Search results for: protest

Authors: Ali Aqa Mohammad Jawad

Abstract:

Taking a relational approach, this paper analyzes the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Enlightening Movement in post-2001 Afghanistan. The movement emerged after the state-owned Da Afghan Bereshna Sherkat (DABS) decided to divert the route for the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TUTAP) electricity project. The grid was initially planned to go through the Hazara-inhabited province of Bamiyan, according to Afghanistan’s Power Sector Master Plan. The reroute served as an aide-mémoire of historical subordination to other ethno-religious groups for the Hazara community. It was also perceived as deprivation from post-2001 development projects, financed by international aid. This torched the accumulated grievances, which then gave birth to the Enlightening Movement. The movement had a successful mobilization. However, it demobilized after losing much of its mobilizing capabilities through an amalgamation of external and internal relational factors. The successful mobilization yet rapid demobilization constitutes the puzzle of this paper. From the theoretical perspective, this paper is significant as it establishes the applicability of contentious politics theory to protest mobilizations that occurred in Afghanistan, a context-specific, characterized by ethnic politics. Both primary and secondary data are utilized to address the puzzle. As for the primary resources, media coverage, interviews, reports, public media statements of the movement, involved in contentious performances, and data from Social Networking Services (SNS) are used. The covered period is from 2001-2018. As for the secondary resources, published academic articles and books are used to give a historical account of contentious politics. For data analysis, a qualitative comparative historical method is utilized to uncover the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Movement. In this pursuit, both mobilization and demobilization are considered as larger political processes that could be decomposed to constituent mechanisms. Enlightening Movement’s framing and campaigns are first studied to uncover the associated mechanisms. Then, to avoid introducing some ad hoc mechanisms, the recurrence of mechanisms is checked against another case. Mechanisms qualify as robust if they are “recurrent” in different episodes of contention. Checking the recurrence of causal mechanisms is vital as past contentious events tend to reinforce future events. The findings of this paper suggest that the public sphere in Afghanistan is drastically different from Western democracies known as the birthplace of social movements. In Western democracies, when institutional politics did not respond, movement organizers occupied the public sphere, undermining the legitimacy of the government. In Afghanistan, the public sphere is ethicized. Considering the inter- and intra-relational dynamics of ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the movement reduced to an erosive inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. This undermined the cohesiveness of the movement, which then kicked-off its demobilization process.

Keywords: enlightening movement, contentious politics, mobilization, demobilization

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Authors: Edward Hwang

Abstract:

The efficiency of public policies depends on customer's satisfaction, and the change directions of public policies hinge on customer's assessment; i.e., the performance of public policies in governments is decided by the citizen's administrative satisfaction! The governments in all levels must heave their efficiency and effectiveness of public services to meet the people's substantially multiple needs in order to make citizens trust the governmental operation styles. To pursue the societal equality and justice, governments should treat people equally and provide more services for the disadvantages. The recent Dapu protest event involves Miaoli county Magistrate Liu cheng-hung who arbitrarily demolished houses and destroyed farmlands, and it shifts his popularity into disaffection. Liu case tells us that the political events are lethal to politicians; it cut almost 20% satisfaction degree for Magistrate Liu and hurt KMT support levels nationally. In terms of administrative satisfaction levels, political factors do matter, especially for the derogated events.

Keywords: local politics, administrative satisfaction, Taiwan, customer satisfaction

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Authors: Zahra Afshordi

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Instagram, as an everyday life social network, hosts from the ultrasound image of an unborn fetus to the pictures of newly placed gravestones and funerals. It is a platform that allows its users to create a second identity independently from and at the same time in relation to the real space identity. The motives behind this identification are what this article is about. This article studies the motivations of Instagram users mourning for celebrities with a focus on the death of MohammadReza Shajarian. The Shajarian’s death had a wide reflection on Instagram Persian-speaking users. The purpose of this qualitative survey is to comprehend and study the user’s motivations in posting mourning and memorializing content. The methodology of the essay is a hybrid methodology consisting of content analysis and open-ended interviews. The results highlight that users' motives are more than just simple sympathy and include political protest, gaining cultural capital, reaching social status, and escaping from solitude.

Keywords: case study, celebrity, identity, Instagram, mourning, qualitative survey

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Authors: Priya Sepaha

Abstract:

Social media has loomed as the most effective tool in recent times to flag the causes, contents, opinions and direction of any social movement and has demonstrated that it will have a far-reaching effect on government as well. This study focuses on India which has emerged as the fastest growing community on social media. Social movement activists, in particular, have extensively utilized the power of digital social media to streamline the effectiveness of social protest on a particular issue through extensive successful mass mobilizations. This research analyses the role and impact of social media as a power to catalyze the social movements in India and further seeks to describe how certain social movements are resisted, subverted, co-opted and/or deployed by social media. The impact assessment study has been made with the help of cases, policies and some social movement which India has witnessed the assertion of numerous social issues perturbing the public which eventually paved the way for remarkable judicial decisions. The paper concludes with the observations that despite its pros and cons, the impacts of social media on the functioning of the Indian Government have demonstrated that it has already become an indispensable tool in the hands of social media-suave Indians who are committed to bring about a desired change.

