Commenced in January 2007
Frequency: Monthly
Edition: International
Paper Count: 11

Search results for: radicalism

11 Prevention of Student Radicalism in School through Civic Education

Authors: Triyanto


Radicalism poses a real threat to Indonesia's future. The target of radicalism is the youth of Indonesia. This is proven by the majority of terrorists are young people. Radicalization is not only a repressive act but also requires educational action. One of the educational efforts is civic education. This study discusses the prevention of radicalism for students through civic education and its constraints. This is qualitative research. Data were collected through literature studies, observations and in-depth interviews. Data were validated by triangulation. The sample of this research is 30 high school students in Surakarta. Data were analyzed by the interactive model of analysis from Miles & Huberman. The results show that (1) civic education can be a way of preventing student radicalism in schools in the form of cultivating the values of education through learning in the classroom and outside the classroom; (2) The obstacles encountered include the lack of learning facilities, the limited ability of teachers and the low attention of students to the civic education.

Keywords: prevention, radicalism, senior high school student, civic education

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10 Millenial Muslim Women’s Views on Religious Identity and Religious Leaders: The Role of the State on Religious Issues and Religious Radicalism in Jakarta

Authors: Achmad Muchadam Fahham, Sony Hendra Permana


Millennial Muslims are a generation of young people between 20-30 years. They will play an important role in various aspects of life for the next 10 to 20 years. In Indonesia, the population of this generation is quite large and in the next ten to twenty years they will occupy strategic position in various fields of social, economic and political life. One of the characteristics of the millenials generation are always connected to the internet and independence to learn anything from the internet. In terms of religion, the majority of millennial are Muslim. In digital era, the generation of millenial Muslim is vulnerable to the influence of radical Islamic thinking because of their easy access to that thought on social media, new media, and the books they read. This study seeks to examine the religious views of millennial Muslim women in four main focuses, namely religious identity, religious leaders, the role of the state on religious issues, and religious radicalism. This study was conducted with a qualitative approach, the data collection was carried out by the interview method. The study was conducted in Jakarta, mainly in religious study groups located in several mosques and shopping center in Jakarta. This study is expected to portray the religious views of millennial Muslim women, especially their commitment to Islamic identity, their views on the authority of religious leaders, the role of the state in various religious problems, and religious radicalism.

Keywords: millenial Muslims, radicalism, muslim mowen, religious identity

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9 Indicators of Radicalization in Prisons Facilities: Identification and Assessment

Authors: David Kramsky, Barbora Vegrichtova


The prison facility is generally considered as an environment having a corrective purpose. Besides the social sense of remedy, prison is also an environment that potentially determines and affects socially dangerous behavior. The authors, based on long-term empirical research, present the significant indicators that are directly related to the transformation of personality attitudes, motivations and behavior associating with a process of radicalization. One of the most significant symptoms of radicalization is a particular social moral decision making. Individuals in the radicalism process primarily prefer utilitarian manners of decision-making more than personal aspects like empathy for others. The authors will present the method of social moral profiling of the subject in radicalization process as an effective prevention system reducing security risks in society.

Keywords: indicators, moral decision, radicalism, social profile

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8 Black, Not Red: A Historical Revision of the Origins of European Islamist Violence, 1978-1989

Authors: Michele Benazzo


In the existing historical narrative, religiously-inspired violence in Europe -notably Islamism- de facto substituted the 1970s’ Leftist terrorism. Such a vision narrowly replicates David Rapoport’s theory, according to which modern terrorism underwent a four-step historical evolution progressing, alternatively, through Anarchist, anti-Colonial, Leftist and, finally, Religious violence. As grounded on a top-down methodology, Rapoport’s approach does not explicitly evaluate how thishistorical evolution developed in detail and leaves the causal mechanism of such a progression rather general. In turn, this paper wishes to explore such a historical narrative by asking how the shift from Leftist to Islamist violence occurred. By taking Britain as a case study and using recently opened archival resources, this paper aims to challenge Rapoport’s vision by reconstructing, with a bottom-up approach, the historical shift from Leftist to Religious violence. This work argues that, contrary to the existing scholarship, European Islamism did not move from the larger Leftist milieu but, more narrowly, from European Black radicalism. This paper will, first, critically evaluate Rapoport’s theory and introduce the relevance of the case study under scrutiny. Second, it will assess how, since the second half of the 1970s, Black radicalism progressively detached from the more prominent British Leftist landscape. Third, it will evaluate how Black and Leftist radical groups, despite some overlaps, developed autonomously and independently. Finally, it will analyze how British Islamism exploited some specifically-Black grievances, rather than the larger Leftist radical environment, to carve out his own radical space and attract recruits. By assessing European Black radicalism more directly, this paper hopes to encourage a broader debate on the existing historical narrative of European political violence and, more broadly, the role of Black radical groups and culture in the more extensive European History.

