, which peaked in 2015-2016, posed an unprecedented challenge to the European Union’s (EU) newest member states, including Bulgaria and Hungary. Their governments had to formulate sound migration policies with expediency and sensitivity to the needs of millions of people fleeing violent conflicts in the Middle East and failed states in North Africa. Political leaders in post-communist countries had to carefully coordinate with other EU member states on joint policies and solutions while minimizing the risk of alienating their increasingly anti-migrant domestic constituents. Post-communist member states’ governments chose distinct policy responses to the crisis, which were dictated by factors such as their governments’ partisan stances on migration, their views of the European Union, and the decision to frame the crisis as a security or a humanitarian issue. This paper explores how two Bulgarian governments (Boyko Borisov’s second and third government formed during the 43rd and 44th Bulgarian National Assembly, respectively) navigated the processes of EU migration policy making and managing the expectations of their electorates. Based on a comparative analysis of refugee policies in Bulgaria and Hungary during the height of the crisis (2015-2016) and a temporal analysis of refugee policies in Bulgaria (2015-2018), the paper advances the following conclusions. Drawing on insights of the Copenhagen school of security studies, the paper argues that cultural concerns dominated domestic debates in both Bulgaria and Hungary; both governments framed the issue predominantly as a matter of security rather than humanitarian disaster. Regardless of the similarities in issue framing, however, the two governments sought different paths of tackling the crisis. While the Bulgarian government demonstrated its willingness to comply with EU decisions (such as the proposal for mandatory quotas for refugee relocation), the Hungarian government defied EU directives and became a leading voice of dissent inside the EU. The current Bulgarian government (April 2017 - present) appears to be committed to complying with EU decisions and accepts the strategy of EU burden-sharing, while the Hungarian government has continually snubbed the EU’s appeals for cooperation despite the risk of hefty financial penalties. Hungary’s refugee policies have been influenced by the parliamentary representation of the far right-wing party Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), which has encouraged the majority party (FIDESZ) to adopt harsher anti-migrant rhetoric and more hostile policies toward refugees. Bulgaria’s current government is a coalition of the center-right Citizens for a European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) and its far right-wing junior partners – the United Patriots (comprised of three nationalist political parties). The parliamentary presence of Jobbik in Hungary’s parliament has magnified the anti-migrant stance, rhetoric, and policies of Mr. Orbán’s Civic Alliance; we have yet to observe a substantial increase in the anti-migrant rhetoric and policies in Bulgaria’s case. Analyzing responses to the migrant/refugee crisis is a critical opportunity to understand how issues of cultural identity and belonging, inclusion and exclusion, regional integration and disintegration are debated and molded into policy in Europe’s youngest member states in the broader EU context.

Keywords: Copenhagen School, migrant crisis, refugees, security

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