Keywords: social media, social movements, impact, law, government

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Authors: Teresa Wanjiru Mbatia

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On 7th June 2011, the government Minister of Roads in Kenya announced the proposed construction of a major highway known as a southern bypass to run on the northern border of the Nairobi National Park. The following day on 8th June 2011, the chairperson of the Friends of Nairobi National Park (FONNAP) posted a protest statement on their website, with the heading, ‘Nairobi Park is Not a cake’ alerting its members and conservation groups, with the aim of getting support to the campaign against the government’s intention to hive off a section of the park for road construction. This was the first and earliest statement that led to a series of other events that culminated in conservationists and some other members of the public campaign against the government’s plan to hive off sections of the park to build road and railway infrastructure in or around the park. Together with other non-state actors, mostly non-governmental organisations in conservation/environment and tourism businesses, FoNNAP issued a series of other statements on social, print and electronic media to battle against road and railway construction. This paper examined the strategies, outcomes and interests of actors involved in opposing/proposing the development of transport infrastructure in and around the Nairobi National Park. Specifically, the objectives were to analyse the: (1) Arguments put forward by the eco-warriors to protest infrastructure development; (2) Background and interests of the eco-warriors; (3) Needs/interests and opinions of ordinary common citizens on transport infrastructural development, particularly in and around the urban nature reserve and (4) Final outcomes of the eco-politics surrounding infrastructure development in and around Nairobi National Park. The methodological approach used was environmental history and the social construction of nature. The study collected combined qualitative data using four main approaches, the grounded theory approach, narratives, case studies and a phenomenological approach. The information collected was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The major findings of the study were that under the guise of “public participation,” influential non-state actors have the capacity to perpetuate social-spatial inequalities in the form of curtailing the majority from accessing common public goods. A case in point in this study is how the efforts of powerful conservationists, environmentalists, and tourism businesspersons managed to stall the construction of much-needed road and railway infrastructure severally through litigations in lengthy environmental court processes involving injunctions and stop orders to the government bodies in charge. Moreover, powerful non-state actors were found to have formed informal and sometimes formal coalitions with politicians with selfish interests, which serves to deepen the exclusionary practices and the common good. The study concludes that mostly composed of certain types of elites (NGOs, business communities, politicians and privileged social-cultural groups), non-state actors have used participatory policies to advance their own interests at the expense of the majority whom they claim to represent. These practices are traced to the historically unjust social, political, and economic forces involved in the production of space in Nairobi.

Keywords: eco-politics, exclusion, infrastructure, Nairobi national park, non-state actors, protests

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Authors: Awais Ahmad

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People of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) remains underrepresented in Pakistan’s mainstream media and their miseries and concerns are unheard and unnoticed. Rising the incidents of human rights violation in KP province of Pakistan, and its absence in the mainstream media has raised many questions on the clause of press freedom known as 19/A in the constitution of Pakistan, that has claimed freedom of speech to all Pakistani citizens. Using a ‘think a loud’ research technique, senior most journalists of KP have been interviewed to get to know reasons of why and how Pashtun’s voices have been silenced in a democratic country where individual’s opinion is considered more powerful, and they can exercise freedom to protest and speak-up for their rights. The information collected from the journalists has been used to evaluate press freedom in KP and FATA by applying the institutional theory. The paper evaluates different recent cases where Pashtun journalists, media outlets and social activists were being punished for criticizing authorities and military establishment. This study also explores that the perception of local journalists regarding press freedom and what are the factors they consider it restrictions while they perform their duties.

Keywords: press freedom, federally administered tribal areas (fata), khyber pakhtunkhwa (kp), military establishment

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Authors: Dani Karmakar

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In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

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Authors: C. Arslan, K. Yakar

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Social media is one of the most important and effective means of social interaction among people in which they create, share and exchange their ideas via photos, videos or voice messages. Although there are lots of communication tools. Social media sites are the most prominent ones that allows the users articulate themselves in a matter of seconds all around the world with almost any expenses and thus, they became very popular and widespread after its emergence. As the usage of social media increases, it becomes an effective instrument in social matters. While it is possible to use social media to emphasize basic human rights and protest some failures of any government as in “Arab Spring”, it is also possible to spread propaganda and misinformation just to cause long lasting insurgency, upheaval, turmoil or disorder as an instrument of intervention to internal affairs and state sovereignty by some hostile groups or countries. It is certain that social media has positive effects on participation in democracies allowing people express themselves freely and limitlessly, but obviously, the misuse of it is very common and it is quite possible that even a five-minute-long video record can topple down a government or give a solid reason to a government to review its policies on some certain areas. As one of the most important and effective means of participation, social media presents some opportunities as well as risks. In this study, the place of social media for participation in democracies will be demonstrated under the light of opportunities and risks.

Keywords: social media, democracy, participation, risks, opportunities

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Authors: Beth Vale

Abstract:

Academic research has often neglected the city after dark. Surprisingly little consideration has been given to the every night life of cities: the spatial tactics and creative insurgencies of urban residents when night falls. The focus on ‘pleasure’ in the nocturnal city has often negated the subtle politics of night-time play, embedded in expressions of identity, attachment and resistance. This paper investigates Johannesburg nightclubs as sites of quotidian political labour, through which young people contest social space and their place in it, thereby contributing to the city’s effective and socio-political cartography. The tactical remodelling of the nocturnal city through nightclubbing traces lines of desire (material, emotional, sexual), affiliation, and fear. These in turn map onto young people’s expressions of their social and political identities, as well as their attempts at place-making in a ‘post-apartheid’ context. By examining the micro-politics of the cities' nightclubs, this paper speaks back to an earlier post-94 literature, which regularly characterised Johannesburg youth as superficial, individualist and idealistic. Similarly, some might position nightclubs as sites of frivolous consumption or liberatory permissiveness. Yet because nightclub spaces are racialised, classed and gendered, historically-signified and socially regulated, they are also profoundly political. Through ordinary encounters on the cities' dancefloors, young Jo’burgers are imagining, contesting and negotiating their socio-political identities and indeed their claims to the city. Meanwhile, the politics of this generation of youth, who are increasingly critical of the utopian post-apartheid city, are being increasingly inserted and coopted into night-time cultures. Data for this study was gathered through five months of ethnographic fieldwork in Johannesburg nightclubs, including over 120 hours of participant observation and in-depth interviews with organisers and partygoers. Interviewees recognised that parties, rather than being simple frivolity, are a cacophony of celebration, mourning, worship, rage, rebellion and attachment. Countering standard associations between partying and escapism, party planners, venue owners and nightclub audiences were infusing night-time infrastructures with the aesthetics of politics and protest. Not unlike parties, local political assemblies so often rely on music, dance, the occupation of space, and a heaving crowd. References to social movements, militancy and anti-establishment emerged in nightclub themes, dress codes and décor. Metaphors of fire crossed over between party and protest, both of which could be described as having ‘been lit’ or having ‘brought flames’. More so, young people’s articulations of the city’s night-time geography, and their place in it, reflected articulations of race, class and ideological affiliation. The location, entrance fees and stylistic choices of one’s chosen club destination demarcated who was welcome, while also signalling membership to a particular politics (whether progressive or materialistic, inclusive or elitist, mainstream or counter-culture). Because of their ability to divide and unite, aggravate and titillate, mask and reveal, club cultures might offer a mirror to the complex socialities of a generation of Jo’burg youth, as they inhabit, and bring into being, a contemporary South African city.

Keywords: affect, Johannesburg, nightclub, nocturnal city, politics

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Authors: Moshreka Aditi Huq

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This study shows how a progressive portion of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh contributed as the solidarity activist entities in a movement of tea workers that became the symbol of their unique moral struggle. Their passive yet sharp way of resistance, with the integration of mass tea workers of a tea estate, got demonstrated against certain private companies and government officials who approached to establish a special economic zone inside the tea garden without offering any compensation and rehabilitation for poor tea workers. Due to massive protests and rebellion, the authorized entrepreneurs had to step back and called off the project immediately. The extraordinary features of this movement generated itself from the deep core social need of indigenous tea workers who are still imprisoned in the colonial cage. Following an anthropological and ethnographic perspective, this study adopted the main three techniques of intensive interview, focus group discussion, and laborious observation, to extract empirical data. The intensive interviews were undertaken informally using a mostly conversational approach. Focus group discussions were piloted among various representative groups where observations prevailed as part of the regular documentation process. These were conducted among civil intellectual entities, tea workers, tea estate authorities, civil service authorities, and business officials to obtain a holistic view of the situation. The fieldwork was executed in capital Dhaka city, along with northern areas like Chandpur-Begumkhan Tea Estate of Chunarughat Upazilla and Habiganj city of Habiganj District of Bangladesh. Correspondingly, secondary data were accessed through books, scholarly papers, archives, newspapers, reports, leaflets, posters, writing blog, and electronic pages of social media. The study results find that: (1) civil intellectuals opposed state-sponsored business impositions by producing counter-discourse and struggled against state hegemony through the phases of the movement; (2) instead of having the active physical resistance, civil intellectuals’ strength was preferably in passive form which was portrayed through their intellectual labor; (3) the combined movement of tea workers and civil intellectuals reflected on social security of ethnic worker communities that contrasts state’s pseudo-development motives which ultimately supports offensive and oppressive neoliberal growths of economy; (4) civil intellectuals are revealed as having certain functional limitations in the process of movement organization as well as resource mobilization; (5) in specific contexts, the genuine need of protest by indigenous subaltern can overshadow intellectual elitism and helps to raise the voices of ‘subjugated knowledge’. This study is quite likely to represent two sets of apparent protagonist entities in the discussion of social injustice and oppressive development intervention. On the one, hand it may help us to find the basic functional characteristics of civil intellectuals in Bangladesh when they are in a passive mode of resistance in social movement issues. On the other hand, it represents the community ownership and inherent protest tendencies of indigenous workers when they feel threatened and insecure. The study seems to have the potential to understand the conditions of ‘subjugated knowledge’ of subalterns. Furthermore, being the memory and narratives, these ‘activism mechanisms’ of social entities broadens the path to understand ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ in more fascinating ways.

Keywords: civil intellectuals, resistance, subjugated knowledge, indigenous

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Authors: Marvin R. Tenecio

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The analysis of "religious resistance" has been prevalent in Asian and Philippine studies. Discussions on religious resistance from a variety of perspectives are deemed as crucial turning points in the concept's ongoing development and expansion. By broadening the backdrop of religious protest between the early 1960s and the late 1980s, the researchers contend that a study examining the role carried by the Catholic Church in the upheavals against dictatorships in South Korea and the Philippines would be beneficial to the body of knowledge. This study examines a variety of historical writings about the activities occurring at that time. The researchers also compare and contrast the Catholic Church's contributions to the Korean and Philippine resistance against Park Chung-Hee and Ferdinand Marcos Sr., respectively, during the early 1960s until the late 1980s, using the lens of history from below, particularly the Pasyon and Revolution. The Catholic Church stood out against human rights abuses, promoted social justice, and mobilized the public for political reform in response to the dictatorships in South Korea and the Philippines. Even though the specific circumstances and personalities may have changed, the Church's position in both countries was vital in opposing authoritarian governments and supporting democratic movements.