Keywords: black radicalism, islamism, history of terrorism, leftist violence

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7 ASEAN Our Eyes: A Strategic Information Exchange Platform on Counter-Terrorism

Authors: Nila Febri Wilujeng, Helda Risman


Enjoying stable security within its region for the last 50 years, ASEAN nowadays contends with the global context emerging dynamically, which brings about multidimensional challenges and threats such as terrorism, radicalism, armed rebellion, hijacking, and other non-traditional threats. Dealing with these circumstances, ASEAN member states tighten its capacity by enhancing regional cooperation and strategic information exchange among ASEAN member states so-called ASEAN Our Eyes. This initiative adopted for the sake of forestalling any possible threat posed by violent extremism, radicalization, and terrorism through timely strategic information exchange among ASEAN member states. By using qualitative method, this paper will utilize regional security complex and international cooperation theories in analyzing the process to examine ASEAN Our Eyes based on its terms of reference. As a result, it portrays that ASEAN Our Eyes is able to undermine the gaps in the realm of strategic information exchange in monitoring the movement of violent extremism, radicalism, foreign terrorist fighters, and crime-terror nexus. However, it remains premature as a strategic measure to encounter those threats in the years to come.

Keywords: regional cooperation, counter-terrorism, ASEAN our eyes, strategic information exchange

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6 The Role of Moroccan Salafist Radicalism in Creating Threat to Spain’s Security

Authors: Stanislaw Kosmynka


Although the genesis of the activity of fighting salafist radicalism in Spain dates back to the 80’s, the development of extremism of this kind manifested itself only in the next decade. Its first permanently functioning structures in this country in the second half of 90’s of 20th century came from Algieria and Syria. At the same time it should be emphasized that this distinction is in many dimensions conventional, the more so because they consisted also of immigrants from other coutries of Islam, particularly from Morocco. The paper seeks to understand the radical salafist challenge for Spain in the context of some terrorist networks consisted of immigrants from Morocco. On the eve of the new millennium Moroccan jihadists played an increasingly important role. Although the activity of these groups had for many years mainly logistical and propaganda character, the bomb attack carried out on 11 March 2004 in Madrid constituted an expression of open forms of terrorism, directed against the authorities and society of Spain and reflected the narration of representatives of the trend of the global jihad. The people involved in carrying out that act of violence were to a large extent Moroccan immigrants; also in the following years among the cells of radicals in Spain Moroccans stood out many times. That is why the forms and directions of activity of these extremists in Spain, also after 11th March 2004 and in the actual context of the impact of Islamic State, are worth presenting. The paper is focused on threats to the security of Spain and the region and remains connected with the issues of mutual relations of the society of a host country with immigrant communities which to a large degree come from this part of Maghreb.

Keywords: jihadi terrorism, Morocco, radical salafism, security, Spain, terrorist cells, threat

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5 Strengthening Deradicalizing Islamist Extremism in Indonesia: A Victim-Centred Approach

Authors: Milda Istiqomah


Deradicalization program has long been the subject of investigation. There is a steadily growing interest in examining the results on how Islamist terrorists agree to abandon violence and leave radicalism; however, it is argued that de-radicalization program on terrorism in many countries is still questionable for its effectiveness. This article aims to provide an overview of the deradicalization program specifically related to the victim-centred approach conducted by the Indonesian government and investigates critical issues surrounding the analysis of their effectiveness and outcomes. This research employs several case studies of a victim-centred approach conducted by the Indonesian Witness and Victim Protection Agency as well as the Indonesian Counter-terrorism Agency. This paper argues that the victim-centred approach to de-radicalize former terrorist prisoners faces several implemental challenges; however, the initiative may offer promise for future successful de-radicalization program. Furthermore, until more data surrounding the efficacy of this initiative available, the victim-centred approach may also constitute a significant and essential component of disengagement, de-radicalisation, and reintegration of terrorist prisoners. In conclusion, this paper suggests that further empirical research concerning prevention policies and disengagement interventions related to victim-centred approach need to be explored to give more inputs to the Indonesian government to achieve the effectiveness of de-radicalization program.