Keywords: resistance, movements, catholic, church, dictatorship

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Authors: Liberty Takudzwa Nyete

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This paper examines the feminine representation of women’s experiences in relation to womanhood as depicted by selected three South African female authors:. The study examines the challenges, difficulties and strategies used by various female characters’ to deal with situations in a typical apartheid and post-apartheid society. It also explores the way in which gender, race and class discourses are treated in the selected texts. The three authors, born and bred at the peak of the anti-apartheid movement and women’s protest against patriarchy, witnessed the effects of apartheid on both their families and societies at large which could perhaps have influenced their writing. The study is informed by both the feminist and womanist ideologies postulated by different theorists. In particular, the study of Not Woman Enough considers issues of motherhood, womanhood and racism; while that of Shameless focuses on the importance of women’s narration of their own stories, sexuality and racism; and the depiction of sexual violence, class, and women’s roles in the fight against oppression is explored with regard to This Book Betrays My Brother. Thus, the study concludes on the social makeovers that include women in all the spheres of life, such as education and the economy, which were largely dominated by men but are no longer defined by economic status, physical attributes, class nor sexuality.

Keywords: apartheid, feminism, prostitution, sexual violence, womanism, womanhood

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Authors: Olivia Martina Dalla Torre

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The aim of this paper is to describe and analyse some urban writings that emerge in politically disputed areas, namely the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and more specifically in Deheishe refugee camp. These graffiti are visible on the walls of houses, all around the camp, and they convey messages of protest but also of hope or claim about the complex political situation in the occupied territories. These graffiti can be then interpreted as political and politicized semiotic resources. In this paper, after having introduced the political situation of the Palestinian Territories in a historical perspective, we will question a specific dimension of these writings, i.e., their multilingual and ideological aspect. To do this, we will focus on ethnographic fieldwork on Deheishe refugee camp and we will draw on the theoretical framework of the critical communication studies which assert that language practices are not neutral and that they need to be understood through the lens of the historical context of production, crossing space and time. By analysing the relationship between the discursive constructions of the messages and the languages used, we will point out some of the possible reasons and functions of the presence of these multilingual discursive productions. We will show that if, on the one hand, these graffiti confirm the huge presence of Western actors in the region, on the other hand, they attest the presence of an international movement against the Israeli occupation and against other struggles as well. Concluding, we will argue that multilingualism certainly represents a diversification of the linguistic landscape and that it gives a transnational and political dimension to the graffiti.

Keywords: communication, graffiti, multilingualism, Palestine, transnationalism

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Authors: Smoki Musaraj

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Classic studies of the Mediterranean as a cultural and geographic unit of analysis have emphasized the theme of cosmopolitan urbanism as a key feature of the Mediterranean city. This paper explores the Mediterranean city today, considering continuities and ruptures from images of the Mediterranean of the past. The paper seeks to address the following questions: What are some defining characteristics of Mediterranean cities today? What are some of the shared challenges? The paper focuses on two interrelated themes: public space and tourism management. Several examples of protest and contestation in Mediterranean cities will be analyzed. These examples include cities where tourism presents opportunities and challenges to city planning and management; and where new private and public developments threaten the management of public space. The paper draws on ethnographic research in the city of Saranda, Albania, a small attractive tourist destination on the border with Greece, and Barcelona, Spain, a leading example of urban transformation and tourism massification. While different in size and popularity, both cities share some similar developments and contestations. In both cities, authorities have taken up different strategies to manage tourism and restore public space. The comparison will focus on social movements in the respective cities that target tourism and urban development in the name of preserving theirMediterraneaness. These examples are used to reflect more broadly on what are some features of the Mediterranean city today and how they can be preserved in the current climate of tourism expansion of urban development boom.

Keywords: mediterranean, urbanism, tourism, public space, anthropology, human geography, sustainability

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Authors: Anna Jagielska

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Five years ago, the word ‘gender’ was discussed in Poland exclusively in academic contexts. One year later, it was chosen as the word of the year and omnipresent in the Polish media. The rapid career of this word is due to the involvement of the Polish church hierarchy who strategically brought this term into relation with abortion, pornography and paedophilia. ‘Gender’ is more than a political slogan. It is a symbol of social anxiety and moral panic in Poland which need to be historically considered. The aim of this paper is to present selected rhetorical strategies used by the Polish Catholic clergy who strive to have an impact on the current gender discourse in Poland. In particular, the gender debate, culminated in the pastoral letter of the Bishops' Conference of Poland, will be discussed. The church’s protest against the Council of Europe’s Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence will be analyzed and the recent heated debates in Poland on contraception, abortion, in vitro fertilization, and sex education will be mentioned. To provide explanations on the specificity of Polish gender debates the role of the Catholic Church in the fall of communism in Poland as well as the charismatisation of Polish society by Pope John Paul II will be explained. The social constructions of communism and feminism which are manifested in both written and symbolic contracts on gender equality between the Church and the State will be demonstrated. At the end of the paper, theories about the changing role of religion in society will be applied.

Keywords: gender, Poland, religion, catholicism, feminism

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Authors: Muhammad Feteha

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The socio-political Middle East scene has radically changed over the last decade, and one major contributor to this change was the Egyptian revolution of 2011. The massive impact of this revolution that originally started as a small protest in the Tahrir square has attracted more scholars to study the public space in Egypt, where it has become a necessity in order to understand and improve the socio-political conditions. The status of public space in Egypt has been deteriorating due to many reasons, including privatization and neglect. This paper studies one of the major problems of the contemporary public space in Cairo, which is the lack of identity. This takes place through a comparative analysis between selected case studies from both medieval and contemporary Cairo. The theoretical framework upon which the analysis is based views public space as a ‘container of social action’ and a ‘product of spatial practice’. Through the ‘deciphering of space’, differences in the socio-political role, symbolism, and identity of public spaces between both eras are shown. The paper aims to extract some lessons from public space in medieval Cairo, which was truly the ‘centerpiece of the public realm’ and a ‘fundamental expressions’ of the unique trans-dynastic architectural identity of Cairo. In addition, it suggests some strategies to revive the Cairene identity of public space instead of constructing new ones to be only ‘utilitarian spaces used for circulation’ and lack any identity.

Keywords: architectural identity, Cairene public space, Islamic architectural history, production of space

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Authors: Prasenjit Panda

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Jean Rhys’s Wide Sargasso Sea, a prequel to Bronte’s Jane Eyre, explores the history of the other and gives voices to the people who were silenced and kept under the darkness of negation and denial for a long time. Jean Wide Sargasso Sea provides an alternative understanding of Charlotte Brontë’s mad Creole woman, i.e., Bertha Mason of Jane Eyre in the postcolonial context. Rhys transforms Charlotte Bronte’s Victorian romance into a realistic narrative. In doing so, she re-reads Bertha as Antoinette, the unspeakable figure of otherness, into an unnameable self, and creates a new stage for the inner self. She in the novel is no longer a lunatic heiress in Rochester’s attic rather in this novel she finds her fantasy, dream and most importantly, voice. Rhys peeps through the character of Antoinette through her fragmented memories, dreams, and identity. Antoinette’s identity is mutilated constantly in the conflicts between colonizers and colonized, male and female, black and white. We shall use postcolonial theories like Bhaba’s hybridity and third space as a methodology to reveal the dialectics of struggle of a doubly colonized woman.We shall see that Bertha Mason was neglected by Bronte because of her madness and was locked in the Rochester’s Attic, but here Rhys beautifully converts her madness as a language of Antoinette, a language for her protest, a language for her liberation, a language for her dreams. In this present paper, we shall try to show how Antoinette tries to free her soul and body from the clutches of her multiple existences, identity, and narratives.

Keywords: colonizer, dislocation, fragmented memories, identity, narratives

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Authors: Ada Yurman

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Social reactions to deviant groups with political goals follow two central patterns; one that associates personal characteristics with deviant behavior, and the other that claims that society is to be blamed for deviant behavior. The establishment usually tends towards the former notion and thus disclaims any responsibility for the distress of the underprivileged, while it is usually those who oppose government policies who believe that the fault lies with society. The purpose of the present research was to examine social reactions to the Wadi Salib riots that occurred in Haifa in 1959. These riots represented the first ethnic protest within Israeli society with its ideology of the ingathering of the exiles. The central question was whether this ideology contributed to the development of a different reaction when compared to reactions to similar events abroad. This question was examined by means of analyzing articles in the Israeli press of that period. The Israeli press representing the views of the establishment was at pains to point out that the rioters were criminals, their object being to obstruct the development of society. Opposition party leaders claimed that the rioters lived in poor circumstances, which constituted a direct result of government policies. An analysis of press reports on the Wadi Salib riots indicates a correspondence between the reaction to these events and similar events abroad. Nevertheless, the reaction to the Wadi Salib riots did not only express a conflict between different political camps, but also different symbolic universes. Each group exploited the events at Wadi Salib to prove that their ideology was the legitimate one.

Keywords: riots, media, political deviance, symbolic universe

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Authors: Shafag Dadashova

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The study discusses relativity of perception and interpretation of power, its interdependence with conformity level of an individual. It describes an autobiography as a form of epiphany. It is suggested that life-writing helps the author analyze the past and define the borders of his personal power and sources of empowerment. As all life-writings deal with behaviors, values, attitudes, relationships and emotions, their investigation requires qualitative methods to understand social norms, gender roles, religion, and their role in empowerment and disempowerment of the author. The study consists of two parts. The first part is theoretical and interrogates the notion of personal power and how writing the own life can bring to conscious empowerment. The second part presents two autobiographies by female authors from two different Muslim cultures who negotiate between the larger nationalist agenda and their own personal concerns. These autobiographies (Tehmina Durrani, Pakistani author ‘My Feudal Lord’, Banine, Azerbaijani writer 'Caucasian days' and 'Parisian days') are the end of their authors’ long silence, their revolt against the conventional norms, their decision to have an agency to confess and protest. These autobiographies are the authors’ attempts to break the established matrix of perceptions, imposed norms, and gain power to build the real picture of their identity. The study sums up with the conclusion that in spite of very similar motifs of female authors to get empowered through self-analysis, different cultures and time create specific subjectivities associated with particular historical events and geographical location.