Keywords: terrorism, victim-centred approach, de-radicalization, Islamist extremism

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4 Al-Azhar’s Ideological Capacity to Counter Extremism

Authors: Dina Tawfic, Robert Hassan


The current chapter addresses Al-Azhar's strategy to counter extremism in tandem with reflecting on the ideology of the Islamic establishment itself. The topic is motivated by the fact that some of the Western governments have been relying on Al-Azhar to counter the ideology of Islamist radicalism and violent extremism, in particular during the rise of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (known as ISIS/ ISIL/ Daesh) in 2014/2015. In his visit to Egypt in June 2016, Brett McGurk, the then U.S. envoy for the global coalition to counter ISIS, commended Al-Azhar’s “intellectual and reforming role” in refuting the ideology of extremism. On the other hand, Egyptian liberal intellectuals, such as Farag Fouda (1945- 1992) and Nasr Hamed Abu Zeid (1943-2010), had always questioned the ideological capability of Al-Azhar to counter extremism, citing the rigidity and resistance of the Islamic establishment to carry out genuine reformation. This chapter aims to discuss the following research questions: what is the strategy of Al-Azhar to counter extremism? Does Al-Azhar have a solid strategy to combat online propaganda produced by violent extremist groups? Is it applicable to identify Al-Azhar ideological identity? and is it capable of countering extremism? To answer these questions, I conducted intensive interviews with seven senior scholars and officials at Al-Azhar and the Endowments ministry from September to December 2020. Using a qualitative approach as a backdrop, this project uses semi-structured interviews to collect data. Participants were briefed on the purpose of the study and consented to be interviewed and to record their interviews. Some of the participants chose to conceal their names. All the interviews were conducted in Arabic via Zoom. The researcher then transcribed and translated the interviews into English. A purposive sample is used to select the seven interviewees, based on their prominence and experience in the field of counter-extremism and Al-Azhar affairs. The researcher uses a snowball sample to select the sample, in which a personal contact recommends other officials within the establishment.

Keywords: Al-Azhar, Egypt, Counter-Extremism, Political Islam, Ideology

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3 Examining Terrorism through a Constructivist Framework: Case Study of the Islamic State

Authors: Shivani Yadav


The Study of terrorism lends itself to the constructivist framework as constructivism focuses on the importance of ideas and norms in shaping interests and identities. Constructivism is pertinent to understand the phenomenon of a terrorist organization like the Islamic State (IS), which opportunistically utilizes radical ideas and norms to shape its ‘politics of identity’. This ‘identity’, which is at the helm of preferences and interests of actors, in turn, shapes actions. The paper argues that an effective counter-terrorism policy must recognize the importance of ideas in order to counter the threat arising from acts of radicalism and terrorism. Traditional theories of international relations, with an emphasis on state-centric security problematic, exhibit several limitations and problems in interpreting the phenomena of terrorism. With the changing global order, these theories have failed to adapt to the changing dimensions of terrorism, especially ‘newer’ actors like the Islamic State (IS). The paper observes that IS distinguishes itself from other terrorist organizations in the way that it recruits and spreads its propaganda. Not only are its methods different, but also its tools (like social media) are new. Traditionally, too, force alone has rarely been sufficient to counter terrorism, but it seems especially impossible to completely root out an organization like IS. Time is ripe to change the discourse around terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies. The counter-terrorism measures adopted by states, which primarily focus on mitigating threats to the national security of the state, are preoccupied with statist objectives of the continuance of state institutions and maintenance of order. This limitation prevents these theories from addressing the questions of justice and the ‘human’ aspects of ideas and identity. These counter-terrorism strategies adopt a problem-solving approach that attempts to treat the symptoms without diagnosing the disease. Hence, these restrictive strategies fail to look beyond calculated retaliation against violent actions in order to address the underlying causes of discontent pertaining to ‘why’ actors turn violent in the first place. What traditional theories also overlook is that overt acts of violence may have several causal factors behind them, some of which are rooted in the structural state system. Exploring these root causes through the constructivist framework helps to decipher the process of ‘construction of terror’ and to move beyond the ‘what’ in theorization in order to describe ‘why’, ‘how’ and ‘when’ terrorism occurs. Study of terrorism would much benefit from a constructivist analysis in order to explore non-military options while countering the ideology propagated by the IS.