Keywords: conformity level, empowerment, female autobiography, self-identity

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Authors: Cetin Arslan, Senol Tayan

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Social media is one of the most important and effective means of social interaction among people in which they create, share and exchange their ideas via photos, videos or voice messages. Although there are lots of communication tools, social media sites are the most prominent ones that allows the users articulate themselves in a matter of seconds all around the world with almost any expenses and thus, they became very popular and widespread after its emergence. As the usage of social media increases, it becomes an effective instrument in social matters. While it is possible to use social media to emphasize basic human rights and protest some failures of any government as in “Arab Spring”, it is also possible to spread propaganda and misinformation just to cause long lasting insurgency, upheaval, turmoil or disorder as an instrument of intervention to internal affairs and state sovereignty by some hostile groups or countries. It is certain that “social media” has positive effects on democracies letting people have chance to express themselves and to organize, but it is also obvious that the misuse of it, is very common that even a five-minute-long video can cause to wage a campaign against a country. Although it looks anti-democratic, when you consider the catastrophic effects of misuse of social media, it is a kind of area that serious precautions are to be taken without limiting democratic rights while allowing constant and perpetual share but preventing the criminal events. This article begins with the current developments in social media and gives some examples on misuse of it. Second part tries to put emphasize on the legal basis that can prevent criminal activities and the upheavals and insurgencies against state security. Last part makes comparison between democratic countries and international organizations’’ actions against such activities and proposes some further actions that are compatible with democratic norms.

Keywords: democracy, disorder, security, Social Media

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Authors: Finn Lannon, Jenny Roth, Roland Deutsch, Eric Igou

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The world continues to be rife with economic inequality, which has an impact on how people think and behaves in response to large and often growing gaps in wealth. Large gaps in earnings between groups within a particular organization, area or society can create tension between groups. Collective action tendencies (to protest, sign a petition, vote on behalf of an ingroup etc.) are also a growing phenomenon globally. Research shows that economic inequality promotes social processes such as appraisals of illegitimacy, which are recognized antecedents of collective action. This paper examines different types of collective action intentions among middle-status group members in response to economic inequality in two studies. Study 1 (N = 72) demonstrates a causal link between high economic inequality and collective action intentions of middle-status group members both to reduce inequality and to improve group status. A second pre-registered study (N = 432) examines key drivers of these relationships, including illegitimacy appraisals and direction of intergroup comparison. Adding to the current understanding of the topic, distinctions between the illegitimacy of one’s group status and the illegitimacy of societal inequality are found to mediate key relationships between economic inequality and relevant collective action types. The direction of intergroup comparison (upwards vs. downwards) is also shown to have a significant impact on collective action intentions to improve group status. Findings add to the understanding of the consequences of economic inequality and drivers of collective action intentions.

Keywords: economic inequality, collective action, legitimacy, social psychology

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Authors: Vasanth Narayanan

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The mid-nineteenth century saw the Japanese elite and townsfolk alike undergo the now-infamous Ansei Edo earthquakes. The quakes decimated Japan in the final decades of the Tokugawa Era and, perhaps more consequentially, birthed a new genre of politically inspired artwork, the most notable of which are the namazu-e. This essay advocates an understanding of the 1855 Catfish Prints (namazu-e) that prioritizes the function of iconography and anthropomorphic deity in shaping the namazu-e into a wholly political experience that makes the censorship of the time part of its argument. The visual program is defined as the creation of a politically profitable experience, crafted through the union of explicit religion, highly masked commentary, and the impositions of censorship. The strategies by which the works are designed, in the face of censorship, to engage a less educated, pedestrian audience with its theme, including considerations of iconography, depictions of the working class, anthropomorphism, and the relationship between textual and visual elements, are discussed herein. The essay then takes up the question of the role of tense Japan–United States relations in fostering censorship and as a driver of the production of namazu-e. It is ultimately understood that the marriage of hefty censorship protocol, the explicitly religious medium, and inimical sentiment towards United States efforts at diplomacy renders the production of namazu-e an offspring of the censorship and deeply held frustrations of the time, cementing its status as a primitive form of peaceful protest against a seemingly apathetic government.

Keywords: Japan, Ansei Earthquake, Namazu, prints, censorship, religion

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Authors: Anand Choudhary

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Following the global economic crisis in 2008, businesses and more especially the big multinational conglomerates were increasingly viewed by the people world over as one of the major causes of the economic problems faced by millions globally, in terms of job loss and lifetime savings being wiped out as banks and pension funds went bankrupt and people stared at an insecure financial future. This caused a lot of resentment in the public against big businesses and fueled several protest movements by the people such as “Occupy Wall Street” in different parts of the world. This forced the big businesses to respond to the challenge by adopting more people-centric policies and initiatives for local communities in societies where they operate as part of their corporate social responsibility (CSR), in order to regain their social acceptance among the people whilst earning their ‘social license to operate’. The current paper studies many of such large MNCs across the United States of America, India and South Africa, which changed the way they did business earlier, following the global economic crisis in 2008, by incorporating capacity building initiatives for local communities as part of their CSR strategy and explores whether it has contributed to improving their financial performance. It is a conceptual research paper using secondary source data. The findings reveal that there is a positive correlation between the companies’ corporate social performance and corporate financial performance. In addition, the findings also bring to light that the MNCs examined as part of the current paper have improved their image in the eyes of their stakeholders following the change in their CSR strategy and initiatives.

Keywords: corporate social responsibility (CSR), Corporate Social Performance (CSP), Corporate Financial Performance (CFP), local communities

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Authors: Ahmad Syauqi

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This paper analyzes the permissibility of demonstrations against a leader's decision, policies, as well as statements against Islamic values from an Islamic point of view. Recorded at the end of 2016, a large demonstration in Jakarta involving many people, mostly from Muslim society against the former Governor of Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, was considered a form of harm to the value of harmony and the unity of religious communities in Indonesia. Hence, this paper aims to answer the question that became a tough discussion and a long debate among Indonesian Muslims after an immense demonstration known as the 212 movements, ‘how exactly Islam sees such act of demonstration?’. Is there any particular historical source in Islamic history that mention information related to demonstration? A phenomenological qualitative method was implemented throughout the process of this research to study the perspective of various Muslims scholars by reviewing, and comparing their opinions through the classical source of Islamic history and Hadith literature. One of the main roots of this extensive debate is due to the extremist group, which bans all forms of demonstration, assuming that such acts had come from the West and unknown culture in the Islamic history. In addition, they also claim that all the demonstrators are Bughat. While some other groups, freely declare that demonstration can be done anytime and anywhere, without specific terms and regulations associated. The findings of this research illustrate that the protests which we now know of today, in terms of demonstration had existed since ancient times, even from the time of the prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). This paper reveals that there is a strong evidence that demonstration is justified in Islamic law and has a historical root. This can, therefore, be a proposition of such permissibility. However, there are still a number of things one has to be aware of when it comes to the demonstration, and clearly, not all demonstrations are legal from the Islamic perspective.

Keywords: Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, demonstration, Muslim scholars, protest

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Authors: M. Sirajul Islam Molla

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Noise pollution has been a continuous and an increasing threat to human health in urban population all over the world. The situation in Bangladesh particularly in major cities has been dangerously aggravating. Despite the government of Bangladesh have laws in its hand to curb the noise pollution the authority’s reluctance in enforcing it, is making the situation worse. We do not see any difference in some other major cities of the South Asian Regional Countries like Delhi and Kathmandu, both of the cities are facing the same situation like Dhaka. With the expansion of technology-based township all over the world, the noise pollution has been an emerging threat to urban health. The information for this review has been derived from websites of GOs, NGOs, peer-reviewed papers, seminars and symposia. The worse situation of noise pollution results in people’s irritation and protest, but in many cases, the protesters are facing the wrath of the polluters. Two such consequences in Bangladesh have resulted in killing the protesters by the polluters – one happened in Dhaka city and the other in a rural town. The law-enforcing agencies proactively do not attempt to impose the law. Noise pollution has been increasing so rapidly that it has become a burden on human health in urban populations. Prolonged exposure to higher noise causes mental stress, sleeplessness, high blood pressure, cardiac failure, respiratory disorder, miscarriage and breaks attention of students to their studies and also irritates their behavior. The noise pollution-caused mortality has also been increasing all over the world. Recommendations from the international conferences such as ICUH should be forwarded to the United Nations. The UN then should pass it on to the concerned countries. The UN should also keenly monitor if the countries have appropriate plan to curb noise pollution to meet the sustainable development goals.

Keywords: decibel, environment, noise, pollution

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Authors: Govind Ji Pandey

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The divergent opinions in the society are important for its development but with reasonable restrictions. The world recently witnessed one of the most violent protests by a group against the editor and publisher of the magazine ‘Charlie Hebdo’ for publishing cartoon of their religious leader. The supporter of freedom of speech and expression around the world were in shock and termed it the strongest attack against the free speech. People all around the world condemned the killing of the journalists but many soft voices from several corners were also coming for reasonable restrictions on the freedom of speech and expression. Of late, Indian society has witnessed many protests and supports of films with controversial content. It is the beauty of the Indian democracy which gives an opportunity to all for discussion and debate on any issue that challenges established social norms. However, many organizations as well as individuals misuse it for their personal benefits. There have been many film directors who faced protest from several quarters for their controversial themes. This research aims at analyzing the controversial contents published in print media and shown in films. To understand the nature and frequency of such media reports, content analysis technique is used. The research also highlights the perception of the public regarding the controversies. For getting the popular opinion on the coverage of controversial content in cinema and print media, five hundred people from Lucknow, UP, India were randomly selected. The findings of this research are important to understand the response of media and society towards the controversial content presented in cinema and print media. The research highlights that how a handful of people curb free speech in a democratic country like India.

Keywords: cinema, censor board, free speech, liberty, social-religious beliefs

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Authors: Corlia van der Walt, Michele K. Havenga

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The study considers corporate governance regulation and practice in South African higher education institutions and makes recommendations for the improvement of current governance practices in this sector. The development of corporate governance principles and practices in South Africa, culminating in the King IV Report on Corporate Governance which was launched in November 2016, is discussed. King IV enjoys international recognition as a progressive corporate governance instrument. It was necessitated by the fundamental changes in business and society nationally and globally, as well as by the significant changes to South African company law introduced by new legislation. Corporate governance and the corporate form are narrowly associated, but there is general recognition that the principles of ethical and effective leadership are not restricted to corporations. Thus King IV was drafted with the express aim that it should apply to all organisations, regardless of their form of incorporation, and the report includes specific sector supplements in support of this aspiration. The South African higher education sector has of late been under intense scrutiny, and a few universities have been placed under administration because of poor governance practices. Universities have also been severely impacted by the consequences of what is generally known as ‘#FeesmustFall’, a student led protest movement initially aimed against the increase of fees at public universities, but which rapidly expanded to also include other concerns. It was clearly necessary to revisit corporate governance policy and practice in the sector. The review of the current higher education governance regime in light of the King IV recommendations, lessons from company law regarding the entrenchment and enforcement of corporate governance principles, and a comparison of higher education governance practices in selected other jurisdictions led to recommendations for the improvement of governance practices in South African higher education. It is further suggested that a sector supplement for higher education institutions may provide additional clarity. Some of the recommendations may be of comparative value for international higher education governance.