Keywords: constructivism, counter terrorism, Islamic State, politics of identity

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2 ISIS and Social Media

Authors: Neda Jebellie


New information and communication technologies (ICT) not only has revolutionized the world of communication but has also strongly impacted the state of international terrorism. Using the potential of social media, the new wave of terrorism easily can recruit new jihadi members, spread their violent ideology and garner financial support. IS (Islamic State) as the most dangerous terrorist group has already conquered a great deal of social media space and has deployed sophisticated web-based strategies to promote its extremist doctrine. In this respect the vastly popular social media are the perfect tools for IS to establish its virtual Caliphate (e-caliphate) and e-Ommah (e-citizen).Using social media to release violent videos of beheading journalists, burning their hostages alive and mass killing of prisoners are IS strategies to terrorize and subjugate its enemies. Several Twitter and Facebook accounts which are IS affiliations have targeted young generation of Muslims all around the world. In fact IS terrorists use modern resources of communication not only to share information and conduct operations but also justify their violent acts. The strict Wahhabi doctrine of ISIS is based on a fundamental interpretation of Islam in which religious war against non Muslims (Jihad) and killing infidels (Qatal) have been praised and recommended. Via social media IS disseminates its propaganda to inspire sympathizers across the globe. Combating this new wave of terrorism which is exploiting new communication technologies is the most significant challenge for authorities. Before the rise of internet and social media governments had to control only mosques and religious gathering such as Friday sermons(Jamaah Pray) to prevent spreading extremism among Muslims community in their country. ICT and new communication technologies have heighten the challenge of dealing with Islamic radicalism and have amplified its threat .According to the official reports even some of the governments such as UK have created a special force of Facebook warriors to engage in unconventional warfare in digital age. In compare with other terrorist groups, IS has effectively grasped social media potential. Their horrifying released videos on YouTube easily got viral and were re-twitted and shared by thousands of social media users. While some of the social media such as Twitter and Facebook have shut down many accounts alleged to IS but new ones create immediately so only blocking their websites and suspending their accounts cannot solve the problem as terrorists recreate new accounts. To combat cyber terrorism focusing on disseminating counter narrative strategies can be a solution. Creating websites and providing online materials to propagate peaceful and moderate interpretation of Islam can provide a cogent alternative to extremist views.

Keywords: IS-islamic state, cyber terrorism, social media, terrorism, information, communication technologies

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1 Islam and Democracy: A Paradoxical Study of Syed Maududi and Javed Ghamidi

Authors: Waseem Makai


The term ‘political Islam’ now seem to have gained the centre stage in every discourse pertaining to Islamic legitimacy and compatibility in modern civilisations. A never ceasing tradition of the philosophy of caliphate that has kept overriding the options of any alternate political institution in the Muslim world still permeates a huge faction of believers. Fully accustomed with the proliferation of changes and developments in individual, social and natural dispositions of the world, Islamic theologians retaliated to this flux through both conventional and modernist approaches. The so-called conventional approach was quintessential of the interpretations put forth by Syed Maududi, with new comprehensive, academic and powerful vigour, as never seen before. He generated the avant-garde scholarship which would bear testimony to his statements, made to uphold the political institution of Islam as supreme and noble. However, it was not his trait to challenge the established views but to codify them in such a bracket which a man of the 20th century would find captivating to his heart and satisfactory to his rationale. The delicate microcosms like selection of a caliph, implementation of Islamic commandments (Sharia), interest free banking sectors, imposing tax (Jazyah) on non-believers, waging the holy crusade (Jihad) for the expansion of Islamic boundaries, stoning for committing adulteration and capital punishment for apostates were all there in his scholarship which he spent whole of his life defending in the best possible manner. What and where did he went wrong with all this, was supposedly to be notified later, by his once been disciple, Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. Ghamidi is being accused of struggling between Scylla and Charybdis as he tries to remain steadfast to his basic Islamic tenets while modernising their interpretations to bring them in harmony with the Western ideals of democracy and liberty. His blatant acknowledgement of putting democracy at a high pedestal, calling the implementation of Sharia a non-mandatory task and denial to bracket people in the categories of Zimmi and Kaafir fully vindicates his stance against conventional narratives like that of Syed Maududi. Ghamidi goes to the extent of attributing current forms of radicalism and extremism, as exemplified in the operations of organisations like ISIS in Iraq and Syria and Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan, to such a version of political Islam as upheld not only by Syed Maududi but by other prominent theologians like Ibn-Timyah, Syed Qutub and Dr. Israr Ahmad also. Ghamidi is wretched, in a way that his allegedly insubstantial claims gained him enough hostilities to leave his homeland when two of his close allies were brutally murdered. Syed Maududi and Javed Ghamidi, both stand poles apart in their understanding of Islam and its political domain. Who has the appropriate methodology, scholarship and execution in his mode of comprehension, is an intriguing task, worth carrying out in detail.

Keywords: caliphate, democracy, ghamidi, maududi

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