Keywords: committees, corporate governance, ethical leadership, higher education institutions, integrated reporting, King IV, sector supplements, sustainability

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Authors: Mohamed Faslan

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This research examines the impact of the politicization of the fishing dispute on India-Sri Lanka relations, particularly the influence of internal and party politics. The maritime border is clearly demarcated between India and Sri Lanka. India and Sri Lanka signed bilateral agreements on maritime boundaries in 1974 and 1976 respectively. They signed the United Nations Law of the Sea- III as well. Despite this, fishing disputes persist between the two nations. Tamil Nadu politics is closely linked with Sri Lankan Tamil issues and Tamil Nadu has been playing a significant role in Indo-Lanka relations. This is due to the fact that many Indian trawlers involved in fishing activities in Sri Lankan waters are from Tamil Nadu. The Government of Tamil Nadu is also very concerned about the issue of fishing in Sri Lankan waters. During the ethnic war, Sri Lankan fishermen were restricted on fishing activities in the Northern sea by the Sri Lankan Government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE). This created a vacuum in the Northern sea of Sri Lanka, and Indian trawlers filled the vacuum with the support of the LTTE. After the end of the war, Northern fishermen of Sri Lanka recommenced their fishing activities and realized that the Tamil Nadu trawlers had scooped their fishing resources. The Northern fishermen started to protest the invasion of Indian trawlers and pushed the Sri Lankan Government to stop the Indian trawlers. When Sri Lanka arrested Indian fishermen and confiscated their fishing boats, the Tamil Nadu Government used this as an opportunity to accuse Sri Lanka as having a Sinhalese government, to express feelings of hatred towards Sri Lanka due to the ethnic war against Tamils and tried to increase the voting bank by selling Tamil feelings. Thus, this research finds that Tamil Nadu does not associate this fishing dispute with Tamils in Sri Lanka but with the Sinhalese despite the status quo. This research has covered the Northern fishermen and stakeholders of Sri Lanka and could not do any field research in India due to visa restrictions. However, the researcher tries to balance the gap by referring to secondary sources and a few interviews with Indian scholars.

Keywords: Indo Lanka relations, fishing dispute, maritime border, Tamil Nadu & Sri Lankan waters

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Authors: Libia Jiménez Chávez

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This is a study of freedom riders and their courageous journey for civil rights, but the year was not 1961. It was 2003. This paper chronicles the emergence of a new civil rights movement for immigrant rights through an oral history of the 2003 U.S. Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride (IWFR). During the height of the post-9/11 immigrant repression, a bloc of organizations inspired by the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s mobilized 900 multinational immigrants and their allies in the fight for legal status, labor protections, family reunification, and civil rights. The activists visited over 100 U.S. cities, met with Congressional leaders in the nation’s capital, and led a rally of over 50,000 people in New York City. This unified effort set the groundwork for the national May Day immigration protests of 2006. Movements can be characterized in two distinct ways: physical movement and social movements. In the past, historians have considered immigrants both as people and as participants in social movements. In contrast, studies of recent migrants tend to say little about their involvement in immigrant political mobilizations. The dominant literature on immigration portrays immigrants as objects of exclusion, border enforcement, detention, and deportation instead of strategic political actors. This paper aims to change this perception. It considers the Freedom Riders both as immigrants who were literally on the move and as participants in a social movement. Through interviews with participants and archival video footage housed at the University of California Los Angeles, it is possible to study this mobile protest as a movement. This contemporary immigrant struggle is an opportunity to explore the makeup and development of a heterogenous immigrant coalition and consider the relationship between population movements and social justice. In addition to oral histories and archival research, the study will utilize social movement literature, U.S. immigration and labor history, and Undocumented Critical Theory to expand the historiography of immigrant social movements in America.

Keywords: civil rights, immigrant social movements, undocumented communities, undocumented critical theory

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Authors: Lee Artz

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Based on content analyses of major US media, immediately following the George Floyd killing in May 2020, some mayors and local, state, and national officials offered favorable representations of protests against police violence. As the protest movement grew to historic proportions with 26 million joining actions in large cities and small towns, dominant representations of racism by elected officials and leading media shifted—replacing both the voices and demands of protestors with representations by elected officials. Major media quoted Black mayors and Congressional representatives who emphasized concerns about looting and the disruption of public safety. Media coverage privileged elected officials who criticized movement demands for defunding police and deplored isolated instances of property damaged by protestors. Subsequently, public opinion polls saw an increase in concern for law and order tropes and a decrease in support for protests against police violence. Black Lives Matter and local organizations had no coordinated response and no effective means of communication to counter dominant representations voiced by politicians and globally disseminated by major media. Politician and media-instigated public opinion shifts indicate that social movements need their own means of communication and collective decision-making--both of which were largely missing from Black Lives Matter leaders, leading to disaffection and a political split by more than 20 local affiliates. By itself, social media by myriad individuals and groups had limited purchase as a means for social movement communication and organization. Lacking a collaborative, coordinated strategy, organization, and independent media, the loose network of Black Lives Matter groups was unable to offer more accurate, democratic, and favorable representations of protests and their demands for more justice and equality. The fight for equality was diverted by the fight for representation.

Keywords: black lives matter, public opinion, racism, representations, social movements

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